Energy and Environment

Food and Water Security

  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    Understanding the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act
    Play
    Heidi Crebo-Rediker, adjunct senior fellow at CFR, will discuss the provisions in the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) and implications for infrastructure projects at the state and municipal level. Albert Cho, senior vice president and chief strategy and digital officer at Xylem, will discuss how money is allocated to water infrastructure in the IIJA. FASKIANOS: Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We’re delighted to have participants from forty-eight states and U.S. territories joining us today. Thank you for taking the time to be with us. This discussion is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. CFR is also the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. Through our State and Local Officials initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governance by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. We are pleased to have Heidi Crebo-Rediker and Albert Cho with us today. We’ve shared highlights from both of their bios, but I will give you a brief overview. Heidi Crebo-Rediker is an adjunct senior fellow at CFR and a partner at International Capital Strategies. Prior to coming to CFR, she served as the U.S. Department of State’s first chief economist. Ms. Crebo-Rediker was also the chief of international finance and economics for the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Albert Cho is the senior vice president and chief strategy & digital officer at Xylem, where he’s responsible for efforts to digitize water infrastructure. Previously he was the senior advisor to the deputy secretary of the U.S. Department of State, and a White House fellow serving on the secretary of state’s policy planning staff. Mr. Cho serves on the board of directors for the U.S. Water Alliance and the Canadian Water Network. So thank you both for being with us. Heidi, let’s begin with you to give us an overview of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, and what was—what’s in it, what’s not, and metrics that the group should be looking for. CREBO-REDIKER: So, first of all, thank you, Irina, so much for inviting us both to come and speak today. When we’ve talked about infrastructure in the past, it’s always been, like, we have to do this—like a rallying cry. And even though a lot of the media attention has been on Build Back Better, you know, it overshadows the fact that we had a major victory—bipartisan victory in getting the 1.2 trillion (dollar) bipartisan infrastructure investment bill passed. And it includes Highway Trust Fund funding, but also 550 billion (dollars) in new infrastructure spending. And I guess what we’re here to talk about today is, you know, not just that this was monumental, but it’s really implementation time. So the passing of the law was just the start. It’s not meant to be a stimulus bill. It’s actually investment. It’s a—you know, it’s a marathon, not a sprint. And it’s really supposed to solve for a lot of the infrastructure deficit that we’ve had from a lack of investment over the course of the past several decades. So on the federal side they’re, you know, working on standing up a number of new programs that are addressing different policy issues. And Al’s going to go into more detail on water specifically. But on the state and local level, because so much infrastructure is owned and operated, looking at whether you are going to repair, renew, hire—you know, hire workers in a time of labor shortage, and still with the restrictions of COVID and some supply chain issues around construction of goods and materials. It’s a good time to gather this group together, because we’d like to learn from you as well. So in this I think we’ve widened the definition of infrastructure and looked at really expanding some of the objectives, in particular focusing on resilience, on climate and cyber resilience, looking at issues of equity in infrastructure investments. We put a huge—there’s a huge amount of funding in energy, money to upgrade the grid and transmission lines. And we’ve had a lot of creativity in the private sector, in state and local governments, and investment in new energy sources, clean energy sources, so that having a grid that is able to actually take on some of the new types of energy that’s becoming available is actually—it’s a critical part of it. It’s not enough funding. We have about seventy-five billion (dollars) that we’ve seen in the energy infrastructure sector. And I think we’re going to see—you know, we’re going to see the need for a great deal more in terms of whether resilience, figuring how to protect, again, from cyber threats. And then in addition we have a significant amount that’s gone to broadband. So we have—water is a big part of this. Transportation and traditional roads and bridges are really the bulk of where the infrastructure funding is targeted. But I think there are some really interesting new areas that have opened up questions about how we think about infrastructure broadly. And so I will—I’ll stop with that as sort of the thirty-thousand-foot, and talk a little bit more about what I think was missing and what we could do next time around on a bipartisan basis, and also some of the metrics that we need to look at to see if this is actually—if this is enough, and how we measure success. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. Should we turn to Al, and then we’ll dig deeper? CHO: Sure. I’d be happy to dive in. And just wanted to say thank you so much to you, Irina, and Heidi, and for everyone who’s here for tuning in to talk about infrastructure, which is my favorite subject. I’m going to put up a couple of pages, because I know we are probably all enjoying a couple of different things at the same time on Zoom, but some pictures can sometimes help tell the story. So just by way of introduction—can everyone see my screen? FASKIANOS: It looks good. CHO: Very good. So I’m going to talk about renewing America’s water infrastructure. And I’m just going to start briefly with a quick introduction. My name is Al Cho. I’m Xylem’s chief strategy and digital officer. In a previous life I did work with Heidi at the State Department and was a term member at CFR. I’m really glad to see that we’re doing some more domestic work today, because Xylem’s a U.S.-based public company and we focus on water technologies that help eliminate water as a constraint to health sustainability and prosperity. We’re also really proud to be a leader in sustainability, and most recently we were recognized by Newsweek as being one of America’s top twenty responsible companies. And so I’m glad to be with you today. Now, I’m going to give you quick overview on three topics about water, the strategic state of the water sector, what’s in the infrastructure bill, and what are some of the key policy issues for state and local government. So with that, I’m going to go to the next page. And I’m going to assume that not everyone on this call is a water professional, and just start with the basics around water infrastructure and managing the cycle of water. We all know water is essential to life. What we may not realize is that we’re constantly surrounded by water infrastructure, whether we know it or not, including the abstraction and treatment of drinking water, its distribution through pipes and meters to consumers. We often use the water and turn it into wastewater in various ways. And that wastewater gets collected in sewage pipes and taken to treatment plants or sewage tanks, septic tanks, discharged into the watersheds, where it then becomes available for other use. You know, what you might not think about, though, is water is very heavy to lift, and it’s difficult to contain. And that makes water the most capital-intensive utility service. It’s also typically the single biggest municipal energy consumer, because it takes a lot of water to pump the water and to blow bubbles through the sewage to eliminate all the nutrients that are in it. And finally, it’s the one with the most system losses because it’s very difficult to assess to what’s happening in water infrastructure. It’s buried. It’s expensive to dig up to observe or to repair it. And so there are a lot of challenges with the infrastructure that we’ve built. And so in terms of vital signs, the strategic situation is not great. The American Society of Civil Engineers publishes a regular report card, and it gives water infrastructure in America bad grades. Because in a lot of parts of the country the water infrastructure is actually close to failing. Pipes are leaking 20 to 30 percent of their water before it reaches customers. Water mains break every two minutes in the U.S. And billions of gallons of sewage, untreated, are released into the natural environment from combined sewer overflows every year. And those things are met by a crisis of confidence and inequality in a lot of parts of the country, where 60 million Americans, for example, just won’t drink their tap water. That’s not a great signal of healthy water infrastructure. So how did we get here? The reality is that after an initial bout of federal funding to build up treatment plants after the passage of the Clean Water Act and the Safe Drinking Water Act, all of that infrastructure is in the ground then deteriorating, every year accumulating more and more of the capital investment gap that the U.S. Water Alliance estimated at about $100 billion every year. Meanwhile, the federal investment in water infrastructure has dried up, collapsing from about 31 percent of total capital and O&M spending in 1977 to just about 4 percent in 2017. So there have been some pretty big shifts that have led to a pretty big deferred maintenance and investment gap in water. And at the same time, in the face of declining funding, there have been huge legacy issues as well as emerging concerns that require new investment. Whether that’s the painful legacy of lead service lines in homes and schools, poisonous forever-chemicals that we’re learning more about called PFAS, or rising water stress driven by climate change and economic development, particularly in the Western United States. But other water issues related to resilience, like flooding in New Jersey, where I know Irina is, those are all big challenges that we have to deal with every single day. And it’s led us to an unsustainable equilibrium that hopefully the money in this jobs act will be able to help us break out of. And so I want to offer a strategic framework before I go into the details of the infrastructure investment. It’s something I call the trilemma for water policy management. A trilemma is a situation where you want three things, but you can only have two. And Heidi will be familiar with that from the trilemma in international macroeconomics, but this one’s about water policy. So this sector has three needs. First, we need resilient water infrastructure the functions well and reliably 24/7 because people need water constantly, whether it’s hospitals, or schools, or restaurants. And that takes investment. Second, process stability. Water, as my friend George Hawkins, who used to run D.C. Water likes to say, is the only utility whose products we put inside our bodies. So it’s highly regulated and the physical and human infrastructure is hard to adapt. This isn’t a sector where we encourage a lot of kind of fun experimentation because it really matters that we get it right. And so it’s not an area where process changes are welcome for change’s sake. And that leads to a desire for process stability and using solutions that we know have worked for decades. The third good is affordability. Studies show that water and wastewater rates can consume up to 20 percent of the discretionary income of 20 percent of American households. So it’s not very popular to increase rates, particularly where we have large populations of people on low or fixed incomes. And as you’ve seen in the previous slides, relying on local revenue mobilization to fund infrastructure has produced a pretty staggering investment deficit in water. And so the essence of the problem is that you want these three things, and you can’t have all of them. You can’t have resilient and affordable infrastructure without significantly improving the productivity and efficiency of investment in that infrastructure. And that requires challenging what we’ve been doing in the past. Throwing more money at the problem without changing how we do water won’t fix the issue. And so we have to take advantage of this once-in-a-generation infrastructure funding opportunity to drive a major technological improvement that ensures the long-term viability of water infrastructure, applying 21st century technologies to this enduring problem. And so to make this really concrete, I want to give you the example of South Bend, Indiana. If you know the secretary of transportation used to be the mayor there. And South Bend is on the St. Joseph River. It experienced flooding and combined sewer overflows that led to a pretty significant federal consent decree. Now, if any of you live in communities with flooding and sewage flooding, the traditional engineering approach is to build a giant sewage tunnel that uses kind of once every couple of months during peak periods to contain overflows. In South Bend, that investment was going to cost a billion dollars, which is $10,000 for every person in a city where the per capita income is about 20k. If you ever heard Secretary Pete—Secretary Buttigieg talk about smart sewers, you’ll know that the city was able to solve this problem better with data, by applying sensors and software that helped the city make better use of the existing sewage capacity in real time. And so during a period when rainfall nearly doubled over ten years, the city managed to cut sewage overflows in half without building that tunnel, saving over $400 million through an amended federal consent decree by better operating the infrastructure they already had, using new technology. These are the kinds of investments that we need to be making with the jobs act, investments that give us reliability and resilience while making infrastructure permanently more efficient. And so what I want to do now is talk us through the provisions of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act in water. They include, principally, over $60 billion in new funding for water infrastructure, including over 60 billion—fifty billion (dollars) that’s headed to EPA to address core infrastructure funding, lead service line replacement, and emerging contaminants, as well as $8 billion headed largely to interior to address the specific challenges of western water. Now, most of that funding will go through EPA. And the key message here is that 80 percent of the EPA money will flow through what are called state revolving funds, which are financial entities operated at the state level to disperse