Economics

Corporate Governance

  • South Korea
    South Korea’s Chaebol Challenge
    South Korea’s megaconglomerates have helped lift the country out of poverty, but their extraordinary influence could put the health of the Korean economy at risk.
  • United States
    A Conversation With Disney CEO Robert A. Iger
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    HAASS: So let’s start actually with the 800-pound gorilla, which is the big thing, the acquisition of 21st Century Fox. Given what Blair said, given how stunningly well you’ve done, how well you’re doing, why would—what compels you to then take on a whole new challenge and then—and potentially, like all challenges, a whole new set of risks? IGER: Well, it starts with the fact that I’m paid to run the Walt Disney Company. And one of the primary responsibilities is to continue to deliver increasing value to shareholders. And to accomplish that, you have to focus pretty heavily on what’s going on in the environment, meaning the business but also the world. And we’ve undergone—our businesses have undergone, like many businesses, transformative change. And it’s happened very rapidly. And I thought, once Rupert signaled an interest in selling the assets of his company, that by combining the two it was a clear path—nothing is a sure thing—but would increase the odds of us continuing to grow the company in businesses in a world that didn’t look anything like the world we were operating in a short time ago. It’s kind of as simple as that. And I’ve been lucky in my life in that although this probably the biggest thing we’ve done, certainly financially, that I don’t typically—I’m not risk averse, and I don’t typically wake up afraid of anything—including, by the way, everything associated with transformation, which we will get into. So I looked at this as a huge opportunity. And of course, we have to be mindful of all the risks we’re taking on in the process, but in this particular case I was far more driven by the potential than I was about anything else. HAASS: You talked about waking up. And you notoriously wake up early. Do you have a bias? When in doubt, if it’s a close call, do you have a bias towards doing things or not? IGER: Doing things, definitely. HAASS: And let’s extend that a bit, which is one thing this deal will do, if and when it goes through, is it’ll make you much more of a global company. Because right now you’re—Disney’s pretty much an American company, in terms of your business. This probably, what, triples your global footprint? IGER: About a third of our revenue comes from outside the United States today, roughly. That’s largely due to the skew of ESPN, which is mostly a U.S.-based business, which is extremely not only profitable but brings in a lot of revenue. And then our theme parks, while we operate globally, the biggest is in Orlando. And it is so big that it essentially skews us to much more of a domestic company. The company is a global company. The brand is well-known around the world. And we do business in almost every market in the world. But, yes, we’re far more America-centric from a bottom-line perspective. And actually, I don’t know where you were going with the question, but among the things that—there were three primary facets to this deal that made it attractive. One of them was giving us the ability to penetrate international markets more deeply, more effectively, and diversifying our asset base outside the United States. HAASS: So how is it then that you produce content that’s both popular and works in this country, and that is popular and works in others? Do you essentially end up with multiple contents going local? Or do you think that there is such a thing as globally attractive content? IGER: Both. Both. And even today, before the—we end up with Fox, we do both. But what people hear most about is content that we make that has global appeal and does business globally. And that’s largely our movies. We make eight to 10 movies a year. They’re actually all designed to have global appeal. Interestingly enough, you could look all the way back to 1937, which was when Walt Disney made “Snow White,” which is the first movie that he made. And he took that to the world, actually. HAASS: It’s actually the last movie I’ve seen, so it’s really—(laughter)— IGER: I can get you a copy, unless you’ve illegally downloaded it, which would set this interview off on the wrong track. (Laughter.) But even back then, he was telling stories that were specifically designed to be universal in appeal, that actually resonated to people all over the world no matter what their ethnicity, what their background, even what their age. He was asked once, who do you make movies for? Do you make them for kids? Do you make them for parents? And he said, I make it for—to reach that very special place that everybody has in their hearts. Meaning, he makes—he tells stories, makes movies, to touch people’s hearts. So when you look at our business today, the highest profile content that we make is content that is global in nature. And the most recent example is “Black Panther,” which actually surprised a lot of people because people did not expect that a film that has virtually an entire black cast, that is made by a black director, produced by a black man, written by the same man that directed it, and tells the story of a mythical African nation would have—wouldn’t have particular appeal globally. But when you look at the film, you quickly realize that its appeal was not about the color of the skin of the actors—although that certainly was appealing to a lot of people—it was the essence of the story. And it was the hero and the villain. And there are a number of qualities or values that we infuse in our stories, certainly this is the case with Disney but it’s also now true with Marvel and with Star Wars and Pixar, that travel across borders. It’s fantastic, in terms of—in terms of commerce, in terms of growing the brand, and in terms of essentially developing a global base of people that admire what we do. HAASS: I would think, though, that potentially one of the difficulties is that some of the content, there might be local resistance. I mean, China’s, I assume, a big and growing market for you. How do you deal with the—hey, here you’ve got Xi Jinping, it’s clearly tightening up. We saw it with the anticorruption campaign. Now we’re seeing it with the abolition of term limits. We see it with the great firewall of China, controls over the internet. How is it you deal with the question of resistance to potential content? IGER: Well, let’s go back and talk Disney for a minute. I’ve touched upon it. But starting way back Walt started telling these stories we still tell today. And if you look at the core values of those stories, the value of hard work, the importance of friendship and family, the fundamental belief that good is going to triumph over evil, a sense of optimism, joy, et cetera and so on—you quickly, I think conclude that, well, if you infuse those in your stories, and that forms the basis of the story, that that will translate culturally across the world. And what’s happened over time, by adhering to those core values—and one of the things that’s been most interesting in this period of great change, and I’ve seen this happen with a number of brands, is there’s an instinct to abandon core values in order to maintain brand relevance in a world that doesn’t look anything like the world that existed a scant five years, 10 years ago, in our case when the company was founded in 1923. What we’ve done is the opposite, which is let’s stick to those core values because they do resonate so well. But let’s present them in more relevant ways. And we can come back to how that’s done. So specifically to your question, because we’ve essentially adhered to those core values, and actually if anything we’ve leaned into them, putting a brighter light on them, the brand has built up tremendous equity among people around the world, including foreign leaders, including Xi Jinping. So when it comes time to decide—and however it’s done in China, sometimes it can be somewhat opaque but I have a general idea how a lot of the decisions are made—what comes in and what doesn’t come in, Disney is, for the most part, looked upon quite favorably because of just—what we’ve just talked about. And it’s interesting, I mean, very specifically about China, he led a charge among senior government officials before he was in his current role, when he was vice premier and when he was party secretary for a brief period of time of Shanghai, to enable us with local partners to invest a tremendous amount of money, billions of dollars, to bring Disneyland, that quintessential American icon and experience, to the biggest, most populous city in the world. And that was—and he had—I’ve spoken with him about it. He tells a story of an argument that took place among Hu Jintao, the then-party secretary of Shanghai, and Xi Jinping when he was vice premier. And the debate was, do we fund a local company to build a gigantic theme park in Shanghai on this incredible piece of land that is right between downtown Shanghai and the airport? Or do we let Disney come in? And he said, we should let Disney come in. And when I asked him, why did you feel so strongly about that, he said, because you’re loved in this country. People love Disney. And they’ve heard of Disneyland. A lot of people have seen pictures of it, have read about it, have heard people going. And if we can do that here, that’s a triumph on our part. Pretty interesting. And for the most part, that approach, or the way they consider us, or how they consider us, is consistent across the businesses. So one of the competitive advantages that Disney has with that name and with those values is the access that it gives us to markets. HAASS: But Apple has, for example, had to make certain compromises in access to the Chinese market. Would you—do you have the principle that you would never change the content, say, of a film in order to sell it abroad? IGER: No. We have—we have at times refused certain requests. I’d rather not get too specific about that. But to my knowledge, by the way, we haven’t had any such disputes in China. We are asked at times to make certain changes. But again, you’re dealing—with Disney, you’re dealing with subject matter and content and standards that, you know, rarely offend. We, by the way, when we—when we take a film to markets around the world, we probably do more than anyone else in terms of tailoring it to those markets. So—and one of the reasons for that is because a lot of kids go to our films. Kids don’t read subtitles. They want to hear the sound of the character’s voice. And so we dub our films. By the way, all the movie companies do this, but we do it in many more languages. And we even dub films into Canadian French, as a for instance, to be so culturally relevant. And when we do that, we’re extremely careful about the language that we choose, so that it’s—so that we’re not essentially applying American interpretation and American standards. And even when we built Shanghai Disneyland we did the same thing. All the iconography, all the language, everything about the park we actually conceived of in Mandarin and translated into English, instead of doing it in English and then translating it the other way. We thought we would potentially make mistakes. HAASS: Can I speak then about another country? You, you know, talked about before, and it became public that you met with the new—the young crown prince of Saudi Arabia. So the question is, is there any chance that you’re going to bring the Magic Kingdom to the Kingdom? (Laughter.) IGER: He spoke quite eloquently and vehemently about what he’s trying to accomplish, not only in that part of the world but across the Middle East and in other parts of the world. He has significant concerns about the spread of Muslim fundamentalism in places like Europe, as a for instance. And after doing so, he made an impassioned plea to me to consider building Disneyland in Saudi Arabia. And I listened with curiosity and somewhat of an open mind. And I explained that when we make decisions like this, we consider cultural issues, economic issues, and political issues. And this was—and it’s—it may seem simple, but it’s far more complex. And he tried to make the decision easier from an economic perspective. (Laughter.) Try to be— HAASS: It’s good we’re all sitting down. IGER: I’m editing while I speak here, trying not to create headlines. And I— HAASS: Did he agree that Minnie Mouse could drive? (Laughter.) IGER: He—(laughs)—we didn’t get that far. (Laughter.) I was very—I actually was very frank with him about it. And I’m not going to get into those details either. But he asked