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Geo-Graphics

A graphical take on geoeconomics.

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Aging Will Hit China’s Economy Far Harder Than Is Recognized

Aging is not only shrinking the labor force but damaging productivity—and therefore per capita GDP growth. Read More

China
China Is Heaping Debt on Its Least Productive Companies
When Chinese President Xi Jinping failed to mention the word “deleveraging” in his long-awaited new economic blueprint in December it was clear that the political tug of war between the advocates of “reform” and “growth” had been won by the latter. In the short-run, growth, as defined by changes in gross domestic product (GDP), can be increased by more lending and investing.  In the longer-term, however, lending and investing can’t boost GDP if it results in bad debt that is properly written down. The big question is how much bad debt China currently has, and how much more it will be producing in the years ahead. By some estimates, China’s real growth rate, accounting for bad debt, is roughly half the official one of about 6.9 percent. To gauge whether China has been creating good debt—debt that will produce positive returns—or bad, we’ve examined who the beneficiaries of corporate lending are. As shown in the left-hand figure above, profits at private-sector enterprises rose 18 percent between 2011 and 2016, while profits at state-owned enterprises (SOEs) plunged by 33 percent. As shown in the right-hand figure, however, the share of corporate liability growth accounted for by SOEs soared from 59 percent in 2010 to 80 percent by 2016. This is the opposite of what one would expect in a market economy. As we highlighted last year, China’s non-performing loans (NPLs) have been growing. Given the evidence that Xi has abandoned any pretense of concern with NPLs, and our evidence that China is shoveling new loans to companies with the least ability to pay them back, we think China is heading towards a debt crisis.
United States
The Growth Effects of U.S. Tax Reform
In Foreign Affairs online last month, we used our own implied earnings growth (IEG) estimates from stock prices around the world to evaluate President Trump’s impact on the U.S. market. We found that it was virtually nil until at least September 2017, when GOP congressional leaders announced their tax-reform initiative. Laying aside the question of the president’s role in the reform, U.S. IEG has outperformed its developed-market peers by 0.3 percent since then—as shown in the inset graphic above. An important item of sharp recent debate is what effect the tax reform will have on U.S. GDP growth, which will determine—among other things—the extent of the additional debt burden. The Trump Treasury forecasts a 0.7 percent increase in GDP growth on average per year over the next decade, primarily as a result of corporate tax cuts. The Treasury analysis has been scathingly challenged by Jason Furman and Larry Summers, among others. One way to estimate the tax reform’s growth effects is to look at the historical relationship between corporate earnings and GDP. From 1990-2015, U.S. corporate earnings grew with GDP at a ratio of almost 3:2, although after 2007 the ratio fell to 1:1. If either of these trends were to persist, our implied earnings growth estimate from stock prices suggests an average annual GDP growth boost of 0.20-0.30 percent, as shown in our main graphic. This estimate is slightly higher than that produced with a very different methodology by the Tax Foundation, although it is only about a third of what Treasury is forecasting. In short, even upbeat stock market investors appear to be projecting far less growth from tax reform than the Trump Administration.  
Economics
The Phillips Curve Is Dead. Long Live the Phillips Curve!
“I am confident that the apparent disconnect between growth and inflation is a temporary phenomenon,” said ECB executive board member Yves Mersche on December 6. The “deep downturn” in the Eurozone economy, he explained, had “led to broader slack in the labor market” not captured in the unemployment data. As that slack dissipates, inflation will pick up. Is he right? The so-called Phillips curve phenomenon in economics holds that, all else being equal, a fall in unemployment should lead to a rise in inflation. That relationship has been subjected to much critical theoretical and empirical scrutiny over recent decades. We investigated how well it has held in the Eurozone since 2008, at the beginning of the financial crisis. As the top left graphic shows, the relationship is weak. Falling unemployment is not materially boosting inflation. But when we broaden the analysis to encompass the phenomenon alluded to by Mersche—the existence of a hidden army of “discouraged workers,” not reflected in the unemployment data, who hold down inflation even as the unemployment rate falls—the relationship becomes much stronger. This can be seen clearly in the top right graphic. The lesson is that the Phillips curve is alive and well, but only when falling unemployment is understood more broadly as rising labor force participation (LFP). This fact suggests that the Fed is also right to expect inflation to rise as the labor market continues to tighten, but that it is the LFP rate that sends the clearest signal on timing.