long-term low-interest funding loans and, in some cases, grants to finance water infrastructure capital improvements. That funding represents a sixfold increase in recent appropriations to those revolving funds and a major increase in the grant proportion that states are authorized to provide, especially for underserved communities. Now, that money is allocated to states via an allocation formula. And specific details of those allocations are available on the EPA website. The state revolving fund administrators in each of your states have significant latitude in awarding the funds to eligible applicants based on a state intended use plan that lays out kind of policies and priorities, which is reviewed with the EPA. And as we think about those funds, and I cut that off at D.C., but the full list is available on the web, one operational challenge that we can see right now is the need to significantly ramp up capacity at the state level in order to handle the flow of applications to state revolving funds. As you can see in this chart, there’s a lot of steps in this process around concepts, intended use plan prioritization, public hearings, environmental impact reviews, reviewing and approving applications. And in the IIJA there’s money earmarked for technical assistance and administration. And I know the EPA right now is working with states to shape a technical assistance agenda that will help, you know, deal with the scale-up and influx in demand. But the other thing to bear in mind in terms of implementation considerations is that historically these state revolving funds have not always been reaching all the communities that can use their support. In some states, and maybe this is true in yours, SRF funds have not been fully expended for many years. In fact, a recent analysis of funding data in the drinking water state revolving fund showed that only 7 percent of systems, representing less than a third of the total population of the U.S., has made use of SRF funding in the last decade, with the Dakotas leading the way around 20 percent of systems, and then the rest of the states in the country being well below that. Part of the challenge is the extreme fragmentation of the water sector. There are over fifty thousand water utilities and around twenty thousand more wastewater and storm water utilities compared to, like, three thousand electric utilities and cooperatives. And so that means that a lot of them are very small and will likely need support to make use of new funds. So I’m going to wrap up there with a few policy considerations and implementation considerations. On the policy side, the tension that exists here is that the money is federally appropriated and there are some very clear federal policy priorities around how the money should be used—for things like environmental justice, made in America provisions, and getting the money out the door pretty quickly. But the states also have authority over the state revolving funds that 80 percent of the money is going to go through, thought there are some levers that the federal government has to influence how states ultimately spend the money. So, first, in the environmental justice area, the White House has laid out a Justice40 agenda, with the objectives that 40 percent of the overall benefits of federal investment in climate and clean energy will go to disadvantaged communities. There are a number of detailed provisions in the legislation here relating to small and disadvantaged communities and water. And I would expect dialogue with the EPA around how state intended use plans for the SRFs reflect the needs of small and disadvantaged communities. A second policy theme is that there’s going to be a tension between shovel-ready and shovel-worthy projects. There’s going to be pressure to get money out the door quickly to demonstrate benefits and traction from infrastructure investment, especially with respect to job creation. And in the past, that’s led some utilities—water utilities in particular—to use the funds to support projects that are shovel ready to move quickly versus really taking the time to shape adoption of solutions, including those that leverage better technology to drive greater economic and environmental impact. States and local governments have an important role to play here in guiding the investment in directions that lead to longer-term sustainability, because while the funds today will finance capital expenses, communities will be on the hook for longer-term operations and maintenance. And finally, there are much stronger domestic content requirements as part of the made America—made in America chapter in the legislation, which requires that all inputs used in federally supported projects be manufactured in America. Speaking as someone who’s followed the water sector very closely for the last decade, without a lot more flexibility than is currently in the law that policy runs the risk of increasing costs and causing significant project delay because very broad categories of technology in the water sector use global supply chains that are not currently available in the United States and would take a lot of time to develop. And so there is further guidance coming in from OMD and EPA that over the coming sixty days. It’s just something to watch from an implementation perspective. And that’s where I’d start, on the bottom right of this page. Those domestic content requirements typically create significant documentation and proof burdens for every one of the thousands of components used in water projects. And your SRFs will need to be prepared to address those documentation burdens. Finally, as I mentioned, the SRFs will also have to be prepared to take full advantage of technical assistance resources to scale up the delivery of funds. And we’ll see more guidance from all of these funds from OMB and the White House and the EPA in the next sixty days or so. I’ll end with just one last slide. If this is a topic on water that you guys want to learn more about, we’re hosting a webinar focused on highlighting assistance resources for communities to support state and local governments on implementing this funding in small, disadvantaged communities. And so let us know if you’re interested in further information on that. But with that, I’ll stop and hand it back over to Heidi and to Irina. CREBO-REDIKER: So just—if I can jump in—Al, you know, you spoke to the fact that this is—that this is a significant amount of money. One of the targets of the funding for water was to achieve the elimination of lead pipes in America. Is this a substantial, you know, way to get there? Or are we going to be short funds? And if so, how do we make up for achieving that goal? CHO: Yeah, this is a very, very large down payment in the money that’s going to be needed to address the lead pipe issue in the United States. The numbers that I’ve seen suggest that the billions of dollars that have been appropriated for lead service line replacement in this tranche of funding is not enough to fully address the issue. And so there will need to be, you know, further local mobilization of money and/or future infusions of funds in order to kind of get to the point of zero lead service line levels in the United States. There is more money, for example, in some of the reconciliation bill that is under discussion today. And there will be likely future asks for appropriations around this issue. But as of right now, it doesn’t look like there’s enough money to fully address the issue. The one thing I would say from a technology perspective is that it’s important to look at how to comply in as efficient a way as possible. And so there’s some startups and technology firms that are doing really good work and using machine learning to pinpoint—with pinpoint accuracy predict which locations actually have lead service lines to guide prioritization of where municipalities direct construction funding first so that you’re not kind of going all over the place digging up pipes that aren’t lead, because in many cases those inventories don’t exist. But actually targeting those neighborhoods first that have the highest likelihood of having a very high concentration of lead pipes. CREBO-REDIKER: So you sort of almost—you preempted my next question, which is that there’s a lot of innovation that’s happening around both AI and ways to use big data to actually benefit infrastructure investment. And that’s in many parts of—you know, whether you’re looking at transportation, or energy efficiency. What do you see as being the most important breakthrough technologies, in addition to the one you just mentioned, that can help direct state and local communities to both attack the problem that is, you know, in the most—in the most reliable way? And also, how can you—are there funds available through the bipartisan infrastructure bill to actually have state and local governments afford the purchase or the use of those new technologies? Or is that something that would be outside of the scope? CHO: Those are great questions. In water specifically, you know, if we come back to the thesis that there’s a once-in-a-generation opportunity to invest in the next generation of water infrastructure, so we don’t end up in twenty years without another huge deferred maintenance gap, we have to spend the money that we have now to set ourselves up for a more sustainable—financially sustainable water infrastructure sector in the future. And a bit part of doing that—and this is I think where the water sector is headed—is investing in smarter technologies that eliminate waste, because there’s a tremendous amount of waste in how we approach asset management in the water sector, reactive maintenance in the water sector, and leakage and losses in the water sector. And so we’re spending a lot of money on things that we’re going to have to maintain that we don’t really need. In the bill, in think the opportunity is to set water utilities up for longer-term success by investing in three kinds of information technology assets. One is the foundational stuff, right? A lot of utilities today still don’t have the asset management capabilities to know where their assets are, to have them in GIS maps, to have kind of data centers that can store the information. And so there’s a lot of foundational capability building that needs to happen in water utilities. And I see a question in the chat. You can use ARPA money for that. And in terms of building out some of the licenses and capabilities that you need to capitalize in order to build those foundations, in-state intended use plans prioritizing smart asset management is a great foundational use of incremental funding for water utilities. A second area is cybersecurity. Water utilities have to be cybersecure if they’re going to take advantage of these technologies. There have been some examples in recent memory. You probably saw the incident in Florida where someone hacked into the system, tried to put sodium hypochlorite (ph), which is a chemical, into the water system. And luckily that was caught and nothing bad happened, right? But we’re seeing an increased kind of threat level on all critical infrastructure, of which water is one. And utilities have to get ready for the future. Whether they upgrade or whether they stay the same, there will be vulnerabilities. And cybersecurity should be a major source of investment. And to your point, Heidi, in the law there’s a lot of language about cybersecurity through the lens of resilience, where when we talk about the sustainability and resilience of infrastructure, cybersecurity is a really critical element of ensuring operational reliability, continuity, and resilience. And so that’s a major investment area, where if we don’t take advantage of this funding to go there, we’ll be leaving a big vulnerability. And the third area is—just as you mentioned—it is operational investments in areas like real-time sensing, digital twins of infrastructure that help manage assets more effectively. So in the South Bend example I gave you, they used sensors, built a digital twin, and were able to use optimal control to figure out where the sewage should flow because they knew how the system worked, using artificial intelligence. And we see more and more applications like that. Again, treatment plans being a great example, where, like, if you look at the picture behind me, wastewater treatment plants are one of the biggest municipal energy consumers because it takes so much energy to blow air through your sewage to make sure that the bacteria in the sewage can survive long enough to eat all of the chemicals that are in the sewage. And the problem is that most cities over-aerate their sewage, and you can save a significant amount of energy and money if you use sensors to figure out how much air is in the sewage and then use models and controls to optimize the performance of your treatment system. We’ve seen very significant improvements in energy consumption and cost. Those are the kinds of technologies that set us up better for the future. And, yes, you can use the funds to upgrade systems in that way. CREBO-REDIKER: So, just in terms of looking, I guess, more broadly outside of just the use of funds for water projects, there is a pretty big effort of dig—you know, dig once. If you’re going to dig—if you’re going to be, you know, upgrading a road or upgrading a sewage pipeline or water infrastructure, that you use the opportunity to bury transmission lines or to put—you know, extend broadband and cables, and basically—so you’re digging once and making the whole project multimodal, but more efficient. Do you see that in the way that the funding has been structured? Because sometime you can get very siloed—very siloed access to different types of infrastructure funding. Is that something that you’re looking at? And I guess there are some really good questions that are popping up in the Q&A that I hope we get to, because this is a very—this is an incredibly well-informed crowd that we have collected today. And so I think that their questions would probably be even more—you know, more insightful than mine. But I just would love to hear about the dig once. CHO: Yeah. I don’t think there’s a lot in the funding that enables or prevents cities from using the funding to dig once. But the reality is that there’s huge benefit if there is coordination at the state or county level around those kinds of projects. You know, let’s start with how much waste there is. So in terms of, for example, pipe replacement programs, EPA studies have demonstrated that a lot of money gets replaced—invested in replacing pipes that are still perfectly good, that aren’t likely to cause water main breaks. And so funding is spent on what are effectively less productive pipe replacement projects. There are a number of companies now that are looking at using, again, artificial intelligence to map out, first, where are the pipes that are most likely to fail? So that you can update pipe replacement programs and allocate needed funding just to those areas that