me an interesting question. And he said, do you believe in what I’m trying to accomplish? And he said, if you do, then I think you ought to do this. (Laughter.) And I ended up saying that I would visit and see for myself, but that that in no way should be interpreted to mean we’re developing a park, but that I would listen—but I’m a fun—I often say to the senior executives of Disney, if you don’t go you can’t grow. Meaning, it’s not about making decisions from Burbank, California. It’s about getting out in the world and seeing market firsthand, tasting the food, speaking to people, not just meeting with government officials, really understanding it. And so I’ll go. Whether we grow or not there, I don’t know. But I’ll go. There’s a lot of people who live in that part of the world. We have, over time, been asked by many from that region to consider putting a park in that region. And so far, it hasn’t—it hasn’t been at the top of our list in terms of markets that we would open up in, but we’ll take a look. HAASS: Turn to something about—a question—a few questions about being the head of your company. Talk a little bit about what it’s like to be the CEO these days given two things. One is the stunning pace of technological change. And second of all, the uncertainty coming out of Washington, and the duality of those two—so you get up in the morning. Again, you get up—you’re the only person I know who gets up earlier than I do. And what is it—how does it affect your ability and the way you go about your job? IGER: Well, I think the demands are much greater because of it. You’re right, the pace of change has never been faster. We talked about it in the sitting room before we came in here. If we were sitting here five years ago, certainly 10 years ago, there are a number of companies that affect our daily lives, that we do commerce through or whatever, that didn’t—if they existed, they were nascent. And many of them didn’t even exist. I look back often at the world’s top brands. And I’ve been at the company ABC-Disney for 44 years. So I look back over that span of time, then I go back even more. And we talk about being born the same year. Think about the ’50s and the ’60s and the great brands in our lives. And we think about U.S. car companies, General Motors, and Chrysler, and Ford, for instance. We think about, even then, the emerging tech companies. I remember how excited we were about Xerox and IBM, as a for instance. HAASS: Xerox, yeah. IGER: And we can go to transportation. TWA, Pan Am. HAASS: Eastern Airlines. IGER: Eastern Airlines. All of those. And then you think today, well, they’re—how many of them are either not as relevant or completely gone, and why? HAASS: If you go back and look at that book, In Search of Excellence, probably more than half of those companies no longer exist. IGER: So you have to ask yourself why. Obviously, global transformation, led in many respects by advance of technology, which is only happening faster—I love Tom Friedman’s book—most recent book, when he talked about that. But then you have to ask yourself: Well, is there anything those companies could have done to avoid becoming irrelevant or completely extinct? And it does go back to what I talked about, which I think—and we also should talk about the innovator’s dilemma. I think a lot of companies seem to believe that because the world is changing so much, the—probably the most important thing to do is to stray from the very essence of what created the value in the first place, the brand value. And look, it happened at Disney, in that as the world got more sophisticated, as kids aged out our young demographic faster, there was a big debate about standards. Should we infuse it with saltier language? Should there be more violence? Should there be more sexual references? One could easily have concluded that to be relevant in the world we should have done that. In reality, the opposite is true. It’s that’s what created the value. Stick to that. But then figure out a way to portray your brand, to bring your brand into people’s lives far more in relevant ways. So when we bought Pixar—and this was very much on our minds—they were making animation that was far more advanced visually, computer generated animation, than our 2-D animation. To kids, more modern, more relevant. We were the first company to put our movies and our television shows on the iTunes platform—a sexy, modern, relevant means of accessing content for consumers eventually all over the world. Both—in that particular case, it meant disrupting our own businesses, which is something you also have to be open to doing. So stick to your core values, be willing to disrupt your own business—because the business models are the ones that—in my opinion, what’s happened in a lot of these businesses is it’s not that the brand was not relevant anymore, it’s the business model that brought the brand to the world that was less relevant because new models emerged that gave the consumer either easier access, easier use, more mobility, you could hire better technology, to come up with a lot of examples. So, going all the way back to what you asked, is it—one of the key things that I think about a lot is, one, you have to be really curious, more so than ever before. You have to be aware of what is going on in the global environment that affects your business the most. Second, you have to be willing to take risks, and that includes being a disrupter. And it’s hard, because we’re competing with, you know, all the insurgents. I have a—I have a friend who does some consulting, just one basically friend to friend with me about brands in today’s world, and he talks a lot about an insurgent’s mentality. He actually counseled me when I was trying to get this job about how I would articulate this to the Disney Board, a man named Scott Miller. And he said you’re competing with people who don’t have a past. They have no baggage. They don’t have to—the only direction they’re looking is forward. It’s an unbelievable luxury that people in jobs like mine with companies that have almost 100-year legacies don’t have. So you have to—I think you have to transform yourself. And he said or someone wrote recently no leader ever succeeded by leading his company or his country into the past. When you think about it, it’s only about the future. And my—when I met with the board to get the job, I said to—they tried to—they asked me a lot of questions of what happened in the past, what happened here, what happened there. We had gone through a tough period of time. And I said I can’t do anything about the past. It is what it is. Let me talk about the future. And it was interesting because it helped me frame up what I wanted to do with the company—and it’s what we’ve done—is keep looking forward, do not look back. Keep looking forward. And it’s—so, you know, I don’t know if I’ve fully answered your question, but those are components of sort of how I start my day. HAASS: But also it’s complicated because—I hadn’t thought about it until you said that. Not to compare our two institutions, but the Council’s two years older than Disney. We were formed in ’21. And what you have is in some ways the challenge where you’ve got this legacy business—and you talked about your brand—and at the same time you’ve got to constantly adapt and innovate. And I do think that’s a difference from—it’s like, so, if you’re competing with the—you know, in this age of cord-cutting and you’ve got the Netflixes and all these other places, you have both the advantage but in some ways the disadvantage of the fact that you are a legacy business. And you begin with this enormous brand, which on one hand is a great advantage. On the other hand, the time is something of a constant because you don’t want to do things that essentially undo what made you who you are. IGER: And what you said—and think back now to the conversation we just had. Think about IBM. Not to pick on IBM, but look at the position they had. And you can read the story about Steve Jobs. And they had a brand with great values, but they refused, essentially, to allow it or enable it to migrate to different platforms that felt disruptive at the time. And by the way, they had a good thing going. But there was probably nothing wrong with the brand itself. I remember, you know, looking up to General Motors as a kid. Now, Mary Barra’s on our board. I want to be a little careful here because they still make a pretty good product. But, you know, you don’t abandon those. The core values that General Motors stood for and Pan Am stood for would work today, it’s just how you do business in the world and how you bring the product forward has changed a lot. HAASS: I’ve got two last questions, because even though I’ve got about a hundred I could ask, but I will show uncharacteristic restraint and give others a shot. But I can’t let you go here without asking, you were wildly and hotly rumored to be considered a run for public office. And we have the precedent right now of a businessman in a—in a certain public office. And I guess two questions. You know, reportedly you’ve come out against it. And to the extent it doesn’t get overly personal, people I think would be curious why. But do you think that someone with a business background has advantages, that a lot of that is translatable? We were talking before about Rex Tillerson; it didn’t work so well for him. Do you think that essentially what makes you so successful where you are, if your calculations were different, that they could succeed in a place like Washington? IGER: I don’t really like stereotypes. So while it may sound presumptuous as a businessman to say, oh, I could do that, I don’t really think it’s about that. I think it starts with our country and where I believe people are today, and the state of our government and the state of politics in the United States today. I did consider this very seriously. I actually considered it ahead of the 2016 election. And I was—and the reason, first of all I consider myself a patriot, and I actually consider myself a product of a true American Dream. I was born in Brooklyn, like you, grew up in a lower-middle-class family. My dad had some medical issues that prevented him from having a flourishing career, even though he was an incredibly bright man and I think a talented man. And I—you know, I started as a $150-a-week production assistant at ABC and worked my way up, and here I am running I think one of the greatest companies in the world. That’s an unbelievable story. I would love kids who are born in America today to believe, to have the optimism that they had the same opportunity that I did. And so I—I know that’s just one very small item on a long list of things that I considered, but I had the sense that America was losing its optimism, was losing its vision, was losing a sense of national purpose, and that we were going to raise a generation of kids that did not believe that the future was going to be brighter, healthier, wealthier, whatever than the lives of their parents—which, if you recall growing up in the ’50s in the United States, I don’t know, the day never went by when you didn’t believe that your life could be better than the life that your parents led. And I go to places like India and China. And with all the issues that exist in those countries, when you meet young people they seem to have a level of enthusiasm that I remember having as a child growing up in America. So, thinking about that and thinking about what I believe the country needed, I thought that we—that America was ready to bring to Washington as its president someone completely from the outside, from outside the system, because if you ask people I believe they’d conclude that American government was no longer working for them. And I know we talk about it a lot as it relates to whether it’s the white working class or the poor in America, but I actually believe that that answer would be given by many more people, even wealthier people, today, that America’s not working and our government is not working for them. And I kept talking about Mr. Smith going to Washington, then I watched the movie and I realized he was just an appointed senator. I thought he was president, but it had been a long time since I had seen the film. But I believed that it was—that America was ready. And in thinking about it more—and again, I’m really simplifying it; I probably simplified it to myself, and I’m certainly simplifying it now—it wasn’t quite a calling because I’ve never really felt that I had that, but I didn’t see a solution, and I thought maybe I could be that solution. And when I raised it with my wife, she was horrified by the idea. (Laughter.) And deeply, I think in part because she could tell I was serious. (Laughter.) And