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Energy, Security, and Climate

CFR experts examine the science and foreign policy surrounding climate change, energy, and nuclear security.

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REUTERS/Amit Dave
REUTERS/Amit Dave

Why We Still Need Innovation in Successful Clean Energy Technologies

Today is my last day at CFR. I’m joining ReNew Power, India’s largest renewable energy firm, as their CTO. I’m excited for a new adventure but sad to leave the Council, which has given me support and autonomy to study the innovations needed for global decarbonization. Read More

Fossil Fuels
The Environmental and Climate Stakes in Arctic Oil Drilling
On Monday, the Obama administration gave Shell conditional permission to move forward with Arctic oil drilling. The New York Times captures a common sentiment well in identifying this as a “tricky intersection of Obama’s energy and climate legacies”. The reality, though, is that this intersection isn’t nearly a fraught as many assume: decisions about offshore drilling in Alaska are indeed difficult, given the local economic and environmental stakes involved, but climate isn’t a central factor. I’m ambivalent when it comes to federal decisions on offshore Arctic drilling. The Arctic is a special place. I saw that first hand when I visited with the Coast Guard in 2008 – a trip on which I also learned how challenging oil spill response there can be. (I also learned that a buoy tender isn’t the ideal place to spend your first night ever at sea.) Opposing offshore Arctic oil development is a reasonable position. At the same time, with the right precautions, spill risks can be substantially reduced, though inevitably not eliminated. And there’s a federalism issue (perhaps not in the legal sense but in a more basic one): it’s easy to be strident in taking positions from Washington, DC, but this is a much more intimate economic and environmental issue for Alaskans – so presumably their preferences should have some special say. Navigating these tradeoffs is difficult. But throwing climate change into the mix as a central consideration lacks empirical foundation. (Perhaps that’s why that Times article doesn’t follow through on its headline’s promise.) Yes, at a global level, more oil production means more oil consumption, and hence greater carbon dioxide emissions and worse climate change. But more oil production in one place generally means less oil production elsewhere – that’s how markets and prices work – which substantially blunts the effect. Bill McKibben drills home the conventional wisdom in a Times op-ed, blaming Obama for “climate denial” by claiming that “you can’t deal with climate on the demand side alone”, backing that up by citing a study that was unable to identify any “climate-friendly scenario in which any oil or gas could be drilled in the Arctic”. True! Also true: that claim was based on looking at a whopping two scenarios. (From the original: “none [of the oil or gas] is produced in any [Arctic] region in either of the 2C scenarios before 2050”.) And, most important, the study never asked what would happen to emissions if the Arctic oil were put off limits. Had it done so, it would have found more oil production elsewhere, and minimal net emissions impact. What the study really found – and what is entirely reasonable – is that if the world gets serious about reducing emissions, oil prices will fall, and companies won’t want to develop most Arctic oil anyhow. That points to demand-side policy, denigrated by many who are painting the Alaska decision as climate apostasy, as critical. There is one theoretical exception. The United States, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iran, and a bunch of other oil producers could team up to jointly restrict oil production. That prospect, of course, makes U.S.-China-India-Europe cooperation to reduce emissions through demand-side policy look like a cakewalk by comparison. Navigating the local economic and environmental tradeoffs involved in Arctic oil development is difficult enough without turning every decision into a climate litmus test. And getting serious on climate change is plenty tough without pretending that playing fossil fuel whack-a-mole whenever possible will be effective in reducing emissions. We’ll have better policy, and better outcomes, if we don’t make every difficult energy and environment decision about climate change too.
