Blogs

Development Channel

The Development Channel highlights big debates, promising approaches, and new research and thinkers addressing opportunity and exclusion in the global economy.

Latest Post

Mossack Fonseca law firm sign is pictured in Panama City, April 4, 2016.
Mossack Fonseca law firm sign is pictured in Panama City, April 4, 2016. Carlos Jasso/Reuters

Corruption Brief Series: How Anonymous Shell Companies Finance Insurgents, Criminals, and Dictators

The latest paper in the Corruption Brief series from the Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy program at the Council on Foreign Relations was published this month. In the brief, Dr. Jodi Vittori, senior policy advisor at Global Witness, addresses the myriad problems posed by anonymous shell companies – corporate entities with few or no employees and no substantive business, which offer a convenient way to privately move money through the international financial system.

Read More
Asia
A Tipping Point in Bangladesh?
Emerging Voices features contributions from scholars and practitioners highlighting new research, thinking, and approaches to development challenges. This post is from Sarah Labowitz (@SarahLabo), codirector of the NYU Stern Center for Business and Human Rights. Here, she explains why the time is right for improving factory conditions in Bangladesh, and what can be done to protect workers.  A deadly collapse at the Rana Plaza factory just outside Dhaka, Bangladesh killed almost 1,200 garment workers in a single morning in April 2013. The tragedy shone a bright light on the country’s widespread labor rights enforcement failures. Now more than two years later, millions of workers continue to work in unsafe factories. Pressure to improve conditions in Bangladesh’s garment sector has largely come from outside the country–from consumers, international clothing brands, foreign governments, and development organizations. Yet finally a confluence of factors may force Bangladesh’s domestic factory owners to change. Rise of low-cost competitors: Bangladesh lives off of its apparel manufacturing. As the world’s second largest garment producer after China, the industry comprises 18 percent of the nation’s GDP and 80 percent of its exports. But in the last year, Myanmar and Ethiopia have entered the low-wage garment market, and Vietnam will benefit from lower production costs under the newly-agreed-upon Trans-Pacific Partnership. These nations could easily chip away at Bangladesh’s market share, threatening its dominant position. Deteriorating security, driven by Islamic extremism: In the last six months, violent attacks by homegrown extremist groups and the Islamic State killed four atheist bloggers and two foreign aid workers in Bangladesh. After Cesare Tavella, an Italian aid worker, was shot and killed in downtown Dhaka while out for a jog in September, foreign buyers have started to pull their expat staff and are requiring factory owners to provide armed security guards for buying visits. The precautions add costs for suppliers while threats reinforce an image of Bangladesh as an undesirable and unstable place to do business. With increasing demand for “eco” and “slow” fashion, Bangladesh is perceived as an unsustainable sourcing destination: Adding to Bangladesh’s history of anti-union activity, since the 1990s the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) has lodged four separate complaints with the U.S. government about failures to adhere to labor rights standards. Despite millions of dollars of investment after Rana Plaza, the perception remains that workers still face serious threats to their safety and dignity at work, deterring ethically-minded companies from manufacturing there. This combination of domestic instability and external competition threatens the Bangladeshi garment industry and its broader economy unless factory owners push for meaningful reforms. Making Bangladesh’s garment sector safe and sustainable for the long term will require significant effort in three areas: An honest accounting of how many factories are producing for the export market. As it stands, no one is sure how many factories are manufacturing for export. The government says it has inspected “more than 80 percent” of 1,475 export-oriented factories. The Center for Business and Human Rights at NYU Stern estimates that the total number is closer to 7,000. Solutions to making factories safer must be based on a credible understanding of the problem’s scope. An assessment of the true costs of upgrading, relocating, and overseeing an expanded number of factories, many of which are small enterprises. Remediation efforts to date have focused on large factories that tend to have direct relationships with foreign brands. But small factories are an essential part of the industry, and there are a lot of them. A group including international experts and local owners should assess the costs of the resources, support, and oversight that would be required to make these factories safe places to work for the approximately three million workers employed in them. Dividing responsibility for these costs among foreign brands, leading local factories, governments, and development and aid organizations. No single actor can underwrite the significant costs of upgrading Bangladesh’s garment sector. Local and international participants should share the costs. Detroit provides a useful model, in which the public-private Blight Removal Taskforce successfully surveyed the city’s problem, developed a blueprint for addressing it, and raised public and private funds to meet the $800 million price tag of clearing blighted structures. Bangladesh has the potential to be a good-news story about the possibility of globalization delivering benefits to low-wage workers, even in states with weak governance. Yet changes in the way the apparel supply chain works will have to come from within.
Americas
This Week in Markets and Democracy: Petrobras Corruption Scandal, Elections in Egypt and Venezuela, and Turmoil in Haiti