I don’t know whether I seem like I have a sense of humor or not, but I don’t joke all that much. (Laughter.) And it was actually an awful night. We had a—(laughter)—it was kind of a date night—(laughter)—sort of one of those nights the kids are away, we’ve got a last minute, hey, let’s go to dinner. And we sit down to dinner, and stupidly I say: I want to run for president. (Laughter.) Not quite that fast. And then— HAASS: Who said romance was dead? IGER: I don’t know. (Laughter.) It was dead—it was dead that night. (Laughter.) Took me a long—took me a long time to recover. (Laughter.) And, anyway, she knew that I was serious enough, and she just said no. And I could tell she was serious. And so I just figured it was complicated anyway, and frankly, if you look back pre-’16, you know, I think there was belief that Hillary Clinton had an easy path to getting the nomination, and I was raised a Democrat. At that point I think I was a registered independent. But, long story short, I abandoned the idea. And then sometime well after the ’16 election I started exploring it again. And when I approached her—I was more careful this time around—(laughter)—she said she really was not in favor of it, but she gave me license to explore it more. And that’s—I started doing that. I don’t think it’s—I think it would be a gross overstatement to say I was running or I was planning to run. I was seriously thinking about it and speaking with a fair amount of people just to get a sense for what they thought, people that I respect. And then we ended up having the opportunity with 21st Century Fox, and my board—rightfully so—said you’re not going to make a $60-some-odd billion acquisition and then leave the company. (Chuckles.) So I agreed to stay on. And Rupert, just in negotiating with him—and he’s taking Disney stock—had the same thought, which is we were going to go through a CEO transition because I was planning to retire, and he felt strongly about that not happening, that being put off. HAASS: You’re not so good at that, by the way. IGER: Oh, retiring? HAASS: Yeah. IGER: I flunked retirement. So, anyway, I am not—I am—I am going to absolutely 100 percent kill any rumors, any thoughts, whatever. I am running The Walt Disney Company through the end of 2021. HAASS: OK. And then, last question: 2024. (Laughter.) IGER: No, I’m employed till 2021, and I’m— HAASS: Well, there we go. That’s not as Shermanesque. You heard it right here. (Laughter.) You just made some news. IGER: No, I am making no—(laughter)—I don’t know, that’s going to start a rumor, too. HAASS: You’re welcome. (Laughter.) IGER: You know, the joke this week is I went to Des Moines, Iowa yesterday. (Laughter.) That was a—it turned out that was a mistake. (Laughter.) HAASS: No, you’ll know when Disney opens one of their new parks in New Hampshire. That will—(laughter)—just look for that. That’ll be a telltale sign. You heard it here—you heard it here first. OK, let’s open it up to our members for questions. Wait for a microphone, let us know who you are, you keep it short, and Mr. Iger has already demonstrated his ability to keep things short. Yes, sir? Jason, we’ll get you next. Q: Thank you very much. I’m Chris Graves, founder of the Ogilvy Center for Behavioral Science at Ogilvy and Mather. And congratulations to Willow for bringing your back to your senses. IGER: (Laughs.) Thank you. Q: My question is about aligning your brand with contemporary issues. Many brands have decided they needed to take a point of view or embrace a stance on issues like gun control, climate change, LGBT community. Do you think that Disney will ever do that, or is that too explosive? IGER: This is really complicated for a couple of reasons. First of all, because our brand stands for fairness and justice and inclusion, all people being treated equally, we have purposely, in telling our stories, told stories that touch upon some of the more—some controversial issues that exist in today’s world, although we’ve not in any way been shy about it because we fundamentally believe it’s the right thing for us to do. And so I’m thinking specifically about same-sex couples and homosexuality as a for instance. And we’ve—we will continue to do that, but we do so—how do I put it?—with care because we’re reaching a world that doesn’t necessarily agree with us on all of these issues, and we try to be—we just try to be sensitive about it. So it’s a delicate balance between us wanting to foster a sense of fairness and equality and justice, and, in effect, have the product that we make best reflect the world that we’re doing business in. In order to that, you’re including in your product people of multi-colors and backgrounds and ethnicities and sexual orientation and you name it. I have felt—and I’m going to—I’ll talk specifically about some other issues—that—I’ll call it Hollywood, which I said earlier I didn’t like stereotypes, but I’ll allow myself to be guilty on this one—has perhaps gone a little too far in infusing its stories with political themes that best reflect the positions of those in Hollywood and don’t necessarily reflect as effectively as they could the diversity of opinion that exists in the world. And I’ve tried to deftly counsel and discuss this subject with a number of executives that work for us—I can’t speak for the rest of Hollywood—in thinking about, as we think about diversity, consider that that diversity should also include political opinion, for instance; that if we want to put—make a product that’s appealing to the world, that we have to just, again, think about the diversity of opinion that exists in the world. And that doesn’t suggest a retrenchment, it just suggests that there are things we should also be considering. So ABC put “Roseanne” on the air, and there’s a big uproar among certain liberal circles. How could we do that? Because Roseanne, the character in the television show, in this particular case is a Trump supporter, which I actually think is great. But there has been some backlash to that. In terms of other positions, we took a position as a company on the Paris Climate Accords because—and we are—when we think about how we behave as a citizen of the world, one of the things we think about a lot is what is our environmental footprint: How much are we consuming? Where are we sourcing our goods from? Where do we get our energy from? Those sorts of things. And it’s reflected in a number of different ways, particularly at our theme parks. We felt that we—that the world has a huge problem in terms of the environment, and that the Paris Climate Accords offered the world an opportunity to actually convene together and cooperate to make the world simply a healthier place and a better place to do business. So that was a business decision that we made that maybe appeared to be political, but we thought there was a very specific reason The Walt Disney Company should be in favor of a global effort to protect the environment. We also took a position on DACA. We did that because we have a number of employees that are DREAMers, and they came forward to me in some cases and expressed a fear that they had about being sent back to a country that they may have been born in but they had no familiarity with, in some cases didn’t speak the language, in all cases didn’t have homes to go back to, and in many cases didn’t even have family to return to. And in expressing those sentiments to me, I felt that there was a reason why the company should support extending DACA and enabling those people to stay in the country that they considered home. HAASS: Can you say what you mean by the company should support? When the company—when you agree with something, say DACA or Paris— IGER: We took a public position on it, simply. That’s basically it. We did not do significant lobbying on the subject. But we have a voice and we took a public position. To my knowledge we’ve not infused that subject into any of our stories. HAASS: I was going to ask you that. IGER: When we think about corporate social responsibility as a company, by the way, it starts with the stories that we tell. But it’s the—it’s a great question, and it’s complicated. It’s quite complicated because on one hand we try to be appealing to all, and sometimes that means not alienating people with subject matter and opinions that they don’t necessarily agree with or that they find offensive. But we try to balance that with the value system that was created—or the values that are infused in our brand was created by Walt Disney, which is if you’re going to be inclusive in nature and appeal to all people in the world, then your product’s got to look like the world looks. And that includes a variety of different people of shapes and sizes and backgrounds, et cetera. HAASS: Another controversial current social issue is the whole #MeToo movement, and obviously Hollywood is very much a part of that. Could you say something about how Disney has coped with that? IGER: Well, we’ve been working really hard for a long period of time before this really exploded as a subject to create an environment at our company that people feel safe in. And that means to give them an opportunity to rise up and express themselves if they feel anything is being done that is simply not ethical, wrong, dangerous, over the line, you name it. And I would say—I’m not going to speak for the rest of Hollywood, but I would say we have—even though we have expressed that belief strongly, that we, like many companies, have—still have work to do in that regard. Even by expressing that, people, particularly women in the workplace, have not felt as safe, have not felt as free to stand up and speak what is on their mind and what they’ve been experiencing. So what we’ve been trying to do—and sometimes it’s by leading by example, but what we’ve been trying to do is improve significantly in that regard. And I’m a big believer in not relying on the industry. Not that, you know, we are—we are above it all, but I feel issues like that are best dealt with in our company as a company than as an industry, even though, you know, we’re certainly cooperating with industry efforts to achieve some of the things that we’d like to achieve. We’ve had transgressions. We’ve had issues. People have lost their jobs over it. But I’m optimistic that at least by all of this surfacing that there’s a greater sense of urgency, and hopefully it will lead to more action. HAASS: Jason? Q: Thank you. I’m Jason Forrester, a Council member. I’m an advisor to a purpose-built soundstage in the Hudson Valley called Lumberyard Studios. And when you mentioned, one, the jobs that people need to have in the future, the hope that needs to be instilled in our populace, and then this great boom in content—content creation. And I think of around here the incredible—again, incredible increase in production space—Steiner Studios, Silvercup, et cetera. For organizations that are looking to both contribute to great content and to providing great jobs in the entertainment space, would you have any advice? IGER: Well, there’s—the good news is that there has been an explosion of content being made, a gigantic increase and proliferation, actually, and that’s global in nature. So if I were going to invest today in space that can—that is hospitable to or can enable content to be made, or if I were asked to do so, I’d probably think—I’d be open-minded about that because I see that continuing. I mentioned it is global in nature because the content that is being made is more being—well, we really didn’t get into details—there’s more being made that’s really locally specific, and there’s more being made that as global appeal. And because of that there’s—we make content all over the world. A movie that we make today which travels across the globe isn’t necessarily made in the United States, although a majority of our movies have production in the U.S. We do a lot outside the U.S., too, and there’s a lot of competition for that business because there’s a belief that it creates jobs—not only direct but indirect jobs as well. So there are subsidies that are offered both, by the way, within the United States—so there are states that put up subsidies and compete for the production. Georgia has been one of the more active states in that regard, and they compete with others. California has subsidies as well, but they’ve lost business in California to states that have greater subsidies. And then there are countries that have subsidies. Probably the most aggressive is the U.K. where we get actually—there are advantages to—for us to shooting some movies in the U.K. because of that. So I think it’s great to go into that business or to be in that business because there will be more demand for it. Technology, though, is also creating efficiencies, so