Technology and Innovation
Why Moore’s Law Doesn’t Apply to Clean Technologies
Over the weekend, Moore’s Law—the prediction that the number of transistors (building blocks) on an integrated circuit (computer chip or microchip) would double every two years—turned fifty years old. It so happens that the silicon solar panel, the dominant variety in the market today, is about the same age—roughly fifty-two years old. And over the last half-century, while the computing power of an identically sized microchip increased by a factor of over a billion, the power output of an identically sized silicon solar panel more or less doubled.[1] The contrast between Moore’s Law for microchips and the plodding progress of clean technology is bittersweet for me. Growing up, I would wait impatiently for my father to bring home a new computer, powered by a faster, next-generation processor—his office was across from Gordon Moore’s at Intel. When he founded a solar panel start-up, he brought the limitless optimism of Moore’s Law with him, but like myriad other cleantech start-ups, his company struggled to stay afloat given the surging tide of cheap, mediocre silicon solar panels from China.[2] My own doctoral research focused on exciting alternatives to silicon solar panels, but those alternatives face a daunting barrier to entry from large silicon firms. So while I celebrate the startling prescience with which Gordon Moore, in 1965, predicted the density of transistors fifty years hence and every year in between, I reject the notion that clean technologies like solar panels and batteries follow a Moore-esque decline in cost. Unfortunately, a chorus of voices in the mainstream media have echoed the claim that Moore’s Law is guiding the regular decline in clean technology costs as production increases, enabling a massive energy transition from fossil fuels. In an excellent 2011 piece, Michael Kanellos at Forbes gently corrected this claim, but he was still too charitable in conceding that clean energy advocates were “wrong in the particulars, but right in their outlook.” Rather, that outlook is far too complacent, satisfied with pedestrian cost declines and stagnating performance in lieu of disruptive technology advances, more in line with Moore’s Law. To date, there have been three crucial differences between Moore’s law for microchips and the historical cost declines of solar panels and batteries: 1. Moore’s Law is a consequence of fundamental physics. Clean technology cost declines are not. 2. Moore’s Law is a prediction about innovation as a function of time. Clean technology cost declines are a function of experience, or production. 3.Why this all matters. Moore’s Law provided a basis to expect dramatic performance improvements that shrank mainframes to mobile phones. Clean technology cost declines do not imply a similar revolution in energy. Difference #1: Moore’s Law is a consequence of fundamental physics. Clean technology cost declines are not. When Gordon Moore made his prediction in 1965 (original article in Electronics here), that the most economical number of transistors on a computer chip would double every two years, he based his reasoning on the physics of transistors. In hindsight, Moore’s physical instinct was confirmed: “As the dimensions of a transistor shrank, the transistor became smaller, lighter, faster, consumed less power, and in most cases was more reliable…it has often been a life without tradeoffs.” In other words, Moore’s primary insight was that shrinking the transistor made it work better—as a happy corollary to this shrinkage, the cost per unit of computing power kept falling, because the cost of manufacturing the same chip area has remained roughly constant. On the contrary, clean technology cost declines have very little to do with the physics of the actual devices being built. For example, falling costs of silicon solar panels have largely been driven by lower input material costs from scale, lower labor costs through manufacturing automation, and lower waste driven by efficient processing. All of these cost reductions follow naturally from manufacturing scale and vertical integration, rather than performance improvements. Now Tesla hopes to achieve similar cost reductions by building a Gigafactory—a massive facility in Nevada—to scale up production of lithium-ion batteries that will only perform incrementally better than the current generation. Difference #2: Moore made a prediction about innovation as a function of time. The advances of clean technology are a function of experience, or production. The physical principles that underpin favorable microchip shrinkage enabled Moore to predict that transistor density would double every two years, rather than predict progress based on the quantity of microchip production. Indeed, fulfilling Moore’s prophecy has required scientists and engineers to sit down at the drawing board and redesign each new generation of microchip down to the basic architecture of the transistor—Moore himself predicted that his law would require engineers to employ “cleverness.” Manufacturing advances, for example to enable printing ever more miniscule features on a chip, accompanied the design decisions to change the transistor architecture and chip design. Microchips certainly got cheaper as a result of manufacturing scale, but the increased production was never a sufficient condition to meet Moore’s