actually need it. But the second order is those algorithms can also be used to incorporate and ingest where, for example, are other city departments already planning to dig? So the optimization function goes around creating clusters of projects that cost the lowest amount of money for the city. What is important there is that the different siloes in any organization are talking to each other. Often we found that that’s the hardest part in project management, is that, you know, multijurisdictional coordination or even multi-departmental coordination over getting engineering ops, roads, and sewers to work together is the hardest part of getting that kind of ideal win of dig once to happen. The law doesn’t really fix that issue. It doesn’t prevent better things from happening. But I do think there are now some data-oriented solutions that can enable city planners to make multi-departmental plans work in a way that didn’t exist five or ten years ago, to get a lot more out of the infrastructure funding that’s supplied. CREBO-REDIKER: So I think we have, Irina, there—do you want to—do you want to take over? I think we’ve reached the half-hour point. And I know that there are a lot of good questions. And actually in the past I’ve learned more from listening to some of the discussions on pilot projects and specific areas of concern or optimism from state and local officials. So I see there are a couple of questions in the—in the Q&A. But over to you. FASKIANOS: Great. And as Heidi—thank you, Heidi. And now we want to hear from all of you. And please share what’s happening in your communities and what you’re doing, because this is a forum to exchange ideas. Laura Dent has written a question but also raised her hand. So I’m going to go first to you, Laura. If you could just—you might want to revise it based on what you’ve heard. Q: OK. Well, Albert partially answered my question. I’m Laura Dent, on the city council in Harrisonburg, Virginia. We had planned in our city council to allocate some of the ARPA funding to the water and sewer projects that were put on hold because of the pandemic. And that’s part of the purpose of the ARPA funding, obviously. And then when we heard that the infrastructure act would include water and sewer, we put that aside to say maybe we should use that instead. However, my concern is then we’d have to apply to the state and go through a competitive process, versus being able to just decide for ourselves based on what our water guy requested. So my question was—I just wanted to elaborate some on my question of how would you navigate that overlap? How would you recommend which funding to go for what? CHO: Heidi, if you want to jump in, please do, otherwise I’m happy to take the question. CREBO-REDIKER: Please. This is right down your— CHO: So first, Laura, you’re lucky to live in Harrisonburg. I’m down the road in Woodstock. And love your—love your city. The question is a really good one, which is around what pots of money can be used for what and how to kind of differentiate between where they go. The nice thing about the first bucket is that you basically have immediate control over how you want to spend the money, as opposed to what’s going to be happening with the SRFs. There’s still a process that is going to take a couple of months to roll out in terms of the money being dispersed to the states, clear guidance being issued from, you know, EPA and OMB to, in this case, the Virginia state authorities that are responsible either for the state drinking water state revolving fund or for the clean water revolving fund. And they then are going to have to kind of put things on the list for the intended use plan, get that intended use plan agreed with the EPA. All of that can move very quickly and it could be seamless, but to your point it does require more steps in the process in order to get a line around whether that money’s going to be dispersed or not. And so I would say for things that are really urgent or that you don’t think will make it onto the list of the intended use plan at the state level, then that’s a great candidate for using more discretionary funding that you can apply to those things. Whereas if there are things that—as the state of Virginia kind of lays out its intended use plan priorities—that you think are really, really good candidates for moving their way up in the state intended use plan, then those projects might be better candidates for the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act money. That’s the kind of discussion where right now it’s probably best to have the discussion with the state revolving fund administrators. Virginia’s undergoing a change in government right now, and so some of those priorities may evolve. And they’re also probably still waiting for guidance from EPA around exactly how the federal guidance is going to impact the prioritization of projects within their own intended use plan. I don’t know if that answers your question, but some indicative principles. Q: Well, how long do you think EPA is going to take to come up with this guidance? Is there a set deadline? CHO: Everything I’ve heard is that the guidance will come out by the end of February. FASKIANOS: Great. So we’ve a question from Ellen Smith. I don’t believe that people’s reluctance to consume public water is due to actual poor water quality. There’s a great deal of marketing activity designed to undermine confidence in our public water in order to sell household water treatment systems and bottled water. Is there any possibility that the EPA will spend a tiny fraction of the funding to help people better understand water and be less susceptible to misinformation? CHO: That is a great question. I’m happy to take it, Heidi, unless you want to? CREBO-REDIKER: Absolutely over to you. CHO: So this is a great question. And I guess I have my own doubts about whether messaging from the EPA on this would be effective. Not because EPA’s not great and credible, but because some of the things that we’ve found is that the most credible spokespeople around water are actually local authorities and state authorities. There’s also a campaign which I would direct your attention to, if you haven’t been involved in it, called the Value of Water Campaign, which is a multi-stakeholder alliance of cities, of water trade associations, of private companies that are all kind of investing in helping Americans understand more about why, in particular, public water infrastructure is so important and so valuable. And so there’s a lot of annual polling, there’s media information, there are assets and resources that states can use to communicate the value of public water systems, the safety of public water systems, et cetera. The other are I might point you toward is the environmental policy innovation center is a think tank that runs an annual water data prize. And last year, the water data prize was about using innovation in house data is presented in the annually mandated consumer confidence reports that EPA mandates through the Safe Drinking Water Act, to improve how that presentation of information can be disseminated to people to improve their confidence in what public water actually has in it. And so some of the winners from that have made their platforms publicly available. And so if you’re interested in learning more about that it’s the Environmental Policy Innovation Center’s water data prize. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. And Ellen in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. We have a raised hand from Representative Nakamura in Hawaii. If you unmute yourself, that would be terrific. Q: Thank you. I’m calling from the state capitol in Honolulu, Hawaii. I’m a representative from the island of Kauai. I have a couple of questions. One is who approves—does EPA approve the state’s intended use plan? And if so, what is that process and what does that process involve? CHO: So, as I understand it, EPA certainly reviews the state intended use plan. I don’t want to speak out of school on the specific legal authorities here and whether that has to be approved or whether there’s just a process of review, but there’s definitely guidance provided by EPA on the IUPs, a dialogue that takes place, and a review. And then the state are able to go apply the funding according to the IUP that’s been reviewed by EPA. But I’ll have to get back to you on the specific legal pieces because I don’t want to say something that’s out of school. And I see your second question around how long that will take. You know, I think they are trying to move this as quickly as possible, but it takes as long as it takes the states to develop the intended use plans and then complete it with EPA, which is a non-answer as the answer. What will happen, again, is hopefully the guidance will come out at the end of February. The state will, you know, rack and stack the different projects and go through their process. And then I know that everyone at EPA right now that I’ve spoken to is hellbent on moving as quickly as possible, to be responsive to what the states come up with. And so that process will play out ideally over the course of 2022. FASKIANOS: Thank you. We have a written question from Mayor Jules Walters of West Linn. In the Pacific Northwest we are focused on earthquake resilience. All but one of our reservoirs in my suburb of Portland won’t withstand a moderate quake, let alone a much larger event that is anticipated. I see this as a capital project, but wondering if there are ways—examples of ways to apply technology as well to make us more resilient? CHO: Very good question. So I think there’s probably a couple of different ways to answer the question. The first is, I don’t know but I would imagine that the sustainability and resilience funding that is kind of a big policy thread through the bill would make this eligible for a number of state intended use plans. That’s a discussion to have with the state. The second is thinking about whether or not this particular thing would also be eligible for funding through the western water infrastructure money via Interior. And so it’s worth obviously having a conversation with Interior, Bureau of Reclamation, Army Corps, et cetera, around the money that they’re getting particularly around critical infrastructure resilience in the western U.S. The third thing I would say is that there are a lot of really interesting emerging solutions in the structural engineering industry around monitoring the impact of geological movements on concrete infrastructure, using LiDAR, using measurements of ground movement, height, shifts in the position of infrastructure relative to the ground and the water level. And they’re able—with pretty high resolution—able to see things often before they happen, which might improve the ability to respond in advance of things happening. And so if you look at that big dam release that happened in Brazil, or the Oroville situation in California, at least what these technology providers claim—and not being one of those providers, I can’t speak to it. But I’ve seen many of their presentations—that there were signals and patterns in the remote sensing data that was able to show an increasing amount of risk in the civil infrastructure because of movements in the ground. And so having any of that predictive information I think would help a community be more proactive rather than reactive in situations where there’s dams that could overwhelm a community. Whether or not that can be funded through these specific vehicles I think is a conversation with your state FASKIANOS: Thank you. And, Heidi, feel free to jump in at any point here. The next question is a written question from Mayor Diana Mahmud. She’s the mayor of South Pasadena, California. In California’s Central Valley many smaller underserved communities have had their wells run dry due to over-pumping by ag. Would this legislation help to fund construction of connecting pipe to larger water purveyors? CHO: That’s a great question. I think that’s a question about agriculture. Happy to answer it, but, Heidi, if you want to jump in as well, please do so. CREBO-REDIKER: So this is really—this is, in terms of all of the water infrastructure questions, I think we wanted to focus as much as possible on you while we have you. CHO: Super. So the question about over pumping in Central Valley for ag, making it harder for smaller communities to access water supplies, will the funding support interconnections? I think the answer is that, I feel very confident, it will, both because, you know, addressing the needs of small and underserved communities is a really big priority from an equity perspective for the California state government, but also for what’s embodied in the federal priorities. And so I cannot imagine a world in which a well-conceived project to increase the resilience and access of water in underserved communities in Central Valley would not be well supported by both the state drinking water SRF and the federal counterparts at EPA. That’s an area where—the webinar that I mentioned, in terms of assistance to communities who want to apply for that kind of funding, might be really helpful because organizations like RCAP, or Moonshot Missions, or DIGDEEP might be helpful in assisting your city in framing that application and getting the funding. But it’s a great question. FASKIANOS: A question from Bob Marsh, a councilmember in Maricopa, Arizona. Is anyone working on solving the western drought with something like a combination of coastal desalination plants coupled with a North American water grid to enable getting water from where it is to where it will need to be? CHO: That’s a fabulous question. And I grew up not far from Maricopa, so also jealous that you get to be out there, especially when it’s really cold outside here. So the question around the national water grid, I come back to the thesis that water is very heavy to move, right? And because water is very heavy to move, it becomes very energy intensive to move it. And when you have to move it and it’s energy intensive, it also becomes very expensive. And so both the capital and the operating costs of large-scale water transfer projects can be very expensive. And desalination, as a technology today, is also very energy intensive. It is often the best option in certain use cases, because if you’re coastal and you have a place to discharge the brine it’s a readily available source of water. What I see happening probably faster, from a policy and implementation perspective, are investments in wastewater recycling and industrial water recycling. To take used water that has some pollutants in it that are already getting treated for safe discharge into the natural environment and upgrading the quality of that water to the point where it can be injected either indirectly or directly into the municipal drinking water system. So by closing the loop, what you’re doing is effectively keeping water close to the source so you’re not having to move it as far away, and you’re basically increasing