you need less space and sometimes fewer people, but I think there’s going to be continued growth in things that are being made or created in the intellectual property space, so it’s probably a good business to be in. HAASS: Can you say something about a country where there’s a lot of people and a lot of content being produced, which is India? You’ve got—as I gather, you’ve got a park in Europe, outside of Paris. You’ve got three in Asia. Can you say something about India, given Bollywood, given—you know, it’s soon going to overtake China as the world’s most populous country—how a company like Disney looks at India? IGER: Well, it’s interesting because the acquisition that we’re making will give us a substantially greater footprint in India—Star India, the TV channels that they run, and the other businesses dwarf ours in size. India is interesting because on the movie side they probably have the most entrenched—in this case is a good word—successful, local movie business, Bollywood, than any other country in the world. And because of that, there is a huge—well, there is a preference in India to movies that are made there that are not only culturally relevant, but also in the multiple languages. India, as we know—over 20 different languages spoken in India. And so it’s not the easiest market to enter unless you are in it there to make it there. We’ve tried our hand there and have not done all that well. Some of our movies do translate there and are quite successful, but I would say our business there long term will rely more heavily on product produced for the market than product exported to India. HAASS: OK. Yes, sir, in the back. IGER: By the way, theme park is interesting. We get asked about that there, too, and I think there the population growth suggests at some point it might be an interesting market. But there are variety of infrastructure issues, and for a long time, records kept about land ownership there were not as—well, they weren’t as rigorous as—so if you need to amass a— HAASS: Oh, no— IGER: —10-square-kilometer area of land to build Disneyland, it’s going to be hard collecting all the titles to determine who owns them. HAASS: The backlog of legal cases is often measured in decades before things can be adjudicated. It’s also—just personal—it’s one of the reasons there are so few golf courses in India; it’s so hard to get the land. IGER: So we could build a tiny Disneyland there. (Laughter.) HAASS: Miniature Disneyland. Yes, sir? Q: Thank you both. Scott Helfstein, Morgan Stanley. And I’m going to go for the low-hanging fruit. Intellectual property is a huge component of your business. Do you have any thoughts on the current U.S. approach of using trade as an enforcement mechanism for international intellectual property? IGER: I think—well, I’m not going to comment on how you use trade, but I can say that in some of the international trade agreements—the South Korea trade agreement and the, I guess, ill-fated and maybe soon-to-be re-fated Trans-Pacific trade agreement—there was robust intellectual property protection built into that agreement, and we lobbied heavily with the Obama administration and specifically with Michael Froman to make that language as robust as possible for the obvious reason— HAASS: He’s sitting in the back of the room. (Laughter.) IGER: Michael! (Laughter.) I was going to email you today about the TPP. (Laughter.) HAASS: Just do a verbal email. (Laughter.) IGER: I should let him—I should let Michael answer this question. We actually got pretty far there, and we were extremely enthusiastic about it, and thought it had incredible value because it was protecting intellectual property that was housed under the U.S. copyright regime, and in most cases, made in the United States, which means it created and supported industry and jobs. And it’s a great export business of the United States, and we have a positive balance of trade in the movie business with virtually every country that we trade with—except India, interestingly enough—meaning we bring more movies that are made in America into their countries than the movies that are made in their countries into the United States. And we think it actually done right, and it’s one of the ways government can actually work for corporations. I’m not sure there are many left, but that would be one. HAASS: Yes, ma’am. Q: Hi, I’m Morgan from EY—Ernst & Young. I thought it was really interesting—you talked about going into new markets, and you said that you look at the cultural, economic and the political. Can you sort of describe to us the framework that you use when making decisions, going into new markets from the political aspect? I don’t think a lot of firms look at that, and it was interesting to me that you called that out. IGER: Well, stability—primarily stability, that’s important. You could look at markets in Latin America, for instance, where that’s not been the case, and we were—when we talk about going into markets, it’s relatively inexpensive to move a lot of our content into markets, so when I—we talk about—well, we’re mostly talking about—most high capital—capitally intensive businesses—theme parks would probably be the primary example—where you spend billions of dollars on a theme parks, there are reasons why we haven’t put it in certain places. One of those is political stability or a lack thereof—economic stability, spendable income, growth in spendable income, sometimes land—cost of land, taxation, and then another on the political side, intellectual property protection is one. Another is censorship. There—you know, there are markets that just are very difficult to go into because they’re too rigorous when it comes to their own standards, sometimes, that emanate from politics, and it becomes harder to do. HAASS: Sir? There are a lot of hands up; I’ll do my best. It’s working. Q: Hi. Ian Murray from Peak Ten. Regarding your comment on the innovator’s dilemma, you’re facing one really regarding the delivery of content with OTT and the current—and I know you started ESPN+ today, and I’m just wondering if you could comment on your thoughts about the innovator’s dilemma in this case and whether you feel you have the DNA internally to make that transition. IGER: The most disruption that we’ve seen and felt as a company is in the media space, obviously, and it’s not necessarily what people are consuming—although the growth in short-form video might be an exception to that—it’s really how they access content, when they watch content, how they pay for it, what they pay for it. And the disruption that we’re talking about specifically here is the impact of technological change on competition—there are new entrants in the marketplace—and the specific impact where the most harmful or detrimental to us is the impact on the multi-channel television ecosystem or cable and satellite television, which has been one of our more profitable businesses for long periods of time. When I got this job in 2005, I actually believed that we were going to see some significant disruption in that space, and to some extent—well, I was right, but I would say it has happened faster than even I predicted. But we believed at the time that, even with the disruption, that high-quality, global brands would be the most apt to thrive in a disrupted world. And so we put almost all of our capital in that direction. And what that meant was we bought Pixar, we bought Marvel, we bought Star Wars, as a for instance, and we leaned heavily into Disney, which we had not been doing. In 2005 we were making more non-Disney films than Disney films, in part because of the concern that people had about changing standards, and I decided to go the opposite direction. I did not know then how fast the disruption would come or what the world would ultimately look like, but I did believe that, as choice proliferated—and this has been borne out—people would actually flock more to big, high-quality brands than ever before even though there was conventional wisdom that went the other way; that as choice proliferated, brands would become less important. Brands have become more important because when you are faced with a sea of choice—and often you have to make decisions so rapidly—you want to make sure that what you’re paying is value—brands typically connote value. Two, you don’t have time to really consider all the choices that are in front of you and so you tend to make decisions based on what you know—it’s actually kind of wired that way—versus taking a chance on something that you’ve never heard of. The other thing that has happened that’s interesting is that, even with all this choice, people still flock to what is the most popular, and algorithms actually are our friend in that regard. How many times do you see lists of, you know, the most downloaded movies, the most downloaded music, what’s the most popular, all the stars on the iTunes platform for songs, what people consider the best. So I figured if we stayed in that space, no matter what happened with disruption, we ultimately would be OK. We find ourselves today in a place where that is definitely true, but how we’re monetizing all this great intellectual property is, to some extent, being challenged, mostly on the TV side, and so what we’re doing is we’re pivoting, fast and furiously, in the direction of moving the content faster on to new platforms direct to consumers—for a variety of reasons, by the way, including having a more intimate relationship with the customer and having an idea of—being able to serve the customer’s needs better. We’re doing that quickly. That is disrupting current businesses and relationships, but we believe we’ve got the intellectual property to do that. In terms of whether we have the DNA, I’d say not as much as we needed, which is why we’ve made acquisitions, which is why it was important for us to buy, you know, some relatively small company called BAMTech from—that was developed by Major League Baseball. With the Fox acquisition, we get two incredibly robust direct-to-consumer platforms. One is Sky in Europe and the other one is Star in India and in Asia. So we have the product; we believe we’ve got the culture to disrupt ourselves and to move fast, and now we believe we’ll have the technological wherewithal and the—and the platform to be able to do it. And we just reorganized our company specifically for all this to happen. By the way, just as an aside, I was talking about people flocking to what’s popular—we talked about it earlier—and I had seen statistics in a book that came out last year called Hit Makers. In 2016 there were 8.6 million different songs that were published or came out. Ninety-six percent of them were bought—were bought less than a hundred times, which is pretty crazy, and 40 percent were bought only once. So people were still flocking to the top. If you look at movies, there were 700 movies made in the United States alone in 2016. We made eight, and we had the—we were the—we were the number one studio in box office. So again, it doesn’t mean that every film we make is good and is successful, but those big brands, and those known products, and those products that are designed to—everything is designed to be popular—but designed to take advantage of the brand halo and the brand attributes are still—even in this crazy world that we live in, still dominating marketplaces. HAASS: Mr. Iger, one of the few principles those of us on the East Coast still hold dear is that we tend to begin and end things on time. You may not recall this from your youth. (Laughter.) So we’re going to— IGER: Except doctors’ offices—(laughter)— HAASS: That’s true. IGER: I suggest everybody move to LA because doctors are on time—(laughter)—not here. HAASS: So I will respect people’s time here as well as your own. Before I thank you and everyone else, actually, let me sort of—if I can find the announcements here, yes! We now have a reception upstairs in the Rockefeller Room for tonight, and then tomorrow morning we start bright and early at 7:30 for breakfast, and 8:00 we have, appropriately enough, a panel with Bob Rubin and others—Charles Phillips—about disruptive technologies and their implications for this economy. Mr. Iger, congratulations on all you’ve done— IGER: Thank you. HAASS: —and thank you so much for being with us tonight. (Applause.) IGER: Thank you. (END)
  • Women and Economic Growth
    Closing the Gap: Achieving Gender Parity in the C-Suite
    Play
    Speakers discuss gender disparity in corporate boardrooms, and what businesses can do to promote diversity and inclusion in the global labor market.
  • Cybersecurity
    On Corporate Data Breaches, Blame the Victim
    Victim-blaming should rightfully be frowned upon, except when it comes to data breaches in corporate America.