Law—fundamental research and development (R&D) drove the advances. By contrast, clean energy devices basically look the same decade after decade. Instead of R&D advances, solar panels and batteries have come down in cost through the benefits of experience and scale, closely related to “learning by doing.” But this relationship between cost and production quantity—the “experience curve”—is a generic one cutting across many industries, from aerospace to chemicals. “Wright’s Law” and “Henderson’s Law” describe the inevitable cost reductions that accompany an industry’s increased experience through scale production of a good. These purported laws do not specify a numerical estimate for the experience curve’s slope—it happens to vary widely among industries. Although Moore’s Law is also, strictly speaking, not a law but an observation, it was extraordinary because it was a specific, quantitative prediction which the microchip industry proceeded to closely follow. Bloomberg New Energy Finance’s Michael Liebreich pointed out last week that the experience curves for solar and batteries look awfully similar, apparent from the similar slope estimates given on the slide. Perhaps this will enable a reliable prediction for the falling cost of batteries as they scale up. But whereas Moore could set a future-looking roadmap with real dates that the industry could target, setting a roadmap based on an experience curve requires perfect forecasting of future production, which is difficult, especially in a rapidly growing market.[3] **Why this all matters** Difference #3: Moore’s Law provided a basis to expect dramatic performance improvements that shrank mainframes to mobile phones. Clean technology cost declines do not imply a similar revolution in energy. To put this all together, Moore’s Law worked so well for microchips, because Moore had a set of physical reasons to believe in his prediction: that the density of transistors on a chip would inexorably increase as the years passed, because transistors just work better when they are smaller. And by making a specific, quantitative prediction, Moore’s Law became a self-fulfilling prophecy—industry leaders like Intel and Qualcomm published technology roadmaps that signaled their intention to match Moore’s Law so that financial markets and the rest of the computing ecosystem knew what to expect. As a result, electronic devices evolved in lockstep with the evolving, shrinking transistor, and today’s mobile phones have more memory and computing power than supercomputers in the 1980s. A different and generic phenomenon—the experience curve—characterizes solar and battery cost declines. If these cost declines were accompanied by performance enhancements, then an industry roadmap could spark synergistic innovation—new long-range electric vehicle designs might evolve alongside lighter batteries. But as costs decline while performance stagnates, it is not just a matter of time before an electric vehicle with a thousand mile range emerges; instead of leading energy innovation, clean technology firms merely peddle commodities. Today, the total cost of putting solar panels on a rooftop is over four times the cost of the panels themselves, so absent efficiency gains, the falling costs of solar panels, however predictable, only play a minor role in the final system cost. Moore’s Law is so special because the prediction it did make about the shrinking transistor resulted in a digital revolution that was completely unpredictable. Although Moore’s Law does not apply to the consistent cost declines of clean technologies, an appreciation for the dynamism that accompanied fifty years of regular progress in electronics could inspire advances on the energy front. Footnotes [1] This comparison is not apples to apples, because there is only so much of the sun’s energy that a solar panel can convert into electricity (its “efficiency”). Still, commercially dominant silicon panels are only around 15% efficient, only twice as efficient as Sharp’s inaugural 1963 solar module, whereas much higher efficiencies (>40%) have been demonstrated in labs and in the field. In other words, commercial solar panels are performing well below their potential today. To derive the computing power density improvement, I compared the 1963 IMB Gemini Digital Computer (~7,000 floating point operations per second (FLOPS)) with the 2013 GeForce GTX 780 r.2 chip (~4,000 GFLOPS) and adjusted for size. [2] Fittingly, my father went back to a world governed by Moore’s Law. He now leads research and development at SanDisk, and, confronted with the physical limits of shrinking transistors to just a few atoms wide, he is determined to keep pace with Moore’s Law by stacking transistors on top of each other. [3] One report notes that a Moore-esque time-based prediction and production-based experience curve predictions are actually equivalent under exponentially increasing production. Since clean technology production seems to be following exponential growth, in the near term it may be possible to forecast a roadmap in terms of dates rather than production quantities. However, the case of microchips is instructive—as soon as microchip production stopped growing exponentially and leveled off around the end of the 1990s, transistor shrinkage started to outpace the experience curve, demonstrating that Moore’s Law is fundamentally a function of time, not production.