the number of cycles that the same water can be used in order to meet local needs. Those technologies are well-prove and well-established. The barrier has been principally public reaction to the idea of drinking formally used wastewater. But a lot of our public research has shown that there’s been a huge shift in the last five years in people’s willingness to incorporate water reuse into a municipal drinking water supply portfolio. I think that’s probably the nearest term solution for improving the resilience of water supply, particularly in the west. FASKIANOS: Representative Nakamura also has—I’m not sure if you’ve raised your hand again, or if you’ve never lowered it. Q: No, I had a second question relating to— FASKIANOS: Great, go ahead. Q: —whether the infrastructure funds can be used for new facilities to increase capacity, or whether it can only be used to fix existing facilities? CHO: So there are some restrictions in the authorizing language around the revolving funds around what kinds of facilities can be—can be funded. And I can get back to you with the details on that. But in terms of expanding capacity, that’s definitely an authorized application of the funding. I believe that certain new facilities also qualify, but I want to come back to you on the specifics, because there are some restrictions and exclusions in the authorizing language. FASKIANOS: We have a question—another question from Arizona. Do you think the technological improvements you describe will help convince the public that wastewater can be made safe for drinking and other tap uses? And what future do you predict for making this reuse common? That comes from Jon Thompson, city councilman of Sedona, Arizona. CHO: Gosh, everyone’s from such awesome places. It’s a great question. The technology is there to make it safe for wastewater to be recycled. But that wasn’t your question. The question is do you think the technology will help the public accept that? And I believe the answer to that question is yes. We did some polling about two and a half years ago in California, asking people the question about, you know, are you comfortable using municipal wastewater as a source of drinking water? We tried a couple of different scenarios to see how people responded. One interesting finding is that what you call it really matters. And what people really liked was the phrase “purified municipal water,” or “purified used water.” That phrase of purification as a description of the process really helped. The second thing that really helped is that when people were on the phone talking about their reaction to this, when people understood what the steps were, and they understood how much technology was there to prevent anything bad from coming into the system, the levels actually went up very significantly. And I don’t have the numbers in the back of my head, but it was well over 90 percent of people who were like, yeah, purified municipal reused water, that’s totally fine with me. And that’s a big shift over where it was a decade ago. FASKIANOS: Great. We have another written question, and people can raise their hands too. Emerson Gagnon. What kind of opportunities are there to direct some of these funds towards supporting transportation management associations? And he’s in Representative Steven Owen’s office in Massachusetts. CHO: I’m going to give that one to Heidi. (Laughs.) FASKIANOS: Heidi, I think that one is yours, yes. CREBO-REDIKER: So in terms of—in terms of the specifics of transportation management associations, I don’t—I don’t know. I know that the—I know that there—you know, as the funds, you know, are predominantly—you know, the first chunk are for Highway Trust Fund money that would go to more traditional roads, transportation, bridges. I think, you know, that is going to be—that’s going to be more standard—more standardized. The new funding that’s coming out for transportation is—you know, I don’t know specifically for transportation management associations. I will have to—I’ll have to come back to you on that. There’s a lot for highway and pedestrian safety. There’s a lot of funding, about 39 billion (dollars) for public transit and freight and airports, and ports and waterways. But, and quite a bit of new money for EV infrastructure. But not—I don’t think—I don’t know specifically for associations. FASKIANOS: OK. The next question is from Cristy Lenski, a councilmember in Snellville, Georgia. Would it be possible to use BIA funds to provide sewer connections to those city residents, neighborhoods that are currently on—from septic? Would you be able to apply through SRF for this project? CHO: So I’m not sure about BIA funds. But the—I’m not sure if that’s the Bureau of Indian Affairs, if that’s the question. But the general question around can you use funds to provide sewer connections to city neighborhoods that are currently on septic, can that be something eligible through the SRFs? Almost certainly, yes. And so those are the kinds of projects that the clean water state revolving fund is there for, and particularly for communities that are not well-served by a community sewer. That’s an allowable area within the fund. And again, particularly if these are underserved neighborhoods, that will be a priority for certainly the federal government and likely in the state intended use plan as well. The one thing I just want to emphasize from my earlier remarks as well is that the grant-funding component of the money that’s being allocated to the states is particularly targeted towards small and disadvantaged communities. And so that might be a helpful thing for you to know and look into as you discuss that with your state. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So we will be sending out a link to this webinar, the transcript, as well as information about the upcoming webinar that you mentioned. We have another question from Mayor Jules Walters. Let’s see. In the PNW, as in Texas, we learned how essential the power grid was to water infrastructure during last year’s ice storms. I’d love to know if there’s a good way to supply that power besides costly generators that rely on huge amounts of costly fuel. CHO: I can take part of that, and then maybe hand it over to Heidi, if you have something to add. Again, resilience is a huge deal. And so investments in infrastructure resilience are going to be a big-ticket item for this funding cycle, as Heidi mentioned. In water infrastructure in particular, I think, you know, there are certain parts of it that you can run off of battery, which is also pretty expensive right now. But, for example, there’s battery backup for major data systems that can be used to determine certain things about flow and consumption across the network. The second thing I would say is that more and more cities are also looking at can you take the energy that is embedded in wastewater and use it as recovery, and power generation that can be used by wastewater plants in order to become more resilient and self-contained? And so a lot of discussion right now is about taking sludge that comes out of wastewater treatment facilities and building anaerobic digesters that have kind of sludge fermentation tanks that create natural gas that can fuel power generation on-site at the treatment plant, so that if transmission grids go down there’s a secondary source of power that can be used to fuel ongoing treatment works, et cetera. So those are some ideas, but Heidi, you may have broader insights. CREBO-REDIKER: Just in terms—I mean, there’s a lot of creativity around the different types of backup systems or distributed generation that cities and towns are experimenting with right now. To the extent that the resiliency and infrastructure funding goes to specifically have backup energy sources—I mean, Texas is a very—is a specific case, because they’re not connected to the rest of the grid in the U.S. for backup. But the contingency preparations for flooding and extreme weather to be able to tackle backup systems for grids are definitely contemplated in the infrastructure bill. And I think there’s about 46 billion (dollars) that was allocated. So I would imagine that that is something that’s contemplated in this legislation. FASKIANOS: Heidi, Marvin Kenison, a commissioner in Juab County Utah, asked if any funds are being targeted to agriculture. CREBO-REDIKER: So I’m not sure in this specific legislation if there is—I mean, there’s—this is really—again, it’s focused primarily on transportation and—you know, basically transportation. Water is the next big—is the next allocation. Energy, power, and infrastructure. Broadband is enormous. You know, a whole different, you know, area to go into. Agriculture, I don’t think that it is—that it’s particularly—that it’s core to this particular legislation. FASKIANOS: Heidi, is there anything that you think—or, that was in the bill that got left on the cutting floor that you wish had been left in, or had been thought of it be put in? CREBO-REDIKER: So I think this is a huge down payment overall. I mean, if you look at the—at the amounts of federal funding going on, it’s impressive but it doesn’t actually—if you look at the American Society of Civil Engineers, they have the estimates of what you actually need to upgrade infrastructure across all different modes to sort of 21st century standards. It’s not—it hasn’t reached that amount, nor has it reached anywhere near that amount in the resilience category. I mean, burying utility lines would be enormously—you know, far, far—you know, far more than what’s been allocated in this particular bill. But it’s a really good first down payment. What I think—what was left on the cutting board at the last minute was a national infrastructure bank, which was actually part of this on a bipartisan basis up until the very last minute. Then it was—it was cut. I think this is a—you know, because this is a time-bound deployment of investment over the life of this law, you have the ability, you know, if you do have the bipartisan agreement there, to put something that is more institutional and have, you know, much longer-run way. Hopefully, next time—next time around, if you get another bite at the apple for bipartisan infrastructure that’ll be in there. FASKIANOS: Great. There’s one last question I want to try to squeeze in for you, Al, from Jason Haas in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. We have aged sewage infrastructure that will not be prepared to take on what we will see from climate change. Have you heard of local public resistance to making infrastructural improvements, such as storm water absorption, for example, turning a public park into a giant bio-swale? CHO: That’s a great question. And, you know, Milwaukee’s lucky. You have great municipal sewage leadership. And the specific answer to your question on community resistance to those infrastructure improvements, I’ll give you an example in South Bend. You know, they have this digital twin of sewage infrastructure and how it will behave under different aspects of storm water mitigation. And as part of the consent decree process that they went through in order to, you know, basically amend the consent decree with DOJ by using this digital twin, what they did was look through all of the different scenarios for new infrastructure improvements that could be made to contain storm water in the future, to look for the least-cost, most efficient set of options. And there were certain options that did have public resistance. So, you know, don’t put any pumping station in this park, right? Or don’t put a sewage retention base in this, you know, particular part of the city. And so, you know, basically the beauty of having a digital twin is that you can run thousands of simulations of different ways of, you know, where you put infrastructure and what impact that will have. And that allows you to have a little bit more of a fact-based discussion about alternatives, right? It could go here. It could go there, and then figure out what are the different ways that you can get to a stormwater mitigation solution that both meets the environmental objective, but also the cost objective, and the public kind of objective through consultation. So it is a common issue. It’s the natural not in my backyard issue of water infrastructure. But there are better tools now, I think, for dealing with it. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Well, we are unfortunately out of time. But, again, we want to thank you both—Heidi Crebo-Rediker and Albert Cho—for this terrific hour. We appreciate your sharing your expertise with us. We will share the resources from this discussion. And Heidi and I are planning to focus in on—in future calls—on other parts of the bill. So we will do one that looks at the energy, et cetera, so that we can really have focused discussions. So tune in, or look out for those invitations. Again, I would like you to know that you can follow Albert Cho’s work on Twitter at @al_cho and Heidi is at—Heidi at @heidirediker. You can also follow State and Local Officials Initiative on Twitter at @CFR_Local. Please go to CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com for more expertise and analysis. And you can email us with your comments, suggestions, anything else we can do to support the important work that you’re doing in your communities. Email [email protected]. Again, Heidi and Al, thank you very much for being with us. We really appreciate it. (END)
  • Religion
    Addressing Food Insecurity Around the World
    Play