  • Corporate Governance
    Failure to Adjust: How Americans Got Left Behind in the Global Economy
    I am delighted to announce the publication of my new book, Failure to Adjust: How Americans Got Left Behind in the Global Economy, which is the product of nearly four years of research and a quarter century spent as a reporter and policy analyst covering the ups and downs of America's trade policies. As my friend and former reporting colleague Bruce Stokes of the Pew Research Institute said recently, for those of us who have labored in the obscure details of U.S. trade negotiations for decades, it has been astonishing to see trade become one of the hot-button issues of the 2016 presidential election. It is even more astonishing to see a Republican presidential candidate running on an openly protectionist platform, and to see a Democratic internationalist like Hillary Clinton running away from her record on trade. What went wrong? The short answer is that, while the U.S. government was busy building the rules that unleashed the hyper-competitive global economy in which we live today, it did far too little to help Americans succeed and prosper in that economy. As a result, far too many have been left behind, especially working class men. To take just one of many possible statistics, even before the Great Recession hit the typical American male in his thirties was earning significantly less than his father did a generation before. What surprised me about the research I did for the book is that none of this should have been a surprise. The title of the book is taken from a memo written to President Richard Nixon in 1971 by Peter G. Peterson, whom Nixon had just appointed as the first director of the White House Council on International Economic Policy. (Full disclosure—Peterson went on to become the co-founder of the private equity Blackstone Group, and has been a generous donor to many policy research organizations, including the Council on Foreign Relations where I work.) In that 50-page memo, Peterson warned that rising international competition—then from Germany and Japan—was a brewing storm that the U.S. government needed to ready its citizens to weather. While he was a firm believer in the benefits of open trade to America and to the world, he told the president that the livelihoods of many Americans would be threatened. The accelerated economic competition, he wrote, "poses adjustment policy problems which simply cannot be ignored." Failure to adjust would be "paid for in abnormal unemployment and wasted opportunity." While the U.S. economy would eventually adapt, he said, the failure to help Americans adjust would "leave long periods when the transition is painful beyond endurance." Yet ignore it was exactly what Washington did. Take just one example. In 1962, President John F. Kennedy persuaded the Congress to create the Trade Adjustment Assistance program to offer topped-up unemployment benefits, intensive re-training, and relocation assistance to workers who lost their jobs to import competition. Kennedy said that, while lowering tariffs on imports was in the national interest, "those injured by that competition should not be required to bear the full brunt of the impact." Yet in the first six years of the program, while 25 petitions were filed covering thousands of workers, the government rejected every one. It was no coincidence that organized labor, which had enthusiastically supported Kennedy's 1962 Trade Expansion Act on the grounds that it would open new markets for U.S. exports, had by the end of the decade turned hard against trade liberalization. And after decades of losses, including the fight over the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the labor unions are now on the cusp of defeating President Obama's Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal with much of Asia, which would be a crippling setback for U.S. economic policy and diplomacy in the region. I argue in the book that "the problem is not globalization itself.... The problem has been the domestic political response to globalization, which in too many ways has been deeply irresponsible. A central task of any government is to provide the tools to help people to adjust and succeed in the face of economic change, but the story of the last half century has instead been the failure by governments to ease that adjustment." This is a story with several parts. While I think that many of the global trade rules negotiated by the United States have been good ones, enforcement has been lax and spotty. The fact that China was permitted to subsidize its steel industry to the point where it now produces more steel than every other major country combined is only one of dozens of similar cases. Where the United States has challenged China—for example in a 2006 case the U.S. brought to World Trade Organization (WTO) over discriminatory tariffs on exports of U.S.-made auto parts, the decisions have taken far too long. By the time the ruling came down in 2009, all of the major North American parts producers had built factories in China and were making parts there instead. The U.S. helped write rules through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to prevent countries from artificially under-valuing their currencies to gain export advantage. Yet it has happened again and again, from Japan in the 1970s and 1980s to China in the 2000s, with no effective response. U.S. corporate tax rules, as demonstrated in the recent stories about tax avoidance by companies like Apple and Starbucks, have encouraged U.S. multinationals to move both jobs and profits overseas. And policies to make the United States a more competitive business location—from infrastructure investment to apprenticeships to skills training to investment promotion—have too often been neglected. When I began research on the book, Donald Trump was hosting The Apprentice, and Hillary Clinton was the secretary of state helping to negotiate what she called the "gold standard" TPP. I could not have anticipated that the events I was researching would come to a head this year and precipitate a collapse of the U.S. consensus in favor of trade liberalization. For the next president, rebuilding public support for a new approach to trade will be a daunting challenge. My book explains how we got here, and offers some recommendations for how we might move forward on a set of trade and investment policies that benefits more Americans and finally takes seriously the adjustment challenges that were recognized more than 40 years ago. I hope you will have a look, and engage with me in an important conversation on the future of America's economic leadership in the world. This post was originally published on LinkedIn.
  • Corporate Governance
    Apple's European Tax Bill: Time to Pay Up and Play by the Rules
    Apple and its allies in the U.S. Treasury and Congress would have you believe that this week’s ruling by the European Commission that the company must pay some $14.5 billion in taxes owed to Ireland and other governments is an assault on one of America’s most innovative and successful companies. In fact, the case is not really about Apple at all – it is about Ireland and other governments, both national and local, that are willing and eager to offer whatever tax breaks and other subsidies are needed to attract corporate investment. That is the very definition of a global “race to the bottom.” and it is a big problem not just for Europe but for the United States and the world. The U.S. government should be standing with Europe on this issue, not against it. The background of the case is both complicated and simple. It is complicated because of the byzantine series of tax maneuvers that Apple undertook to ensure that it paid a tax rate on its European profits that, according the European Commission, fell from just 1 percent in 2003 to a mere 0.005 percent in 2014. Ireland eagerly facilitated these maneuvers in order to encourage investment by Apple, which has created about 6,000 jobs in the country. Disentangling Apple’s tax planning was no easy task – a Senate investigation in 2013 ran into hundreds of pages describing such exotic tax dodges as the “double Irish with a Dutch sandwich.” But it is also simple because Apple is doing what every other well-managed company in the world is doing – trying to maximize its returns by minimizing its tax bill through whatever legal means are available. The scofflaw here is not Apple, but rather Ireland. Its economic growth strategy is built around attracting investment by mobile multinational companies by offering rock-bottom corporate tax rates, and then aiding and abetting when companies scheme to lower their tax bills still further. The result of such behaviors by many governments is that corporate tax payments have been falling sharply around the world. Ireland’s headline tax rate of 12.5 percent is a fraction of the U.S. top rate of 35 percent, but corporate tax rates have been falling almost everywhere in the world. In the 1980s, the United States had one of the lowest statutory corporate tax rates among the advanced economies; today it has the highest. And the actual rates paid by companies are far lower. That leaves more of the bill for schools, roads, fire, police and the military to be picked up by individual taxpayers. For the United States, it has become extremely difficult for the government to tax the foreign profits of big corporations at all. As we showed in our recent book How America Stacks Up: Economic Competitiveness and U.S. Policy, roughly one-quarter of all foreign profits are reported in “tax haven” jurisdictions like Ireland. And U.S. tax law is structured so that no tax is paid to Uncle Sam as long as the profits are held offshore – Apple alone has currently parked more than $200 billion outside the United States, and U.S. corporations collectively are holding more than $2 trillion overseas. Where does the U.S. interest lie here? According to the U.S. Treasury, in a statement this week, the ruling “could threaten to undermine foreign investment, the business climate in Europe, and the important spirit of economic partnership between the U.S. and the EU.” It has pledged to flight the decision. Apple itself has accused the Commission of trying to “rewrite Apple’s history in Europe, ignore Ireland’s tax laws and upend the international tax system in the process." Both Apple and the Irish government are appealing the ruling. Certainly the U.S. government should be trying to encourage successful companies like Apple, and to advocate for them if they are faced with discriminatory practices abroad. But the Treasury is also responsible for the budget of the U.S. government, which means ensuring that all taxpayers – including U.S. corporations – are paying a reasonable share of tax. Apple’s maneuvers mean not just less tax paid to European governments, but less tax collected by the U.S. government as well. The issue is a classic collective action problem. All governments in the world (including many U.S. state governments which similarly lavish tax subsidies on big companies) would be better off with common rules that discouraged such practices. But in the absence of rules, each government has an incentive to try to cut its taxes ever lower and to offer special tax holiday in order to attract job-creating investment. That leaves corporations wealthier, while governments – and the public services they provide – grow poorer. As I argue in my forthcoming book Failure to Adjust: How Americans Fell Behind in Global Economic Competition, the absence of agreements restraining these sorts of investment subsidies is the biggest hole in global trade rules. The United States and other countries have negotiated all sorts of binding international arrangements – including the controversial Investor-State Dispute Settlement provisions – that prevent governments from discriminating against foreign investors. But there are essentially no rules to prevent governments from offering sweetheart tax deals and other subsidies to attract corporate investment, even though such subsidies violate free market principles and badly distort investment decisions. The European Union has done more than any other entity to try to enforce some common rules. Its “state aids code” spells outs clearly that member governments are forbidden from offering the sort of selective tax treatment that Apple appears to have received. The goal is to create a level playing field for all European countries that are similarly trying to attract investment. Those rules make it fairer for companies as well, especially small ones that lack Apple's ability to negotiate special deals.  As the Commission wrote in its ruling on the Apple case, the special treatment it received in Ireland “gives Apple a significant advantage over other businesses that are subject to the same national taxation rules.” Ireland is not alone in having violated those rules – the Commission has also gone after Luxembourg, Belgium and the Netherlands over tax breaks for companies such as Fiat and Starbucks. Instead of bashing Europe, the United States should be standing with the Commission in trying to build better global rules for tax competition – such as through the OECD’s Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) initiative – and then ensuring those rules are vigorously enforced. As the global champion of free markets, the United States should be out in front in trying to ensure that investment goes to those places that offer the best opportunities for successful businesses rather than allowing companies to be lured by competition-distorting subsidies. There is a final irony in the U.S. position on the tax issue. The Obama administration – which is hoping to pass the new Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement and to negotiate a similar deal with Europe – has been pushing back against the arguments of trade critics that such deals weaken national sovereignty and may endanger national consumer or product safety regulations. Certainly, global arrangements can tie the hands of national or state governments, sometimes in unwanted ways. Apple has seized on that argument by accusing the Commission of “striking a devastating blow to the sovereignty of EU members states over their own tax maters.” But what opponents of these trade deals and other international agreements miss is that they can also prevent governments from doing stupid things that harm the interests of their citizens – like eliminating taxes on wealthy corporations to attract investment or raising protectionist tariffs to serve some narrow corporate agenda. The EU ruling this week was a small blow against stupid, self-defeating government policies. The United States should be applauding. This article originally appeared on LinkedIn.com.