Iran
Five Thoughts on the Iran Nuclear Framework Agreement
The P5+1 and Iran have announced a framework for negotiating a final agreement to limit the Iranian nuclear program by the end of June. Here are five quick thoughts on the nuclear and sanctions elements: The nuclear limits – particularly those on the Iranian supply chain – are surprisingly strong and significant. The rough scale of Iranian enrichment activities and low-enriched uranium stockpiling that the United States could tolerate has long been pretty clear. (I laid out the basic logic for the sorts of limits that would allow the United States to respond effectively to Iranian breakout in a technical paper a few years ago, and many others have made similar arguments.) The announced framework tracks those understandings. What I’m struck by, though, is the extent of the monitoring provisions, particularly as they apply to the Iranian supply chain. U.S. policymakers have long feared that so long as Iran could conduct some legal nuclear commerce, it would be easier to hide illegal activities, making a secret parallel nuclear program more feasible. The framework includes some pretty strong steps to address this, including a “dedicated procurement channel” for the nuclear program. These may seem like footnotes compared to the rule for centrifuges and uranium stocks, but they’re central. The time it takes Iran to comply with the agreement will depend on its final details. Take one example: Iran is required “to reduce its current stockpile of about 10,000 kg of low-enriched uranium (LEU) to 300 kg of 3.67 percent LEU”. How will this be done? Will Iran ship the material out of country? Will it blend it down to LEU that’s enriched to less than 3.67 percent? Will it convert the LEU into fuel? (Which of these will the final deal allow?) The path it takes will determine how long compliance takes, which will affect the pace of sanctions removal. Similar questions surround many other provisions. It is unclear how sanctions relief will be phased in. If compliance occurs gradually over an extended period, sanctions relief will presumably be drawn out too. Iran faces a host of sanctions on oil sales, financial transactions, travel by senior officials, and other activities. Which sanctions will be pared back first? What milestones will they be connected to? Much of this presumably remains to be negotiated, but the details will be critical to determining the pace with which sanctions are removed – and, in particular, the speed at which full-scale Iranian oil exports come back online. Removing sanctions won’t necessarily lead to a rush back into Iran. The framework notes that sanction could be “snapped back” on Iranian noncompliance. Energy (and other) companies will presumably be slow to invest in Iran given the risk that they could easily find themselves faced with sanctions once again. Financial players may decide that the complexity and risks of dealing with Iran outweigh the limited commercial benefits. Oil traders, though, are more short term in nature, and will presumably reengage quickly. This experience is going to make U.S. policymakers even more sanctions-happy than before. An easy lesson of the Iran experience (presuming that the framework actually leads to a final deal) will be that sanctions, when combined with diplomacy, can yield meaningful results. Political scientists and policy analysts will doubtless debate this until eternity: one can’t say definitively what role sanctions played in bringing about the agreement, nor is there an objective way to know whether the framework deal is better than whatever else might have happened. The reality, though, is that many policymakers will take today’s news as a straightforward affirmation that sanctions work.
  • Climate Change
    Do India’s Renewable Energy Targets Make Sense?