    Eugene Cho, president and CEO at Bread for the World, and Ertharin Cousin, visiting scholar at Stanford University’s Center on Food Security and the Environment, discuss the work of faith communities and multi-lateral organizations to address food insecurity around the world. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS: Thank you. And welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar Series. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. As a reminder, this webinar is on the record. And the audio, video, and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Reverend Eugene Cho and Ambassador Ertharin Cousin with us to talk about food insecurity around the world. We’ve shared their bios with you, so I will just give you a few highlights. Reverend Cho is the president and CEO of Bread for the World and Bread Institute, a prominent nonpartisan Christian advocacy organization urging both national and global decision-makers to help end hunger both here in the U.S. and around the world. He’s also the founder and visionary of One Day’s Wages. And he is the founder and former senior pastor of Quest Church, an urban, multicultural, and multigenerational church in Seattle, Washington. Reverend Cho is the author of two acclaimed books, Thou Shalt Not Be a Jerk: A Christian’s Guide to Engaging Politics and Overrated: Are We More in Love with the Idea of Changing the World Than Actually Changing the World? Ambassador Cousin is visiting scholar at the Center on Food Security and the Environment and a distinguished fellow of global agriculture at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. She previously served as executive director of the World Food Programme, where she led fourteen thousand staff serving eighty million vulnerable people across seventy-five countries. In 2009, she was nominated by the president as the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. Agencies for Food and Agriculture in Rome, where she helped identify and catalyze U.S. government investment in food security and nutrition activities supported by the USAID Feed the Future program. And prior to her global hunger work, she helped lead the U.S. domestic fight to end hunger while serving as executive vice president and chief operating officer of what is now Feeding America. And she also was appointed by the U.S. president to the Board for International Food and Agricultural Development, where she helped oversee U.S. government agriculture research investments worldwide. So thank you both. It is an honor to have you both with us today to talk about this really, very intense problem. Reverend Cho, I thought we could begin with you to talk about the progress that the world has made in addressing hunger in recent years. CHO: Thank you for having me here, Irina, and it’s an honor to address the Council on Foreign Relations and Ambassador Cousin. It’s a true pleasure, as well, to be able to partner with you in this conversation. I know that you have a history with Bread for the World and my predecessor, David Beckmann, and I hope that we can continue the fruitful relationship that began many years ago. One really off-topic note is that, as you mentioned the two books that I’ve written, I’ve since learned that those are horrible titles for books because it’s—the main ways in which people search me on Google is “overrated jerk” is what they search—(laughter)—when they look after my name. Again, a little off topic. But you asked a very important question, and I think it’s one that we need to be asking constantly during a time when we have so many urgent needs and conversations all around our nation and around the world. It’s really tempting and easy for certain things to get lost in the shuffle. And as we’re mindful of hunger, our neighbors both in our nation and around the world who are experiencing the oppression of hunger, the challenges of hunger, we have to keep highlighting this important injustice and lead. So maybe to highlight your question once more, what progress has the world made in addressing hunger in recent years? The answer is mixed. If we’re talking about recent years, then the answer is truthfully and unfortunately not much overall. But if we’re to look back further, over the last decades, the answer is a resounding yes. We’ve made tremendous progress against hunger, poverty, and disease around the world, especially in the last thirty years. And just to give some perspective on these numbers and metrics, compared to 1990, when about one billion people were hungry—the emphasis on the word “billion” with a B—we counted only 795 million people in 2015. Now, it sounds odd to say “only,” but I think it does highlight the tremendous progress that we’ve made despite population growth in those years. In 2015, seventy-two nations had made the Millennium Development Goals of halving the percentage of people in their populations who were struggling with hunger. This is amazing and something that we should highlight and celebrate. But, as I shared earlier, there’s kind of a mixed story, a mixed bag. In recent years, that progress has stalled or even regressed. And we’ll get to COVID, but this actually began in the couple years prior to COVID as well. Hunger had been rising since 2014 due to issues like conflict and economic shocks, the effects of climate change, and now of course the reality of COVID-19. COVID-19 is compounding existing challenges and threatening to reverse years of hard-won progress that the world had made toward a more food-secure world. For example, the World Bank is predicting that the number of people facing acute food insecurity will double as a result of these challenges, including COVID-19. Only one-quarter of countries are on track to end malnutrition by 2030, and around half of all children live in countries that are not on track. So just for a moment to reflect upon these statistics and numbers, it’s quite sobering. And I think it’s important for a purpose like this to be reminded of the sobering nature of the work that’s before us. Now, that’s the overall picture, but as I’m sharing some mixed messages, there are pockets of progress even amid the challenging larger picture. Progress against hunger and poverty has always been somewhat uneven as countries have different experiences that impact hunger locally. The most recent data shows that between 2019 and 2020 hunger decreased in countries that were not affected by conflict, climate change, or economic downturn. There has been clear progress against hunger and malnutrition in places where Feed the Future—the U.S. government’s global food security initiative—works, and that’s good news. Feed the Future invests in addressing the root causes of hunger, poverty, and malnutrition in twelve countries. Over the last ten years of Feed the Future, for example, in areas where the program works, Bangladesh has seen a 68 percent drop in hunger. In Tajikistan, there’s been a 28 percent drop in child stunting, a long-term impact of childhood malnutrition. In Uganda, Feed the Future has seen a nearly 25 percent reduction in child wasting, a life-threatening form of child malnutrition. Across all Feed the Future countries, 5.2 million families are no longer suffering from hunger. Now, we don’t have numbers for 2021 and COVID’s impact on that progress. That data is forthcoming. But we do know that the Feed the Future model has helped communities to stabilize and set a foundation that should help them cope with some of COVID’s challenges. I’ll just share maybe a couple more things and pass the mic back to you. The situation now for people experiencing hunger is truly—it’s dire. It’s sobering and seems poised, sadly, to worsen. But there is hope for us, particularly I think people that are approaching this from a perspective of faith that informs our worldview and our work. One is that we have seen progress, as I shared earlier, in those Feed the Future countries despite the scale of challenges before us. Two, we have hope because of what people in communities and communities of faith around the world are doing to address food insecurity. People are helping to sow peace, which leads to greater stability; are raising awareness; are taking action; and the list goes on. Three is that I think the work of people of faith, we are creating and contributing to and growing the human will to end hunger, which then generates political will. And then, lastly, if I may—I’m sure we’ll speak more to this—is that a reason for hope, at least for me—I know that we have a diverse group of audience joining us, which is great. But I know for myself is that I’m—as a pastor, as a minister, as a person of Christian faith, I’m reminded that especially during the season of Advent, that we have a hope that we’re clinging onto in addition to the work that we do here on Earth, of that hope—that theological hope—contributing and bringing depth through the work that we do. So I’ll stop here at this moment. Mic back to you, Irina. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. Ambassador Cousin, can you talk about how you think the United States can address food security abroad while ensuring it is doing enough to end food insecurity here at home? COUSIN: Well, first of all, let me begin by thanking you, Irina, and the Council on Foreign Relations for giving me this opportunity to participate in today’s discussion alongside Reverend Cho. Let me, Reverend Cho, take this opportunity to congratulate you for your leadership of Bread for the World and look forward to working with you in the future. And I also want to note, Irina, that the Council provided me with a list of the distinguished and widely representative audience of faith leaders participating in today’s conversation, and to note that the faith community has always served as the operational backbone for food assistance and relief programs, both globally and domestically. So I’m honored to speak to this audience. This community has long accepted that addressing hunger is just—not just an economic and a political challenge; as Reverend Cho just stated, it is a religious challenge as well. When I was serving as the executive director of the World Food Programme, Pope John Paul came and delivered keynote remarks at one of my final sessions as executive director in 2016. And during his presentation, he specifically said we are bombarded by so many images that we see pain, but we don’t touch it; we hear weeping, but we don’t comfort it; we see thirst, but we don’t satisfy it; and all those human lives turn into just one more news story. The pontiff acknowledged that the global interconnections created by modern communication technologies has led to an information overload and the numbers that were just stated by Reverend Cho become—we become immune to other people’s tragedy. And right now the tragedy is unfolding in front of our eyes. As reported by WFP, 811 million people—more than 10 percent of the world’s population—go to bed hungry tonight. After nearly a decade of progress, as Reverend Cho just said, the number of hungry people has slowly increased, driven by the twin scourges of conflict and climate change, and now compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic. And that COVID-19 pandemic did not just compound hunger abroad, but here at home. And we know that while Asia is home to the greatest number of undernourished people at 418 million, Africa is the region with the highest prevalence of undernourishment in percentage of population terms at about 21 percent. The WFP is now also raising the alarm about the forty-five million people in forty-three countries at the emergency phase of food insecurity in 2021, just one step away from starvation or famine. Afghanistan becoming the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, with the country’s needs surpassing those of the other worst-hit countries of Ethiopia, South Sudan, Syria, and even Yemen, where over half the population is food insecure and requiring international food assistance. Amongst the most vulnerable groups are internally displaced people and refugees caught between the frontlines and many of whom are totally dependent on food assistance. And despite the record amounts of resources raised by WFP and the humanitarian system, WFP is now some $5 billion short of the financial resources required to meet the acute emergency food needs of the population that is on the verge of hunger. But it’s not just about the emergency system; it’s also about the challenges of moving from just saving lives. It’s also about how we invest in adaptation and supporting our food system, because today’s global food system is fundamentally unviable, contributing to poor nutritional outcomes, climate change, destruction of biodiversity, unstable food prices insecurity, and providing low-quality, low-wage jobs in too many places. The World Bank says that our food system costs us about $12 trillion a year. So in answer to your question of what is the U.S. doing to help address these challenges both from an emergency side, as well as from an investment in the adaptation and mitigation that is necessary to address our—and create a food system that supports our environment, human health, and economic community, I’m proud to say that the U.S. is—has historically and continuously serves as the largest government donor to the multilateral food system around the world. The U.S. in 2020 contributed $3.7 billion to the World Food Programme when the World Food Programme raised about 8.4 billion (dollars). And the U.S. is the largest contributor to the FAO’s budget, with a total of about 527 million (dollars) between 2018 and 2019 assessed period, as well as the IFED, which is consistent with our leadership role there. The U.S. contributes about 7 percent of the total budget, or $129 million pledge annually, to that budget. While these numbers seem significant, they pale in comparison to the rising need, and the threat conflict and climate pose to food security and nutrition of the world’s most vulnerable people. And in response to that, how do we transition the food system, at the recent U.N. Food Systems Summit, the—from Secretary Vilsack and Administrator Power we heard a new U.S. commitment of $10 billion—$5 billion for—to support and strengthen our domestic food system; and $5 billion to support Feed the Future, which Reverend Cho talked about, and to expand the number of countries that Feed the Future works in. And again, at last week’s Japan-convened Nutrition for Growth conference, the world recognized that despite malnutrition being the underlying cause of nearly half of all child deaths under five, less than 1 percent of all the global foreign aid is currently spent on malnutrition-related issues, and they noted a gap of some $700 billion in addressing malnutrition. And at that conference, the U.S., through Administrator Power, committed to an additional $11 billion over the next three years. These numbers are important and they represent a significant contribution. But as you can tell, the difference between what is required and what the—what our country as one of the largest donors is providing leaves significant gaps, both in our emergency funding system as well as what is necessary to support the mitigation and adaptation of our food system to ensure that we avoid the crisis in the future. So it’s no longer enough, if it was ever enough, for just governments alone to support the financial contributions that are necessary to—for the emergency as well as the development system. We must seek and receive more support from business, from organizations, and high-net-worth individuals if we hope to begin to fill this gap in the funding requirements. When I was U.S. ambassador, I was always proud to say that the U.S. taxpayer, through our government, are the most generous donors in the world. The challenges, as well as the opportunities, to change our—to change lives and to expand the—to embrace the ability to avoid conflicts and to avoid the crisis of hunger in the future will require us expanding the field of actors here at home and abroad, and the investment in the food system and addressing malnutrition. So we must provide the resources to protect and save lives from today’s crises while supporting and adapting to the changing climate—to changing climate challenges to avoid tomorrow’s crisis. FASKIANOS: Thank you both. We’re going to go now to all of you for your questions. You can either raise your hand by clicking on the icon and I will call on you—when I do, please unmute yourself and state your