  • Corporate Governance
    Why Paul Ryan Should Not Endorse Donald Trump
    House Speaker Paul Ryan is reportedly still trying to decide whether to endorse the presumptive Republican nominee for president, Donald Trump. Asked this week at a news conference whether he was ready to back Trump, he would say only “I have not made a decision.” While pressure is growing for Ryan to jump on the GOP bandwagon starting to form behind Trump, the answer should be obvious: No. The speaker, to be sure, is in a difficult position, caught between the preferences of GOP primary voters and his own long-standing policy positions, few of which are embraced by Trump. Pick the former and he abandons his own policy principles; pick the latter and he risks abandoning his party. But the answer should still be readily apparent. Embrace Trump, and he will lose both his principles and his party. If he rejects Trump, he still has a chance to win on both. Consider some of the issues I know best, related to the competitiveness of the U.S. economy. On policies like immigration reform, trade liberalization, and entitlement spending, the positions that Ryan has staked out simply cannot be reconciled with those taken by Trump. Ryan has long been a champion of immigration reform that would legalize most of the roughly 11 million unauthorized migrants currently living in the United States, and would open up new opportunities for highly-skilled immigrants and foreign-born entrepreneurs. Trump is adamantly opposed to both. "When politicians talk about 'immigration reform', they mean: Amnesty, cheap labor, and open borders," his platform says. He wants to crack down on unauthorized migrants, tripling the number of agents to track down and deport those living illegally in the country. On skilled migration, he has opposed the H-1B program that is the primary entry point for these migrants, charging that these “are temporary foreign workers, imported from abroad, for the explicit purpose of substituting for American workers at lower pay.” And he has called for freezing or reducing current legal migration to the United States, arguing that immigrants are stealing American jobs. On trade, Ryan has been one of the biggest champions in Congress of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and other efforts to liberalize trade. On the crucial vote last June that gave the Obama administration the “trade promotion authority” (TPA) it needed to close the deal, Ryan spent many hours personally lobbying fellow Republicans to support TPA, and was largely responsible for the bill’s successful passage. Donald Trump is not only vociferously opposed to the TPP, calling it "a horrible deal," he has threatened to slap huge import duties on Chinese goods to gain negotiating leverage against China, which would be a massive violation of existing trade rules. On entitlement spending, which has been Ryan’s signature issue, he has called for cuts to spending on both Medicare and Social Security, in an effort to reverse trends that will see the federal budget deficit grow to record levels with the growing retirement of baby boomers and the shrinking of the labor force. "The failure of politicians in Washington to be honest about Medicare and Social Security is putting the health and retirement security of all Americans at risk," he says. Trump, in contrast, has promised to leave Social Security and Medicare untouched, even as he is calling for huge tax reductions. Ryan’s budget plan calls for bringing the federal budget into balance in a decade; Trump’s would add some $10 trillion to the deficit. If Ryan genuinely cares about his policy ideas – which by all appearances he does – then his calculation is this. Which outcome best allows me to pursue this agenda? The answer is pretty clear: hold on to the House Republican majority (and the Senate if possible), and quietly hope for a Hillary Clinton presidency. On immigration reform, Ryan and Clinton are largely on the same page – the challenge will be convincing their fellow Republicans and Democrats. On trade, while Clinton has come out against the TPP, her stance seems a tactical one to shore up Democratic Party support. As Obama’s Secretary of State, she called the TPP “the gold standard in trade agreements.” While both Clinton and Ryan have some problems with the TPP agreement as it currently stands, it is likely they could come together and find a way to support the deal. On entitlements, the gaps are clearly bigger, with Ryan favoring deep spending cuts and Clinton calling for a modest expansion of Social Security paid for with higher taxes. But even here, a Ryan-Clinton partnership would stand at least some chance of reaching the sort of “grand bargain” agreement to raise some taxes and cut some entitlement spending that eluded President Obama and former Speaker John Boehner. With Trump as president, none of these bargains would be possible. There is simply too little middle ground between Ryan and Trump. The Republican policy agenda would be set by the new president, and it would not be Ryan’s agenda. But, political tacticians will retort, if he fails to endorse Trump, doesn’t Ryan risk being repudiated by his own party and losing the speakership? The answer is that he almost certainly does not. Ryan only took the speaker’s job reluctantly after House Republicans failed to coalesce around any other candidate. He is the only figure in the House who can command enough respect from the various wings of the GOP to hold on to the job. However much the Trump wing of the party might object, there is no likelihood that they could bring a majority of the House GOP caucus behind a pro-Trump alternative. If Trump wins the presidency without Ryan’s support, the Speaker would certainly be in an awkward position, but at least he would be negotiating from a position of strength, and could argue with credibility that his ideas deserve the same standing in the party as Trump’s. If he capitulates to Trump, there is no question which of them would then be leading the party. More importantly in the short run, Ryan’s rejection of Trump would embolden other wavering Republicans who fear not only that Trump would be damaging for the country, but that he would be a disaster for his party as well. By taking a principled stand, Ryan would then be the obvious leader to pick up the pieces if Trump does indeed lead the party off a cliff. These are tough decisions for any leader, to be sure, in what is certainly the most turbulent election any of us has witnessed for more than 40 years. But the right course for Paul Ryan is clear.
  • Corporate Governance
    Quality Control: Federal Regulation Policy
    Overview How America Stacks Up: Economic Competitiveness and U.S. Policy compiles all eight Progress Reports and Scorecards from CFR's Renewing America initiative in a single digital collection. Explore the book and download an enhanced ebook for your preferred device.  The number of U.S. regulations—which affect nearly every aspect of Americans' lives, from the food and medicine they consume to the quality of the air they breathe and how they save for retirement—has consistently been on the rise. As a result, U.S. businesses are increasingly burdened, but not competitively disadvantaged, because their peers in other advanced countries tend to face even more regulations, according to a new progress report and scorecard from the Council on Foreign Relations' Renewing America initiative. The World Bank consistently ranks the United States as the easiest place to do business among large developed countries. However, the U.S. government could reduce its regulatory burden even further and help its businesses by regularly reviewing and eliminating outdated or ineffective regulations. "The system has changed little since the early 1980s and focuses almost exclusively on cost-benefit analysis before regulations are put into place, instead of in hindsight when it is clearer whether a regulation is working," Renewing America Associate Director Rebecca Strauss writes in the report. "As a result, the stock of older regulations accumulates without a good institutionalized process for determining which regulations should be repealed or changed." In the 1980s, the rest of the world looked to the United States for cutting-edge policies in regulatory management. But since then, others, including Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom, have taken the lead, implementing systems with regulatory budgets, automatic reviews, and an improved filter for new regulations in order to better manage existing rules. The United Kingdom, for example, uses a regulatory budget or "one-in, two-out" policy, in which two regulations must be eliminated when a new one is added. This scorecard is part of CFR's Renewing America initiative, which generates innovative policy recommendations on revitalizing the U.S. economy and replenishing the sources of American power abroad. Scorecards provide analysis and infographics assessing policy developments and U.S. performance in such areas as infrastructure, education, international trade, and government deficits. The initiative is supported in part by a generous grant from the Bernard and Irene Schwartz Foundation. Download the scorecard [PDF]. Table of Contents Click on a chapter title below to view and download each Progress Report and Scorecard.
  • Corporate Governance
    Standard Deductions: U.S. Corporate Tax Policy
    Overview How America Stacks Up: Economic Competitiveness and U.S. Policy compiles all eight Progress Reports and Scorecards from CFR's Renewing America initiative in a single digital collection. Explore the book and download an enhanced ebook for your preferred device.  Nearly three decades after the last major tax overhaul, both Democratic and Republican parties and President Barack Obama agree that cutting the corporate tax rate and taxing foreign profits differently would move the tax system in the right direction. The outdated corporate tax system does not raise as much revenue as the systems of most other rich countries, even as U.S. corporate profits have reached record highs, according to a new progress report and scorecard from the Council on Foreign Relations' Renewing America initiative. "While the U.S. government has stood still on corporate tax reform, most advanced countries have been lowering corporate tax rates, reducing tax breaks, and changing how they tax foreign profits," write Renewing America Director Edward Alden and Associate Director Rebecca Strauss. The U.S. corporate tax rate is the highest in the developed world, at 39.1 percent, and has remained largely unchanged since the last major overhaul in the mid-1980s. However, due to tax breaks and taxes deferred on foreign profits that stay abroad, the effective tax rate paid by U.S. corporations is much lower. In 2008, it was at 27.1 percent compared to 27.7 percent for the rest of the OECD. The biggest tax break is for foreign profits, which have been increasing steadily as a share of corporate profits. The United States stands apart from most other developed countries in the way it handles other foreign profits. In practice, the U.S. tax is only levied if and when profits are repatriated to the United States. As a consequence, U.S. corporations keep most of their foreign profits abroad—as much as $2 trillion is currently retained offshore. Additionally, corporations pay highly uneven tax rates depending on whether they qualify for these tax breaks, with research-intensive multinational companies paying much lower rates, for example, than domestic retailers. Yet recent reform attempts have failed, including Republican Representative Dave Camp’s ambitious 2014 proposal. Comprehensive tax reform may have to wait until after the 2016 Presidential election. The general contours of a likely reform have been drawn—cutting corporate rates, evening out effective rates, and taxing foreign profits differently. Congressional leaders have said comprehensive tax reform is not possible until after the 2014 elections. The general contours of a likely reform have been drawn—cutting corporate rates, evening out effective rates, and taxing foreign profits differently. Read Alden and Strauss's op-ed on their report findings on Fortune.com. This scorecard is part of CFR's Renewing America initiative, which generates innovative policy recommendations on revitalizing the U.S. economy and replenishing the sources of American power abroad. Scorecards provide analysis and infographics assessing policy developments and U.S. performance in such areas as infrastructure, education, international trade, and government deficits. The initiative is supported in part by a generous grant from the Bernard and Irene Schwartz Foundation. Download the scorecard [PDF]. Table of Contents Click on a chapter title below to view and download each Progress Report and Scorecard.