    By way of introduction, I’m brand new to CFR and excited to contribute to this blog. I joined last week as a fellow in CFR’s Center for Geoeconomic Studies, and I plan to write about renewable energy technology, climate policy, and national security—with an eye toward emerging markets. Before CFR, I did stints at McKinsey’s cleantech practice and in municipal government, working on energy policy for Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. I also studied physics at Stanford and Oxford—my group in Oxford researched third generation solar panels that we hope will one day make colorful coatings for skyscraper windows. My goal with blog posts will be to focus on developments in alternative energy—I’d also like to integrate discussion of new technology advances when appropriate. As a long-time fan of this blog, I’m looking forward to contributing often, and I’m always open to suggestions and feedback. Under new Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India hopes to become the “renewable energy capital of the world.” So far, India’s ambitious targets for solar and wind deployment—second only to those of China—have attracted a flurry of foreign renewable energy companies eager for the business-friendly contracting policies promised by the government. Announcing aspirational goals to elicit a windfall in foreign financing could prove a clever strategy to bootstrap a thriving renewables industry—but beyond the fanfare, few details are forthcoming on how the government will actually improve the investment climate and why renewable energy will meet India’s underlying energy needs. Last month, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley released India’s new budget, which presents more questions than answers about how the government plans to fund the push for renewable energy. The major news is a proposal to fund renewable projects by doubling the coal tax for the second consecutive year, this time from ~$1.60 to $3.20 per metric ton (for context, the new tax is about 10% of the price of coal). Although this would bring in about $2 billion per year, a staggering gap remains to meet the $100 billion commitment that Prime Minister Modi made toward reaching his renewable energy targets of 100GW of solar and 175GW of total renewables by 2022. In theory, the coal tax revenues will embolden foreign investors to contribute the required capital, and at present there is plenty of interest from foreign firms to develop large renewable energy projects—whether they will follow through with the projects is unclear. In assessing Modi’s emphasis on clean energy, three questions come to mind: Are the renewable targets achievable? Assuming the targets are not achievable, is it wise to set aspirational but unrealistic goals? Does the focus on renewables make sense for India’s energy policy objectives? Each question is in itself a serious research project, but we can develop some intuition around the answers. Specifically, it looks like the Modi government may be using aspirational goals as a clever but risky tool to fast-forward development of its renewable energy sector. Renewables may also be particularly convenient to rally the nation around a “win-win” on energy security and environmental protection, though their value as the primary policy instrument for those goals is questionable. Question 1: Are the renewable targets achievable? Probably not—the targets are likely too ambitious. Consider solar, the centerpiece of the renewable goals: the government raised the solar target from 20 GW to 100 GW by 2022. For context, today India has installed somewhere between 3 and 4 GW—achieving 100GW will require more than a 50% CAGR for the next 8 years. Germany, the world leader in installed solar, is only targeting 66 GW by 2030; although India is right to assert that its sunnier climate makes it a more natural solar world leader, it isn’t so easy to leapfrog decades of German industry growth and maturity. The problem is that, despite the sun, India is not a great place to finance capital projects. Although foreign companies recently pledged over double the 100GW goal, those commitments do not mean much—foreign equity investors will still have to produce the lion’s share of capital to finance these projects, and most are wary given India’s high rate of stalled capital infrastructure projects. Market, credit, and counterparty risk all increase the cost of capital, making it difficult for solar to compete with coal even as the cost of solar in India has tumbled over the last five years. Even if the government is successful at reducing the cost of capital, providing predictable price signals through harmonized state renewable incentive programs and attracting reliable foreign investors, the grid would likely be overwhelmed by the massive amounts of intermittent generation coming online (consider that total Indian generating capacity is currently 250GW, and the government’s proposal is for 160GW of wind and solar, or 25% of all installed generating capacity, by 2022[1]). All of this is to say that India may well accelerate the pace of its renewable energy deployment—but targets of 100 GW of solar and 175 GW of total renewables in a bid to lead the world are likely unrealistic. Question 2: Assuming the targets are not achievable, is it wise to set aspirational but unrealistic goals? This answer is certainly not as clear as the previous one. What is clear is that the government’s strategy is riskier than a more modest set of goals. Through flashy goals, India has attracted a lot of foreign investor attention, and a virtuous competitive cycle is emerging where established players are competing for a