name and affiliation before asking your question—or else you can write your question in the Q&A box. And I see that the first question comes from Bruce Knotts, who is the director of the Unitarian Universalist Office at the United Nations. He actually has two parts: Please discuss how to address famine such as it persists in Yemen and is beginning in Afghanistan. And where are the worst areas of hunger in the U.S.? I think I’ll start and let you answer that before going to the second part because that is a big question right there. So I don’t know who wants to go first. Reverend Cho, do you want to start about Yemen and Afghanistan, what you’re seeing? CHO: Well, I think simply by the fact that that question is raised that we know that Afghanistan and Yemen are two of the—sadly, these hotspots of extreme hunger, conflict, and challenges. There are numerous other places as well. I think we’re still processing data that’s coming in. For example, as we’re highlighting the circumstances in Afghanistan, things remain very fluid. We know that it’s bad. We know that it’s challenging. And part of the reason why it’s challenging is we’re unable to be—to freely send resources to be able to confidently do that work there. Earlier in the century, as I’m looking at some of my notes, Afghanistan is an example of a country that had made strong progress on reducing hunger and malnutrition. Over the course of a decade, hunger fell by half. Child mortality, I believe, was—had fallen by nearly a third during that time. But again, an example of conflict has contributed to some of the challenges there. We could also speak about the circumstances in Tigray in Ethiopia. And some of the most common elements is either because of famine, because of natural disasters related to climate change, and again, the challenges of what happens when conflict enters into a situation. I’ll ask Ambassador Cousin to speak more, but in terms of domestic issues, I think one of the things that we have to relay to the American people is that hunger is not a partisan issue. What I mean by that is it’s impacting all people. It’s impacting all of our neighbors in our nation. Now, as we say that, we can also speak an element of truth that there are people that are more particularly vulnerable as a result of the challenges that confront us. During the height of the pandemic, 40 percent of Black and brown families were having difficult times putting food on the table to feed their families. That’s at the height of it, 40 percent. And by that we’re speaking about African American, Latino, and indigenous families. And so I think we have to acknowledge that, yes, it’s impacting all communities, and yet, as we hold up that truth, also speak that there are certain communities that are particularly experiencing more challenges as a result of the different circumstance. COUSIN; Well, if I may— FASKIANOS: Yes, absolutely. COUSIN: —speak to, first, the domestic challenge. COVID exposed the fragility of wage-earner households in the United States, particularly frontline workers and those we refer to as “essential,” as well as the vulnerability of workers across our food system. In the U.S., the food distribution channels were simply upended. Companies that produce, process, and distribute food now evaluated that—they’re now evaluating and reexamining the risks that were illuminated during COVID in our food system. And as a result, we saw an increase in the number of those who were food insecure as—including about 13 million children as projecting by Feeding America. But the reality is that the COVID relief programs that provided the safety-net support from housing support to the additional child assistance that was provided has made a significant difference in avoiding the projections that Feeding America  offered during the height of COVID. I have not—the challenge of over thirty million Americans being food insecure is nonetheless a crisis, but the numbers that Feeding America was projecting of forty-two million did not—we did not achieve—reach those numbers, thankfully, because our government did respond. But the question is, those programs that we responded with are temporary. How do we ensure that those households that live on the cusp of hunger right here in our own country continue to have the access to the financial resources and the support that is required to allow them to access the food through the market system, and that we are supporting our food banks and our philanthropic food system in a manner that will ensure that where families do not have the financial means that they have access to the food support that is required in their communities? That is what is necessary, is that we cannot simply say the crisis is over and we no longer need these programs at home. And in Yemen, I will simply add on in supporting everything that Reverend Cho has said but also recognize that we have the challenge of donor fatigue in countries like Yemen and South Sudan, where we have had a population of over 50 percent of the nation requiring access to emergency food assistance for over five years now. And as Afghanistan comes online as a greater challenge, we see donor—reduction in donor contributions to places like northeast Nigeria, South Sudan, and Yemen, resulting in a requirement that those agencies that are providing that assistance, including WFP, are then forced to reduce the number of people that they serve, and to those people the amount of food assistance that they provide. We cannot have—we cannot prioritize one hungry child over another. We must continue to provide the necessary financial support to meet the full emergency needs of those countries, whether it’s a country like Afghanistan where we’re seeing increases over the last six months, or a country like Yemen where those—the number of those who are acutely food insecure has continued to plague that nation and those families for over the past five years. FASKIANOS: Thank you. We’ll take the next question from Azza Karam. KARAM: Thank you very much indeed. The presentations from Reverend Cho and Ambassador Cousin are just brilliant and very enriching. I have a quick comment and a question. And the quick comment is I’m not sure how many people realize on this call that Ambassador Cousin in her stint as the World Food Programme executive director did something that no other United Nations system leader dared to do and that many of us are still complaining about when it comes to governments, which is she took the extra step of inviting the pontiff, Pope Francis, to a board meeting where she introduced him not only to the members of the board, the various governments, but to her staff, who received him, I think, in a way that even Bono or any major star would not have been received, quite frankly. And it goes against all that talk about how secular the global system is because there was genuine joy to see him, but also made sure to introduce him to something else which she had thoroughly innovated, which is to create a board of multi-religious advisors to the World Food Programme precisely because of the point she mentioned in the very beginning, is she saw how incredibly critical and tipping point nature it can be to engage religious organizations in the distribution and advocacy. So I just—I can’t let this call go. Sorry, Irina, but I can’t let this call go without giving her a special tribute for the courage and the visionary wisdom that she has. Now I want to ask a question to both of you, if you don’t mind. Isn’t there a bit of a dissonance—and I’m being—trying to be polite here—a bit of a dissonance between the incredible giving, the incredible leadership the United States International Aid and Development puts forward, on the one hand, and the sometimes interesting relationships, militaristic weapons, industry based, interest alliances, that are made with certain governments around the world which are actually contributing to food insecurity among their own populations, and populations of their neighboring nations? I think, in this regard, I wouldn’t necessarily need to name names of countries, but you can well imagine who I’m referring to that are strong allies of many, many successive administrations, not just one. But also a small point to share here that if you look at the sanctions that are currently imposed on the Afghan regime for perfectly fine reasons, are these not somewhat a dissonance with the concern about those who are now generally facing starvation? Is there not supposed to be a connectivity within any administration between the military, defense, and the international aid industry? Thank you. COUSIN: Well, I’ll jump in here. (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: Good. Take the ball. COUSIN: Let me thank you, Ms. Karam, for recognizing the convening of global religious leaders that has been maintained by my successor at the World Food Programme. But it was the first—we began that convening of all faiths because despite the challenges that the international community experiences in raising capital for the support of hunger relief and malnutrition, we identified and recognized that every faith believes that you should feed the hungry and saw them as an ally and a partner, not just in our operations but also in our policy—in our policy advocacy work. It is imperative that we have faith leaders using their political capital in a nonpartisan way to ensure that we advocate for the financial resources that are necessary to provide the support that is required to feed hungry people and to support agricultural development activities. And in that same regard, we need this community to support the policies that will ensure access. In places like Yemen, Afghanistan, northeast Nigeria, many times the challenge to providing assistance to the most vulnerable populations is because of lack of access to humanitarian workers. Despite the global commitment to the humanitarian principles, those principles are often disregarded when it comes to operations on the ground and ensuring that those who provide that assistance, whether they are local actors or international actors, have the access that is required in areas of conflict. So to your specific question, I’m a pragmatist in everything that I do and the reality is where there is conflict there are hungry people, whether you’re talking historically or in modern times. The challenge of ensuring that we distinguish between those who are noncombatant actors and those who are part of the conflict, to provide the assistance that is necessary is one that has—that challenge is one that has plagued committed humanitarians throughout the ages. And one of the reasons why I was successful, my predecessor was successful, is because we separate the politics from the humanitarian work, and if you are going to serve as a humanitarian and meet the needs of vulnerable populations, it requires that those questions that you are asking about the combatants and the investments in arms that humanitarians are not part of that dialogue. But the—recognizing—I’m not naïve. I recognize that those issues challenge the ability of those on the ground to access food as well as the ability of humanitarians to access those in need. But you must separate the politics from humanitarian operations. FASKIANOS: Reverend Cho, do you want to— CHO: I’ll offer a couple thoughts from a neophyte, someone who’s not necessarily an expert on geopolitical aspects, but just maybe a couple broad contributions to the conversation. Without naming names, I think about twenty-plus years ago I was having a conversation with a significant philanthropic humanitarian organization, and in this conversation one of the things that I had heard that was really alarming as a minister, was that this foundation was intentionally choosing not to work with faith-based or religious organizations even though they were working in places around the world where there were significantly high populations of faith-based communities, whether Christian or Muslim, and the list goes on. And I thought that was so naive that they, in their Western perspective as a secular organization, was choosing not to do that. And, thankfully, in subsequent years, they had a change of heart, and they had a change of heart because we have to acknowledge that for good or at times not good, religious people comprise a significant population of the world. To deny its reality and to deny its identity is simply not genuine. And so I’m grateful for the fact that as these conversations about hunger and poverty, climate, and conflict, and the list goes on, we’re not reducing it simply for that conversation to exist within religious spaces but that we’re including religious voices in that dialogue. That’s the major, I think, contribution that I want to make about this, that in many ways we can see how religious people have contributed to harm but may it be more about positive contributions as we work for the sake of the common good of our global world. To the second point,  I—again, I’m not an expert on these things. But I think the point that I want to emphasize here again is that while we work around these hunger and humanitarian spaces—and I want to affirm what Ambassador Cousin mentioned—but I think it’s also highlighting the reality that as much as we work in these spaces that we understand that in the bigger picture of things these things are all connected in some way or the other and, thankfully, there are others who are contributing to these conversations. The word that comes to mind for me is distance, and maybe to take a step back, let’s just talk about climate change, for example. I find it troubling when United States, that we’re trying to lead the conversation around climate change when or if we don’t acknowledge our complicity, when we don’t acknowledge that we’re one of the biggest contributors to some of the hazardous statistics around climate change. So to simply say that while we have to not necessarily in our space engage in the politics of it is that we need to have the prophetic courage to contribute to acknowledging where in, again, our policies might we be contributing to that dissonance. So far, I think in my talk and in Ambassador Cousin’s remarks, we’ve mentioned conflict numerous times. Well, as we’re addressing conflict, if we’re wanting peace in our world then we have to contribute to policies that contribute and promote peace. And so to the—to Ms. Karam, who made her comments, I don’t have all the answers but I can simply affirm that I acknowledge at times the dissonance and want to contribute not just to reductions in poverty and reductions in malnutrition but also wanting to see policies that promote and contribute to peace and prosperity in our world. FASKIANOS: OK. Thank you. The next written question comes from David Wildman, who is the executive secretary for human rights and racial justice with the United Methodist Church’s General Board of Global Ministries, and he writes, many of the places facing hunger are in conflict areas like Afghanistan and Yemen. Many