  • Japan
    Japanese Monetary Policy Is Working, But the BoJ Can’t Tell You Why
    In September 2016, the Bank of Japan adopted a new strategy to boost the flagging Japanese economy: “yield curve control,” or YCC. The aim was to widen the gap between long- and short-term interest rates, by keeping shorter-term (10-year) government bond (JGB) rates at 0%, as a means of encouraging bank lending. As shown in top two figures above, it seemed to work. Bank lending growth soared as companies borrowed more for capital expenditures. BoJ Governor Haruhiko Kuroda has trumpeted the policy’s success in boosting lending. As shown in the bottom left figure, though, lending did not increase because of the mechanism underlying YCC—that is, a widening of the gap between what banks pay to borrow funds short-term and what they receive from borrowers longer-term. Banks’ net interest margins actually fell following YCC, only recently recovering to their original levels. Whatever was driving borrowing, it was clearly not YCC’s success in boosting such margins. What happened, then? After YCC was announced, the BoJ’s pledge to hold 10-year JGB rates at 0% pushed bond investors to find yield outside Japan. As shown in the bottom right figure, this caused the yen to fall sharply, which boosted exports. The uptick in bank loans was almost certainly driven by corporates investing in response to export activity, and not greater bank willingness to lend. Since this explanation is transparently logical, it may seem curious that Kuroda chose to ignore it and instead to highlight an explanation unsupported by the data. His reason was almost certainly political. Back in April 2013, shortly after Prime Minister Shinzo Abe took office, the Obama administration admonished Japanese authorities for public statements calling for yen depreciation. Abe and Kuroda learned the important lesson that one may only target the exchange rate if one does not speak of it. Since then, both men have been careful not to attract Washington’s ire by stating the obvious: that in an environment of depressed demand and zero inflation, depreciation works.
  • Economics
    Will Powell Be an Accidental Hawk?
    Fed Chair nominee Jerome (Jay) Powell was a logical choice for Fed chair. A business-friendly Republican, he is likely to push forward President Trump’s deregulation agenda in the financial sector while continuing the Yellen Fed’s softly-softly approach to monetary tightening—an approach that has kept markets unusually calm and cheerful. Yet the course on which he’s heading looks more hawkish than he intends. In October, the Fed began implementing a long-term program of reducing its crisis-bloated balance sheet by letting maturing securities run off. Powell sees the balance sheet coming down from a high of $4.5 trillion in October 2014 to a new normal of $2.5-3.0 trillion. Though he offers no timetable, he has emphasized the importance for market stability of sticking to the planned reduction pace, once set. That pace has the balance sheet hitting Powell’s midpoint target in February 2021, as shown in our left-hand graphic above. Powell considers the roll-off largely inconsequential as a tool of monetary tightening.  The effects would be “pretty modest,” he told CNBC—“a few basis points here and there.” Powell’s colleagues on the Federal Open Markets Committee (FOMC), as well as the markets, seem to agree. The Fed announced its plans for balance-sheet reduction back in June. Yet the “dot plot” rate projections of FOMC members have hardly budged since the end of last year. Likewise, market estimates of the effective federal funds rate through 2019 have moved little from pre-announcement levels, and in fact have risen slightly. We think the Fed and the markets have gotten this wrong. Using Fed economists’ own estimates of the effect of central-bank asset purchases on 10-year Treasury yields, we calculate that balance-sheet reduction at the announced pace is equivalent, in its effect on boosting end-2018 10-year rates, to a one percent hike in the Fed’s policy rate.  The logic is explained in our recent Business Insider piece. Our math also suggests that between now and February 2021, when the balance sheet is projected to shrink to Powell’s midpoint target, asset run-offs will produce a tightening in monetary conditions approximately equivalent to a 3.5 percentage-point increase in the Fed’s policy rate—as shown in the right-hand figure above. This impact is so large that the Fed would be obliged to push the policy rate back down to zero in order to effect the degree of tightening that its dot plot now indicates as appropriate. The bottom line is that, unless Powell changes his mind on keeping balance-sheet roll-offs on auto-pilot, policy rates will not only rise more slowly than expected but are likely to start falling by 2020.