piece of the Indian renewables pie (American solar firms SunEdison and First Solar recently announced 15GW and 5GW commitments, respectively). However, if the financing climate does not improve and/or adequate policy support does not materialize, India will be left with massive unfinished projects and a further tarnished foreign investment reputation. The logic behind aspirational targets is to harness parallel, rather than serial, progress toward an end-state—that is, to achieve the prerequisites for renewable deployment simultaneously, rather than one-at-a-time. The government does not want to first implement economic reforms to drive down the cost of capital before then attracting project finance—it wants to use the financing as a catalyst for state-level reform. Similarly, rather than sequentially install solar after the cost comes down, the government hopes to drive down costs while local industry springs up to support projects funded by foreign dollars. And, most importantly, rather than retrofit the grid to handle increased renewable penetration, the government hopes to attract even more foreign funding for distribution infrastructure upgrades, sparked by domestic renewable deployment. The risks, however, are great—for example, utilities collapsing under the strain of integrating expensive renewables could thwart the energy security that Modi is after. There is a final implication of India’s preference for explosive renewable growth rather than controlled deployment: most solar deployment will likely be at the utility-scale, rather than through distributed installations. The easiest way to meet a big target is to work with a few developers on immense projects—the financing is easier, and permitting and land acquisition are more tractable for a single project rather than for a multitude. However, distributed solar could bring unique benefits in India, including a lower risk of cascading blackouts and the potential for urban microgrids that improve power reliability without requiring profound utility reform. It would be unfortunate if the rush to meet ambitious renewable targets encouraged Indian policymakers to bypass distributed solar in favor of centralized renewable power plants. Question 3: Does the focus on renewables make sense for India’s energy policy objectives? India has clearly chosen renewable energy, and in particular solar, as its flagship energy initiative—does that make sense given its objectives for energy policy? We can separate these objectives into two categories: (a) increasing energy security and (b) mitigating environmental impacts. Renewable energy advances both objectives, but it is not clear whether ambitious renewable targets are the optimal policy instrument for either. McKinsey recently forecasted that India would be dependent on imports for 50% of its energy consumption by 2030 (Disclaimer: I worked for McKinsey’s Cleantech Practice until this month). The figure below graphically illustrates the various options for reducing this import dependence—accelerated deployment of renewables (option #5) actually ranks in the bottom half of potential initiatives. This dovetails with the insight that wind and solar are intermittent resources that do not actually contribute much to a utility’s dependable capacity. Rather, India is projected to double its coal consumption by 2035, so producing domestic coal is far more important for energy security than renewable energy. What about India’s environmental objectives with energy policy—India suffers crippling air pollution and is increasingly an important contributor to climate change—are renewables the right tool here? Unlikely, given that renewables will not displace planned coal power plants—rather, recent moves to introduce higher taxes on petroleum and coal are much more promising. Renewable portfolio obligations, the primary mechanism by which India aims to hit its renewable targets, can be twice as costly in reducing emissions as carbon taxes. There is a lot more that India can do to better price in the environmental externalities of fossil fuels. For example, the annual Economic Survey that accompanied the latest budget suggests that there is further room to increase the coal tax—doubling it would make domestic and imported coal the same price and reduce national CO2 emissions by 11% (this price of coal would still not come close to pricing in the health externalities of pollution). Although the renewables push optimally addresses neither energy security nor environmental objectives, the optimal policies for each objective oppose each other. That is, increasing domestic fossil fuel production improves energy security but also increases pollution. Renewables, by contrast, result in progress on both fronts, though perhaps at higher cost and lower efficacy. This “win-win” could explain why the government has chosen to hype renewables; still, it will be important for policymakers to sort out their domestic priorities and confront the trade-off between energy security and environmental protection. Internationally, it will be interesting to see how India’s flashy commitment to renewables and weaker plans on emission reduction are received by the rest of the world.   [1] Existing capacity and targeted renewable capacity numbers are apples and oranges, because wind and solar have much lower capacity factors than the current Indian fossil fuel generation mix. However, the two quantities can be compared to get a sense of peak penetration, which can seriously impact grid reliability. A rule of thumb is that the 15% renewable penetration level is the ceiling above which grid upgrades are necessary to handle more renewable integration.