of these same places are also subjected to sanctions. While the U.N. and governments all claim they make exemptions for food and medical supplies, the reality is that sanctions, especially banking sanctions, are contributing to hunger in many places. How can we address the impact of sanctions on global hunger in so many places? Ambassador, do you want to start? COUSIN: Yeah, I’ll start where I left off. OK. The sanctions are a tool that the political community uses internationally to support the behavior change or to reinforce the—as a negative reinforcement for actions that a country may take. The literature is filled with analysis of the impact of sanctions on vulnerable populations. This is—there’s nothing that I could say or add that has not already been written about with the recognition of the impact of sanctions on populations. The opportunity, then, is for those who are the provider of support to those vulnerable populations is to ensure that those sanctions do not affect the ability of the organizations to deliver the food assistance that is necessary to populations who are detrimentally impacted by those sanctions. If we look in the political toolkit of what actors—what governments have to address the behavior of countries, sanctions is one tool that, I would argue, is—while it has a potential detrimental impact is less impactful than armed conflict as a response. And so if you think about what are the tools that governments may use in—to drive actions of state actors, sanctions are a legitimate tool. But those sanctions have consequences that any government that determines that they’re going to use that tool must be prepared to address to ensure that vulnerable civilian, and vulnerable populations are not detrimentally affected by those sanctions, and that includes ensuring that there’s access to the financial resources as well as access to the populations to provide the assistance that is necessary. FASKIANOS: Great. I’m going to go next to Lynne Speed, who has a raised hand in the queue. SPEED: Thank you. Can you hear me? FASKIANOS: Yes, ma’am, we can. SPEED: OK. Great. Thanks. First— FASKIANOS: Please give us your affiliation. SPEED: Oh. Lynne Speed with the Schiller Institute. And, first of all, thanks so much for having this program on this most important topic, which is all too much being ignored, I think, both in the U.S. and internationally by governments, people, et cetera. So I have two quick questions. First of all, as Ambassador Cousin already emphasized and the Schiller Institute has been very concerned with this, our co-initiator of the Committee for the Coincidence of Opposites, Dr. Joycelyn Elders, former surgeon general of the United States, has—who I think Dr.—I see Ambassador Cousin is nodding—knows her well from the Clinton administration of her other work. But she has really stressed that the immediate short-term emergency solutions are not adequate, that you need long-term durable solutions including a full-scale health care system in every nation and this includes infrastructure. It includes clean water. It includes, in fact, food. I mean, how can you vaccinate starving people? That’s not going to do very much. It includes energy and it includes the infrastructure to support this. So my first part is on that. My second question is, Schiller Institute president Helga LaRouche has called for what she calls Operation Ibn Sina to work with the Afghanistan government, first of all, in releasing the $9 billion in Afghan government funds, which had been held back by financial institutions in the U.S. and internationally, and to further support the stabilization and future through this kind of infrastructure development. The alternative is unthinkable, as Ambassador Cousin already pointed out. Humanitarian concerns have to supersede geopolitical policies and politics. So I would like your comments both in terms of this question of the infrastructure development and more investment and development in these areas that could be done by governments around the world so we’re not always playing catch up on these emergency situations. And secondly, very specifically with respect to Afghanistan, this is not a sanction question. This is money that belongs to the Afghan people being released immediately to deal with the impending starvation of some eighteen to twenty million people. FASKIANOS: Ambassador Cousin, do you want to start with that, and Reverend Cho, we— COUSIN: Yeah, I’ll start with that. I’ll begin where I ended and that is that there’s a tension—there’s often a tension between the political community of actors and the humanitarian community of actors, and the decisions that are made in addressing geopolitical challenges have, too often, detrimental human consequences, and the opportunity for the dialogue that is necessary to create the environment where those political decisions do not or minimally, if at all, impact civilian populations of a country are critical. You can point to these challenges from Syria to Afghanistan and beyond. These are always questions that are raised if there are economic—particularly where there are economic issues at play, and the response of the political actors is to then provide the financial resources and the political support for humanitarian actors to respond to the consequences, and they’re not—they’re unintended consequences but they’re definitely not unforeseeable consequences of political decision-making. And if I—to suggest that I have the perfect answer to that juxtaposition between the political actors and the humanitarian consequences is above my experience as well as my intellectual capacity. But I would also add to what she said about infrastructure and wholeheartedly agree from a food system standpoint that it is an imperative that we need to invest in the adaptation measures that are necessary to support developing countries’ ability to build a food system that protects the environment, produces affordable and healthy food, and provides for economic return for all of the actors across the food system. This is the only way that we are going to build a food system infrastructure that supports our ability and supports the ability of global communities to address the impact that climate will have on the ability of populations to feed themselves and, particularly, their vulnerable people. And so these investments are an imperative. We don’t have the ability of addressing the emergency challenges that we’re describing in isolation of performing the work that is necessary to create the systems and the infrastructure support from food, health, education, that will support the ability of populations to prosper and not just survive. FASKIANOS: Reverend Cho? CHO: Yeah, just a couple thoughts. I want to, first, begin by just saying a wholehearted affirmation with what the ambassador just shared about the infrastructure. I think the question almost answers the question. We believe that it can’t just be a Band-Aid response to these issues. We know there’s always going to be emergencies. But I think Feed the Future is an example of trying to give a more holistic approach in creating more vitality and health. Right now at Bread for the World one of our focuses in recent years, in this year, and in the coming years, is the issue of malnutrition, and I know it’s a very specific topic, but we’re trying to emphasize the significance of investing in nutrition for a child in their first one thousand days, and how when we do this collectively it has a significant impact for that child’s life, for that mother’s life, for that family’s life, for that community’s life, and, ultimately, it contributes to the well-being, the flourishing, of that entire community and nation. And in some ways, I think that’s a microcosm of looking at it from a more holistic perspective, whereas twenty, thirty years ago, I think, oftentimes we saw or we were obsessed with simply getting calories into human beings that were struggling with hunger. And so we see it now in a much more holistic infrastructure perspective. The second thing that I wanted to contribute to this question was just I think our job, I feel like, in the complexity of the questions that were being asked—and certainly for myself as a minister, a pastor of a local church for many, many years, these are very complex, nuanced conversations. I think the ambassador is giving great answers but she’s also acknowledging how complex these things are. And yet, having said that, I feel like, as I’m speaking for myself, my job is to keep amplifying the message that right now, if we’re talking about Afghanistan, two million children right now as we’re speaking need immediate life-saving treatment for malnutrition. And I think when things get very complex—and, certainly, geopolitics, is very complex—what gets lost is the stories of real people that are suffering not because of their actions but because of what’s confronting them. So I would suggest that, yes, as we acknowledge and try to engage these complexities let’s not grow weary in highlighting these real stories of women and children especially who are being affected by what’s going on. FASKIANOS: I am—we’re almost at the end of our time. I’m going to try to squeeze in one last question, and my apologies for not getting to all of them. The next and final question comes from Imam Saffet Catovic, who is with the ISNA Office for Interfaith and Community Alliances. Do you believe, as late Senator McGovern did, that global hunger could come to an end by 2030, as stated in his book, The Third Freedom, in which he calls for the U.S. government to step up its game and adopt his five-point program, which includes universal lunches for all students worldwide? This could only be done if funds America currently spends on the military is spent on these five priorities. After all, is not global hunger in and of itself a destabilizing force and military threat? So I’ll turn it to each of you to share your thoughts and make any final remarks. COUSIN: Well, as the military and the Department of Defense has acknowledged is that food insecurity is a conflict multiplier, and that there’s—without—and it may—we may not have the ability to draw a direct causal relationship between hunger and conflict but there’s definitely a correlation between conflict—between hunger and instability, and the need to ensure that we address the challenges of hunger and malnutrition are definitely security questions, which is why not only does the Department of Defense say this, but the Munich Security Council now regularly convenes conversations around addressing food insecurity as a conflict-prevention strategy. And so this is—I would say in the words of my son, this is a no-brainer, that we must provide the assistance that is required to ensure that we support access to the food that is necessary to ensure stability, particularly in places that are vulnerable to conflict. CHO: These are fantastic questions and we could probably go on for hours at a time, and I know we’re almost up in time. The question referenced Senator McGovern and his leadership, and one of the things that I wanted to highlight is, his name has popped up often in the past week at the Bread for the World offices and his name has popped up because of his friendship and partnership with Senator Bob Dole, who, as we all know, passed away this past year. Senator Bob Dole was a member of the board of directors at Bread for the World since 2001, and I find it really interesting that for some folks they don’t quite realize the significant role that Senator Dole and Senator McGovern had in their respective areas of leadership, and it reminds me—just as one example, they created the bipartisan McGovern-Dole International Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program, which provided school meals in forty-two countries and equipped leaders to graduate and then begin administering the program themselves. This was a significant victory for the global community, for humanitarian issues, and for me, it’s a reminder how important leadership is during our current time. We need leadership in all levels, whether it’s in a private sphere, whether it’s in corporations and universities, certainly, in religious spaces and among our leaders in our respective nations. As a U.S. citizen, I need—I’m urging more substantive, moral, prophetic, courageous leadership from our members of Congress and from the administration to continue to lead in these spaces. I’m encouraged that during what feels like a very partisan time issues around hunger still experiences a level of bipartisan support. We’re working on something called the Global Malnutrition Prevention and Treatment Act right now, which, if it gets passed, would have impacts on tens of millions of people, an example of—and we need more of this during our current time. The last thing that I’ll just share is I think for those who are listening right now and watching, is that we need to make sure that as we grow in our intellectual acumen and our policy wonky chops, that we don’t forget that when it’s all said and done it still needs to be a personal issue, and I’m reminding myself of this on a regular basis. My father was born in what is now called North Korea. When he was a child, there was only one country before it was separated by war. And to this day, he still shares, occasionally, stories of what he experienced as a child of hunger, a child of war, a child of conflict. He lived in a refugee camp for some time separated from some members of his family, having to pull out grass from the ground to consume it because it was the only thing that he could do to satisfy hunger pangs. This is the story of my father from decades ago but just the reminder that this is also a reality for our neighbors around the world, and for that reason I pray and I hope that as we learn, again, statistics and ways in which we engage this is that, from my theological perspective, to embrace this truth that every single human being deserves inherent worth and dignity, that every single human being is created in the image of God, and this is why we need to have the moral urgency to do what we can and to keep going. So I’ll stop there. FASKIANOS: That was a beautiful way to end. Thank you very much to both of you for sharing your insights, your expertise, the work that you’re doing. Thank you for your service to this country and all that you’re doing for people around the world. We really appreciate it. You can follow Reverend Cho on Twitter at @EugeneCho and Ambassador Cousin at @Ertharin1. Just going to let that sit there for a minute. (Laughter.) We also encourage you to follow CFR’s Religion and Foreign Policy program on Twitter at @CFR_Religion, and please feel free to email us at [email protected] with any suggestions of topics we should cover, going forward—suggestions, feedback, et cetera. You know where to find us. Thank you both again for today’s terrific discussion and to all of you for your great questions, comments, and participation. Wishing you all happy holidays.