  • Corporate Governance
    Trade in Services: WikiLeaks and the Need for Public Debate
    WikiLeaks has done it yet again, releasing in an extraordinarily timely fashion many of the latest negotiating texts from the Trade in International Services Agreement (TISA), just in advance of a meeting of negotiators next week. Their sources, it has to be said, are impressive. I worked many years ago as a reporter for the newsletter Inside U.S. Trade, where one of our goals, in the pre-digital age, was to encourage leaks of trade negotiating positions. But, with the exception of the Clinton administration’s proposal for the NAFTA labor and environmental side agreements in 1993, we rarely got our hands on the texts themselves. The new leak also gives me a chance to re-engage on the issue of how to understand the material that has been made public. Several weeks ago I criticized some groups claiming that the leak of the TISA texts “exposes secret efforts to privatize and deregulate services.” I argued that the negotiations are primarily about ensuring transparency and non-discrimination in regulations so that foreign competitors are treated fairly -- which I argued would be a good thing for the United States -- instead of a disguised effort to promote privatization and deregulation. For this I was taken to task by Deborah James, director of international programs for the Center for Economic and Policy Research, and coordinator of the Our World is Not For Sale global network. The TISA negotiations are an effort by 23 countries, accounting for more than 70 percent of the world’s trade in services, to write new rules in an area that has been stalled at the multilateral level since the end of the Uruguay Round negotiations two decades ago. The goal is to expand trade in services among a smaller group of mostly wealthier countries that believe it to be in their interests to do so. The leaked texts are bracketed negotiating documents, with the brackets reflecting the still large areas of disagreement among countries. So any conclusions about the final outcome have to be tentative ones. My enthusiasm for the services talks starts with the current U.S. position in global trade. The United States last year ran a $737 billion deficit in trade in goods, and a $232 billion surplus in trade in services. Critics of trade agreements have rightly noted that they have done little to help the U.S. trade balance, and may have made it worse. Services are an area of U.S. advantage, and in theory opening markets in these sectors should help the U.S. economy by boosting exports of these services. But services are complicated because the primary trade barriers are in the form of regulations that prevent foreign-owned companies from offering their services. Many countries reserve sectors like telecommunications, package delivery, internet services, legal services, insurance and banking all or in part for domestically-owned providers. Sometimes there are sound reasons for doing so, and sometimes the reason is to protect monopoly profits at the expense of consumers in these countries. Curbing discriminatory regulations that do the latter is to be applauded, while curbing the former could weaken the ability of governments to pursue important national goals like consumer safety or universal service. The trick is figuring out which is which. I will acknowledge, as James argued, that there are certainly companies that would quite happily use the TISA negotiations to weaken regulations they dislike. I was spurred to take a closer look at the submissions to the U.S. Trade Representative’s Office solicited in advance of the negotiations. Most of the corporate recommendations I looked at were focused on opening the door to greater competition, but there is no question that at least some companies would love to use the talks to weaken perfectly legitimate regulations that hamper their profits. Wal-Mart, to use a particularly egregious example, wants an agreement that would prohibit any restrictions on the “size, number or geographical location” of their stores, and wants to end merchandise restrictions, including the sale of pharmaceuticals and tobacco. The TISA negotiating documents recognize a general right of countries to “introduce new regulations on the supply of services within their territories in order to meet public/national policy objectives.” Restrictions on tobacco and/or drug sales to protect the health of citizens would seem to fall pretty clearly under that language. And in the United States and many other countries, local zoning laws empower governments to restrict the "size, number and geographical location" of different sorts of retail outlets. If the governments participating in the talks -- including the United States -- are not resisting Wal-Mart's demands, they should be. But I continue to object to what seem to me to be bizarre readings of the negotiating texts. For example, one of the new texts leaked relates to the “movement of natural persons,” often known as Mode 4. Some countries – not including the United States – appear willing to make commitments that allow employees of foreign service companies to work temporarily abroad in connection with the delivery of those services. These would by and large be fairly highly-educated and skilled workers. One good example (though India is not part of the TISA negotiations) would be the thousands of Indian computer services staff who come to the United States on L-1 or H-1B visas to work for outsourcing companies like Infosys and Tata. There is a legitimate debate over whether encouraging this sort of temporary skilled migration is a good thing for the United States and other countries. But instead the WikiLeaks release was accompanied by an analysis written by Tony Salvador of a group called IDEALS in the Philippines, who claims instead that the negotiating proposal was “cynically drafted” with the goal of denying basic labor rights to low-skilled migrant workers. Try as I could to decipher this claim, I have no idea what he is talking about. There is another similarly odd analysis that suggests that if TISA is enacted, my hometown of Vancouver, Canada – one of the first places in North America to legalize medical marijuana, and a city that is struggling to regulate it properly – would be flooded with foreign marijuana providers demanding the right to set up shop wherever they please. As I said in my previous blog post, I think WikiLeaks has done a great service by liberating the TISA negotiating texts. What all of us should be able to agree on is that these and other trade negotiations should be carried out in the full light of public scrutiny. Congress, having now given President Obama trade negotiating authority, is likely to face an up or down vote on the TISA, and lawmakers need to be as fully informed as possible. While I believe the aim of the talks is laudable – to increase competition and lower prices for consumers – the negotiations do raise real issues about the proper line between domestic regulations and commercial freedoms. These are big, important questions, and not ones that should be resolved by government negotiators operating in secret.
  • Corporate Governance
    WikiLeaks and Trade: A Healthy Dose of Sunshine
    I love WikiLeaks. While I recognize that secrecy has its place, I strongly believe that the affairs of the people should, to the greatest extent possible, be conducted with the full knowledge of the people. Secrecy breeds distrust, and feeds claims that governments are only serving narrow corporate interests. Thus I was delighted to see in my inbox this morning that WikiLeaks has yet again purloined and published a series of trade negotiating texts, this time for the pending Trade in Services Agreement (TISA). But here’s the problem. The organizations that work with Wikileaks to publicize the documents too often know nothing about what they actually mean, and have a vested interest in not learning so they can continue making outlandish claims. And so rather than illuminating the public debate, which is the goal of transparency, it ends up more distorted than it was when the documents were still secret. Consider the press release put out today by the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), and an organization called the Our World is Not for Sale (OWINFS) global network. They claim that the leak “exposes secret efforts to privatize and deregulate services,” and that if Congress approves President Obama’s request for Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), it would harm “financial stability, public safety, and elected officials’ democratic regulatory jurisdiction.” A little background is in order first. The TISA negotiation was launched in 2013 under the auspices of the World Trade Organization. The last successful round of multilateral trade negotiations, the Uruguay Round, made the first stab at opening up “trade in services” and did not get terribly far. Services negotiations are hard. For goods, the big issue is simply lowering or removing the taxes (tariffs) that countries charge on imports. But services trade is all about regulatory rules. If AT&T, for example, wants to provide more phone service in Mexico, it needs to be able to connect to existing land lines at fair rates, or be able to purchase spectrum to offer mobile phone services. Most countries do not want to see their monopolies in these sectors challenged, and so either restrict foreign participation outright, or use regulations and pricing to achieve the same ends. Only 24 countries out of 161 members of the WTO are participating in the TISA negotiations, though they include the United States, the European Union, China and other countries that make up about 70 percent of global services trade. Services are still highly protected. As we explained in our recent CFR progress report on U.S. trade policy, translating these regulatory barriers into “tariff equivalents” shows how high the obstacles are for foreign services providers – 44 per cent in Mexico, for example, and 68 percent in China and India. This is harmful to the United States, because many of the most successful companies that employ Americans at good wages are “service” companies. These include not just Google and Facebook, but also airlines, package delivery companies like FedEx and UPS, law firms, insurance companies, securities firms and banks. The United States runs a growing trade surplus in services, in contrast to the large trade deficit in goods. What would the TISA negotiations actually do? Here the Wikileaks texts are extremely helpful. It is quite clear, for example, that the texts say nothing at all about “privatizing and deregulating services.” Instead, in each sector the goal is to introduce competition, and to allow foreign service providers to compete on more or less equal footing with domestic ones. In the financial services texts, for example, no country is proposing any measures that would restrict financial regulation of the sort embodied in the Dodd-Frank legislation. Instead, the texts simply say that regulators have to treat foreign companies the same way they treat domestic ones. The opponents of TISA claim that the deal would make it impossible for countries to regulate in the public interest. Again, the texts are helpful. The regulatory pieces are almost all about two things – transparency and non-discrimination. That means governments need to open up their regulatory process for input, much like U.S. notice-and-comment procedures, and cannot discriminate against foreign-owned companies (though even here many exceptions will be permitted). The text on “domestic regulation” states quite flatly that “Parties recognize the right to regulate, and to introduce new regulations on the supply of services within their territories in order to meet public/national policy objectives.” Don’t get me wrong – there are real competitive implications in such an agreement, and countries with strong vested interests will resist even non-discriminatory treatment. Many countries will object to this sort of opening because it has the potential to hurt the profits of private monopolists or state-owned companies. I understand this. What I don’t understand is when organizations claiming to speak for the developing countries and for worker interests in advanced countries go to bat for the monopolists. The CEPR/OWINFS press release, for example, warns that “The leaked telecommunications annex, among others, demonstrate potentially grave impacts for deregulation of state owned enterprises like … national telephone company[ies].” Really? Mexico, for example, has historically had among the highest costs for telephone and internet services in the world. That’s because service is dominated by a monopoly company, American Movil, which is the successor to the government-owned Telmex. The biggest shareholder of American Movil, Carlos Slim, is either the richest or second richest man in the world behind Bill Gates, depending on how their portfolios are doing. The Mexican government, to its credit, has been trying to break up Slim’s monopoly, and the TISA negotiations should help. But the opponents of TISA would rather go to bat for the world’s richest man. I agree with the CEPR and OWINFS on one point they make, however. “Today,” they wrote, “the secrecy charade has collapsed.” Maybe now we can finally have an intelligent discussion of exactly what these trade agreements are doing, and just as importantly, what they are not doing.
  • Brazil
    After Brazil’s Boom, Bust?
    The corruption scandal rocking oil giant Petrobras has far-reaching consequences for Brazil’s economy, says Eurasia Group’s director for Latin America, João Augusto de Castro Neves.