  • Fossil Fuels
    Five Things I Learned About the Oil Price Crash
    The Council on Foreign Relations hosted a symposium yesterday on the causes and consequences of the oil price crash. Our three panels tackled the reasons for the crash and the future of oil prices; the economic fallout from the crash in the United States and around the world; and the geopolitical consequences of the oil price crash, both to date and going forward. (These links will take you to video of each session.) I trust that everyone took distinct conclusions away from the day. Here are five things I learned or hadn’t properly appreciated before: Don’t believe what financial markets tell you about long-run oil prices. Futures markets are good at predicting near-term spot oil prices. They’re even good at telling you what smart people think oil prices will be in a few months or a year. But when it comes to their predictions for oil prices five years from now? Forget about it. Markets for long-dated futures – say, for February 2019, where Brent crude last settled at $76 a barrel – are idiosyncratic and reflect the needs of a small number of players. Better, then, to rely on fundamental analysis. Unfortunately – as Citi’s Ed Morse, CIBC’s Catherine Spector, and the EIA’s Howard Gruenspecht all confirmed on our first panel – there’s little agreement on what those are. Still, if you’re uncertain, at least you won’t be wrong. Consumer spending hasn’t yet responded to the oil price drop. The oil price drop is supposed to act like a big tax cut – with all the stimulus that entails. As Mark Zandi of Moody’s Analytics noted on our second panel, a one dollar drop in the price of a gallon of gas should translate into a thousand dollars in annual household savings, which in turn should boost consumer spending, turbocharging the economy. Yet, as both he and Harvard’s Jim Stock observed, while we’ve seen some increased saving, we haven’t seen the expected boost in consumer spending yet. Part of the explanation might be that people wait a few months for savings to pile up before going out and spending. Neither Zandi nor Stock was particularly nervous yet – but Zandi warned that if consumer spending didn’t pick up soon, he’d start to get more anxious. Falling oil prices have been a big help to emerging market economic policymakers. Emerging market oil importers obviously benefit from falling import costs. And I’ve written before that falling oil prices have allowed some emerging market policymakers to cut fuel subsidies. Charles Collyns of the Institute for International Finance (IIF) pointed out a third big dividend during our second panel: falling oil prices have eased inflation pressures and thus allowed emerging market central banks to cut rates and juice their economies. It’s easy to overlook this when you’re focused on the big developed economies; Europe and Japan are worried about deflation, not inflation, and the United States doesn’t have room to cut rates (though it can delay raising them). But when you’re more like India – with an inflation rate that hit eight percent in July of last year but now stands closer to five – this matters a lot. Watch out for geopolitical fallout in the big oil exporters’ backyards. As oil prices have plummeted, all eyes have been on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and on the Iranian nuclear negotiations, as observers have looked for signs that Moscow or Tehran might change tack. On our third panel, Georgetown’s Angela Stent and former U.S. ambassador Michael Gfoeller reported little change on either front, and warned not to expect much. But both of them – along with former State Department energy envoy David Goldwyn in his remarks on Venezuela – told people to look in the three big oil exporters’ backyards. As Russia faces budget and economic challenges, there will be economic and political spillovers in Central Asia; as Iranian revenues slide, Iran’s ability to support Hezbollah and other Shiite allies will decline; and as Venezuela tumbles, its ability to support others in the region through Petrocaribe will weaken, a dynamic that some have already argued played a role in U.S. rapprochement with Cuba. Even the good geopolitical news often comes with a downside. It might look like Egypt and Jordan – both energy importers – might benefit from falling oil prices. But, as Michael Gfoeller pointed out, both also receive support from a now-less-flush Saudi Arabia. It might also seem that climate change efforts could get a boost due to falling natural gas prices in Asia and Europe (gas and oil prices there are linked to varying degrees) – but, as David Goldwyn warned, the politics of falling oil prices could actually sap some of the sense of urgency from climate discussions. And as Angela Stent observed, economic turmoil for U.S. adversaries doesn’t necessarily lead to political change – something she noted for Russia but that applies more broadly. This only skims the surface of what I took from the panels – and I’m sure others gleaned different things. You can watch all the three panels (prices, economics, geopolitics) at CFR.org, and add your own takeaways in the comments.