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  • Aging, Youth Bulges, and Population
    Nigeria's Vice President Speaks Plainly on Population and Food
    Nigeria's Vice President Yemi Osinbajo addressed on February 23 a UN Food Systems Summit organized by the Nigerian government in Abuja, the national capital. He was blunt about the country's food insecurity problem. He noted that Nigeria's population is growing much faster than the economy, limiting its ability to build resilient, sustainable food systems. The conference considered a variety of possible approaches to increasing food production. Their relevance to Nigeria's realities remains to be seen. But Osinbajo addressed an important driver of food insecurity—Nigeria's rapidly growing population. Already an estimated 219 million, the population is projected to reach more than 400 million by mid-century, by which time it would displace the United States as the third largest country in the world. Nigeria is also, at the same time, quickly urbanizing. More than half of the population already lives in cities, most of which lack the necessary infrastructure to accommodate their residents. Nigerians often cite an abundance of good farmland and lament a lack of investment in agriculture. Certainly, agricultural investment has suffered from the diversion of investment capital to the oil industry and also from misguided public policy in the years before and after independence. But the abundance of good agricultural land is overstated: desertification affects as much as 60 percent of Nigeria's land, with drought and climate change exacerbating land deterioration. The Sahara Desert is creeping south while a rising Gulf of Guinea, coupled with a sinking continental shelf, threatens coastal areas. If increasing agricultural production will be a challenge, so, too, is reducing the birthrate. The statistically average Nigerian woman bears more than five children. But the rate varies across ethnic, religious, and local government lines, with a high of 7.3 births per woman in Katsina State and a low of 3.4 births per woman in Lagos State. In addition, among many “Big Men,” fathering large numbers of children is viewed as a dimension of their power. The government has tried to impose a population policy but failed to achieve its aims due to weak political will and hard-to-overcome cultural factors favoring a high birth rate. Nevertheless, Osinbajo's straight talk about an awkward issue is to be commended. In 2022, the ruling party is likely to nominate a southern Christian for the presidency, preserving the alternation of the office between the Muslim north and the Christian south. Osinbajo is a Christian, a Pentecostal preacher. However, he has described himself as "on loan" from the church to the government, and it is unclear that he will actively seek the nomination.
  • Local and Traditional Leadership
    Ethnic and Religious Violence Worsen in Kaduna
    Kaduna is increasingly the epicenter of violence in Nigeria, rivaling Borno state, the home turf of Boko Haram. In rural areas, conflicts over water and land use are escalating, and Ansaru, a less prominent Islamist group, is active. Over the past year, some four hundred people were abducted for ransom in the state by criminal gangs; more than two hundred violent events resulted in nearly one thousand fatalities, and some fifty thousand are internally displaced. These estimates apply to the state as a whole, including the city of Kaduna, the capital of the state. The city of Kaduna has long been a center of political, ethnic, and religious violence. The city has undergone ethnic "cleansing," with Christians now concentrated in south Kaduna city and the Muslims in the north. Since the end of military rule in 1998–99, Kaduna city saw election-related violence that soon turned into bloodshed along ethnic and religious lines. Like the Nigerian state, the city of Kaduna is a British colonial creation orchestrated by Lord Frederick Lugard, first governor general of an amalgamated Nigeria. He established Kaduna as the British administrative capital of the northern half of the country, to be situated on the railway that linked Lagos and Kano—then, as now, Nigeria's largest cities. As the administrative capital of the north, Kaduna acquired some of the accoutrements of British colonialism, including a race track, polo, and expat club. A number of foreign governments, including the United States, established consulates in Kaduna, an "artificial," planned city reminiscent of the current capital, Abuja. The British encouraged Muslims incomers to settle in the north and Christians in the south. In part because of the railway connections, Kaduna became an important manufacturing center, especially for textiles. An international airport was eventually built. But the last half-century has not been kind. Nigeria moved from four regions, of which Kaduna was the capital of the largest, to thirty-six states. The establishment of a new national capital at Abuja led to the departure of consulates and many international business links, and, while the airport survives, most regional air traffic goes to Abuja. The textile industry and most heavy manufacturing have also collapsed, the consequence of erratic economic policy, underinvestment, and foreign competition. The national railway network became moribund and is only now being restored by the Chinese. Yet Kaduna's urban population has exploded. In the 2006 census [PDF], the state capital's population was 760,084; now, the estimate is closer to 1.8 million. Agricultural output has collapsed, the result of climate change and the breakdown of security, resulting in waves of migrants into a city that does not have the infrastructure to accommodate them. Very high levels of unemployment (nobody really knows how high), a youth bulge, and shortage of housing makes the city a veritable petri dish for violence that acquires an ethnic and religious coloration. Further, the traditional Islamic institutions to be found elsewhere in the north were either never present in the British-founded city or have been weak.  Hence, in the city of Kaduna, violence is multifaceted in origin, and no one strategy is likely to bring it under control. At best, small steps to improve services to the population could buy some time for the larger political, economic, and social changes that will be necessary to restore the health of the city.
  • Transition 2021
    Climate Change: The Biden Administration's Opportunity in Africa
    Herman J. Cohen is the former assistant secretary of state for African affairs (1989–93), the former U.S. ambassador to the Gambia and Senegal (1977–80), and was a member of the U.S. Foreign Service for thirty-eight years. Climate change is both one of the greatest threats to Africa and an area in which Biden administration policy is most likely to differ from President Trump's. Through his leadership on this issue, the president-elect has a chance to make a difference for millions of Africans while setting a global example for urgent action. The science of climate change in Africa is undeniable. It is already destroying crops, causing floods and droughts, and subjecting impoverished people to severe heat waves. Climate change is not a hypothetical for Africans: it is spreading hunger and desperation while helping violent extremists gain a foothold. For instance, in the Sahel—perhaps the world's most vulnerable region —militants are taking advantage of near-famine, competition for resources, and diminishing agricultural yields to bolster their ranks and stoke conflict. The U.S. Department of Defense has warned that counterterrorism efforts there are "not getting the job done," and that the territory could serve as the basis for another Islamic State-style caliphate, menacing both Africans and the West. Violent conflict has also emerged between pastoralist ethnic groups seeking new pasture for their livestock and agricultural tribes to the south guarding their land. These localized conflicts, exacerbated by climate change, are a basis for exploitation by Islamist extremists with international ambitions. The United Nations is raising billions in aid to try and prevent the region from sinking into famine, but international efforts can do better to address the fundamental role of climate change in the Sahel's instability, and its threat to Africa writ large. The Biden administration could lead on this issue. There are several existing opportunities for a Biden climate change policy in Africa. Africa relies heavily on agriculture for revenue and sustenance. Climate change is afflicting both food production and freshwater availability in Africa, which already struggles to provide these basic necessities. Fortunately, Africa has nearly 60 percent of the world's arable land, and with support, it could feed people on both the continent and around the world. The Biden administration should vigorously focus on food production and agricultural modernization, and consider building capacity for desalination to protect Africans from the effects of worsening water shortages. Power generation and delivery is nearly as important. Reliable electricity is a prerequisite for the prosperity which has so far eluded African economies. Only 43 percent of Africans have any access to electricity, and even in the continent's most developed economies, the grid is often erratic and impossible to rely on for business. The United States’ Power Africa program, which began under President Obama and continued under President Trump, has successfully added tens of thousands of megawatts in new power generation through public-private partnerships. Much of this investment has been in renewable energy generation, including solar, wind, hydroelectric, and biomass. But others have been in oil and gas. The Biden administration can expand this existing program to help Africa build reliable green power infrastructure, a process that will create jobs and investment both in the United States and on the continent. To advance sustainable prosperity, President-elect Biden should ensure the program is moving the continent towards renewable energy, instead of power generation modes that will make Africa's problems worse. Power Africa could also promote changes to existing "dirty" infrastructure. Flaring from offshore oil platforms is a key source of greenhouse gas emissions—Power Africa could provide technical expertise to reduce them while encouraging African states to move away from fossil fuels. Mobile money transactions are the root of informal African commerce, and many portable transmission towers are powered with diesel fuel generators—Power Africa could work to replace these with solar microgrids. One of President Trump's best ideas was to plant one trillion trees by 2030. The Biden administration should sustain this initiative, with a focus on the Sahel and in the Congo Basin, the world's second-largest rain forest and an enormous carbon sponge. Slash-and-burn logging is creating a global threat by decimating the ecosystem there. The president-elect's foreign aid could preserve and rehabilitate these forests, which can provide an employment opportunity for at-risk youth while augmenting carbon absorption. Climate change also threatens Africa's fisheries, adding to the existing menace of foreign fleets, primarily from China, plundering its fish stocks with impunity and depriving Africans of revenue and protein. African fisherman have increasingly resorted to piracy—the West African coast has perhaps the world's most dangerous waters. American foreign aid could provide equipment and training to protect African fisheries from climate change and foreign adversaries, creating a sustainable source of food and profit. Every recent U.S. president has had a signature Africa program of some kind. President-elect Biden may find that existing foreign aid frameworks are insufficient to meet Africa's need for help, and ability to provide solutions, on climate change. This is a ripe opportunity for Biden to make a lasting difference on the continent.
  • Food and Water Security
    Rising Hunger: Facing a Food-Insecure World
    Global food insecurity has surged amid the coronavirus pandemic, threatening to worsen humanitarian crises and spur further mass migration.