  • Corporate Governance
    Federal Regulations: Not "Job-Killing," But Still Costly
    There are few issues in Washington today that generate more heat than regulations--that broad swathe of government actions that affect everything from air quality to worker safety. Congressional Republicans are promising to take aim at “job-killing regulations,” arguing that a rollback of onerous federal laws will boost U.S. economic competitiveness and spur job growth. In a new Renewing America Progress Report released today--Quality Control: Federal Regulation Policy--my colleague Rebecca Strauss takes a deeper look at whether federal regulations are in fact impeding America’s economic competitiveness. The conclusions will be surprising to many. On balance, we found, the United States is not heavily regulated compared to its rich world competitors, but it does a poor job of updating and revising regulations to ensure that the burdens on business are not more onerous than they need to be. The United States does not, in most cases, need to regulate less, but it does need to regulate in a smarter fashion by getting rid of old rules that no longer serve their purpose. Regulation is so ubiquitous that most of us are not even terribly aware of it. In the lunch room of my building here in Washington, for example, there are nearly a dozen glossy posters listing government regulations covering everything from minimum wages to labor laws to health care--but I have never seen anyone here actually take the time to read them. We buy food every day assuming that it’s perfectly safe to consume without recognizing that an elaborate regulatory system exists to make sure that’s actually the case; the only time we notice is when it fails, as it occasionally does in outbreaks of salmonella or E. coli. The new senator from North Carolina Thom Tillis (R-NC) recently drew a few raised eyebrows when he suggested that the regulation requiring restaurant employees to wash their hands after using the restroom was an unnecessary federal intrusion on business. I can’t say I had paid much attention to those signs before, but I do now. The challenge with regulation is to make sure that businesses follow rules that are needed to ensure the health and safety of the public--like making sure those preparing our food have washed their hands--but to do so in a way that does not impose unnecessary costs on business. Here are a few of the key findings from the report: • U.S. businesses generally face less government regulation than their peers in other rich countries. World Bank and OECD data on regulatory burdens have ranked the United States consistently first or second among the large economies globally for being the easiest place to do business. • The political rhetoric about “job killing” regulations is overblown. What studies exist have found both positive and negative effects on job creation, but they are generally small and usually localized. • While the regulatory burden has been rising under the Obama administration, there is historically little difference between Democratic and Republican presidents on this issue. Going back to Jimmy Carter, every president has had nearly identical priorities and style of regulatory management. • The costliest regulations are those concerned with the environment--limits on emissions, toxic chemicals, pollution and other restrictions on heavy industry. While small businesses complain the most about regulations--and understandably because the time costs of compliance can be high--the costs of environmental regulations fall most heavily on large companies. • There have been presidential initiatives for decades trying to improve the overall quality of how the executive branch designs and updates regulations. Yet the system has scarcely changed in 35 years. In the 1970s and early 1980s, the United States used to be the global trailblazer on monitoring regulation levels and establishing some quality control for the regulation design process. But the rest of the rich world has since caught up, and other countries like the UK, Australia and Canada are now at the cutting-edge of regulatory management practices. Finally, while the Republican voters are now far more likely than Democrats to say that the United States is over-regulated, opinion surveys also indicate the vast majority of voters in both parties support the current list of regulations when asked specifically about air quality or food safety or car emission standards. Our broad conclusion is that the differences on regulation are not nearly as large as the political rhetoric would make it seem. As Rebecca Strauss writes in a companion piece published by Quartz, “there should be fertile ground here for the two parties to cooperate in creating a more streamlined regulatory system, one that protects Americans more and hurts its companies less.”
  • Infrastructure
    Dumb Government and Smart Government
    There were two stories in the paper over the weekend – both of them local to the Washington, DC area – that perfectly captured the difference between smart government spending and dumb government spending. Let’s start with the dumb first. Since 2012, the Maryland state government has been offering increasingly generous tax credits to persuade filmmakers to locate their productions in the state, most notably the Netflix series “House of Cards.” A new report from the non-partisan Maryland Department of Legislative Services concludes that the state has wasted more than $60 million to encourage productions that create only a handful of short-term jobs and bring little revenue back to the state. For every dollar the state spends on tax incentives, the report found, about 10 cents comes back. In addition, the report said, “states are fiercely competing with one another to draw productions into their state. This type of competition is not only expensive, but promotes unhealthy competition among states.” That was exactly the conclusion of our recent Renewing America Policy Innovation Memo, “Curtailing the Subsidy War Within the United States,” which proposed a compact among states aimed at ending the wasteful practice of tax subsidies. Subsidizing film production, which is highly mobile, may be the dumbest sort of tax incentive of all, because the benefits are entirely fleeting. “As soon as a film production ends, all positive economic impacts cease too,” the report said. Yet 37 states and the District of Columbia still engage in this folly. Now for the smart spending. After years of political debate, Virginia earlier this year completed the first leg of the $6 billion Silver Line, an extension of the Washington metro that now reaches the booming suburbs of Tyson’s Corner and Reston and will eventually lead out to the Washington Dulles airport. Critics like former Virginia attorney general and GOP gubernatorial candidate Ken Cucinelli argued that the line was a “boondoggle” and a waste of taxpayer dollars. That now looks dead wrong. A Washington Post story this morning showed that many commuters are now able to hop the metro in the poorer neighborhoods of Anacostia and Prince George’s County and arrive in Tyson’s Corner about an hour later. One young woman, who had been working for almost nothing in her mother’s hair salon, now has a $9.25 an hour job at Nordstrom’s in Tyson’s Corner and rides the Silver Line to work each day. Multiply that by the hundreds who already appear to be following a similar route and that’s a lot of money coming back to the poorer parts of the metro region where job opportunities are lacking. This is exactly what infrastructure – a bloodless term for the the roads, rail lines, sewer and water systems that are the arteries of the economy – is supposed to do. It makes the economy more efficient by allowing individuals to move more easily to where the jobs are at, creating new opportunities where none existed before. Infrastructure is one of the few areas where there seems to be at least faint hope of cooperation between the White House and the new Republican Congress. Voters in several states supported big ballot initiatives for new infrastructure spending, suggesting there would be plenty of public support on the issue. Maryland will face a quick test under new Republican governor Larry Hogan, who has been skeptical about whether to build the $2.6 billion Purple Line, which would similarly connect the poorer suburbs in Maryland’s Montgomery County to the wealthier ones. The choice should be an obvious one.
  • Corporate Governance
    Corporate Inversions: Small Fish in A Big Pond of Corporate Tax Problems
    Washington policymakers can be forgiven for focusing on the low-hanging fruit when it comes to corporate tax reform. When Congress hasn’t managed any kind of major reform since 1986, we should probably be happy with any tax reform progress, no matter how small. This is what is going on with the latest fervor to end corporate inversions—which is when a corporation is bought by a foreign company to move formal ownership abroad. The government is right to clamp down on those corporate inversions that are done purely for tax avoidance. But there are much graver cost and fairness problems with the corporate tax code that need addressing as well. This summer a few medium-sized U.S. corporations (Medtronic, Abbvie, and Applied Materials) inverted into countries with much lower corporate taxes like Ireland, the United Kingdom or the Netherlands. Even Burger King, a brand that's as American as it gets, is heading north to lower-tax Canada in a merger with Tim Hortons. Two much larger U.S. corporations, Walgreens and Pfizer, considered inverting, though the deals eventually fell through. To any Average Joe, these deals look fishy. Often the foreign companies doing the buying are one-quarter the size of the target U.S. companies, akin to the minnow eating the whale. The U.S. companies, meanwhile, keep their U.S. headquarters and go about business as if nothing has changed. The only difference is their official mailing address. And the only advantage of the deals is lower tax bills. It all stinks of tax avoidance. Individual taxpayers could never get away with this, so why should corporations? Unsurprisingly, there are loud and (mostly bipartisan) rumblings in government to do something about these inversions. Fortunately Congress need not get too involved; the Department of Treasury has legal authority to adopt some regulations that should do much of the job. It could, for example, make it harder for corporations to make tax deductions on debt held by an affiliated company abroad. Secretary Jack Lew has also asked Congress to require foreign acquirers be at least 50 percent the size of their U.S. targets. Right now, the bar is just 20 percent. U.S. corporations would have much more difficulty finding foreign companies that would make the cut. Lew has recommended the new regulations be retroactive, capturing all the recent inversions that have dominated headlines. Here there is a precedent for bipartisan support. A Republican-led Congress passed a similar retroactive statute in 2004, which first set the bar at 20 percent. But before we declare a major victory for corporate tax reform, let’s put all this into perspective. There are plenty of other areas where the corporate tax code is equally unfair and more costly, as we argue in our report on federal corporate tax policy. With corporate inversions, not a lot of tax revenue is at stake and not a lot of companies are involved either. The government estimates corporate inversions cost the U.S. Treasury perhaps $2 billion a year in lost revenue. It may sound like a lot, but it's actually only half of one percent in annual corporate tax revenue. And while it is true that the pace of inversions has increased recently, we’re still talking about a tiny share of all corporations. In the past thirty years, fifty corporations have inverted, of which twenty occurred in the past two years. Keep in mind there are 1.7 million U.S.-based corporations. Let’s compare that to profit-shifting, or when corporations fiddle with their profits so that they appear to have been earned in low-tax countries even though other indicators, such as the location of investments and personnel, suggest they were earned in high-tax countries. Tax havens, which account for just 1 percent of the world’s economy, hold about 24 percent of U.S. corporate foreign profits. The culprits are some of the most valuable and recognizable U.S. brands (including Apple, Microsoft, and Caterpillar) and virtually every U.S. corporation with foreign profits, except for extractive industries like oil and mining whose profits are steeply taxed and harder to shift. Profit-shifting costs the Treasury an estimated $60 billion a year in lost revenue—thirty times the cost of inversions. Or look at unfairness in tax treatment among corporations. The U.S. tax code allows corporations to indefinitely defer taxes on foreign profits as long as those profits are retained abroad. This means that U.S. multinationals who earn big foreign profits end up paying an effective tax rate that is far below the U.S. statutory tax rate of 39 percent. U.S. corporations in the retail industry, in contrast, whose profits are mostly domestic, pay close to the official top rate. Also, many large businesses that resemble corporations in everything but name end up paying the lower income tax rate instead of the corporate tax rate. Were these businesses subject to the corporate tax, the Treasury would receive about $76 billion in additional revenues a year—forty-three times what stopping inversions would bring in. Solving these far more serious corporate tax problems probably requires more substantial congressional action, which explains the reform holdup. Corporate inversions do indeed need to be addressed. But let’s keep our eye on the ball and also focus on the many other corporate tax unfairness and tax avoidance issues at hand.