CFR’s Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy (CSMD) Program highlights noteworthy events and articles each Friday in “This Week in Markets and Democracy.” Petrobras Probe Widens The Petrobras corruption probe expanded last week with the arrests of Delcídio do Amaral, the first sitting senator to be detained, and banking magnate André Esteves. Both face allegations of attempting to bribe a high-ranking Petrobras official into silence. The two are now in jail under ‘preventative arrest,’ which authorities say will avoid interference in ongoing investigations. In this limbo they join Marcelo Odebrecht, former head of Brazil’s biggest construction company, who has spent the last five months in prison awaiting charges. While the depth and breadth of the corruption probe is an important sign of Brazil’s strengthening rule of law, defendants’ right to a speedy trial also matters. Flawed Elections in Egypt & Venezuela Egypt’s recent and Venezuela’s upcoming parliamentary elections show both countries drifting further away from democracy. In Egypt, the Free Egyptians party, loyal to military President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, won a majority of seats. Voter turnout was under 30 percent, after Sisi’s government pressured other parties to withdraw and banned its main opposition, the Muslim Brotherhood, outright. Sisi’s claims of democratic progress contradict a recent spike in flagrant human right abuses, arrests, and press intimidation. Venezuela’s democratic prospects too look grim. In the lead up to December 6 legislative elections, the government gerrymandered voting districts, jailed opposition protesters, falsified charges against opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez, and stands accused of carrying out high-level assassination attempts. Questions remain as to whether the government will recognize bad news at the polls, or acquiesce to an opposition-led congress. Political Turmoil in Haiti The official results of Haiti’s October presidential election put government-backed candidate Jovenel Moïse in the lead, to face Jude Célestin in a December 27 runoff. The announcement sparked more violent protests, followed by opposition and religious leaders’ calls for an independent commission to investigate alleged electoral fraud. With international observers largely validating the October vote, Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) rejected appeals. An ensuing standoff threatens political stability in the Western Hemisphere’s poorest country, with leading opposition calling for deep reforms and even a transitional government. The potential crisis hits as Haiti faces a re-surging cholera epidemic that has already killed over 9,000 people and sickened 750,000.
Americas
This Week in Markets and Democracy: G20 and APEC Summits
CFR’s Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy (CSMD) Program highlights noteworthy events and articles each Friday in “This Week in Markets and Democracy.”  The terror attacks in Paris dominated global headlines and U.S. foreign policy discussions over the past week, though regional and global economic summits went ahead as scheduled. From Turkey to the Philippines, leaders discussed the way forward on economic growth, trade, and reform. G20 Targets Corruption, Tax Avoidance At this week’s G20 meeting in Turkey, world leaders considered technical reforms to increase revenue by addressing tax evasion and corruption. Bureaucrats officially endorsed the Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) plan to close international tax loopholes and prevent multinationals from moving profits from where they are earned to other jurisdictions. Companies worry about adverse BEPS effects such as double taxation. Others warn of U.S. job losses if companies relocate to countries with lower tax rates. And many outside the G20 argue the BEPS system will favor richer nations that made the rules, even as the UN estimates developing countries lose $100 billion each year to offshoring. Another technical issue on the G20 agenda was beneficial ownership transparency—whether governments enable corruption by not legally requiring companies and trusts to identify their real owners. According to Transparency International, the United States, China, and Brazil are among the biggest transgressors in shielding assets’ owners, despite a G20 commitment to fix the problem. Trade Dominates APEC Agenda Trade took center stage at this week’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting in Manila, gathering leaders from twenty-one countries accounting for more than half of the global economy. Supporters argued for greater regional integration as a way to counter extremism and described trade as a “human right,” while opponents protested free trade as the cause of poverty and inequality. With the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement awaiting a U.S. vote, President Obama pushed others to ratify the deal, meeting with the heads of each TPP country. China, as Asia’s largest economy outside the TPP, countered by laying out an alternative trade proposal. Chinese President Xi Jinping also responded to concerns about Chinese growth, saying the slowdown shows his country is making the transition from export- to domestic consumption-led growth. This narrative did little to explain China’s record trade surplus on record last month, up 36 percent since 2014.
  • China
    Five Questions on Global Entrepreneurship with Elmira Bayrasli
    This post features a conversation with Elmira Bayrasli, the co-founder of Foreign Policy Interrupted and a lecturer at New York University. Bayrasli’s recently-published book, From the Other Side of the World: Extraordinary Entrepreneurs, Unlikely Places, profiles seven entrepreneurs from developing countries, deriving insights into obstacles they face as well as their proven potential to solve problems, create value, and draw investment. For her research, Bayrasli traveled to more than two dozen countries meeting with investors, government officials, and entrepreneurs themselves. The Development Channel sat down with Bayrasli to hear what these startups can teach the rest of the world about entrepreneurship—and what can be done globally to encourage it. 1) What are the biggest challenges for entrepreneurs in emerging markets, compared to those that entrepreneurs face in the United States? In the United States only 14 percent of the population is engaged in entrepreneurship. In emerging markets that number can be much higher because there are fewer good jobs available—emerging-market entrepreneurs often start businesses because they have to. Lacking alternative educational or employment opportunities, people’s survival may depend on launching their own endeavors. But we hear fewer success stories of globally-competitive companies coming from developing countries, though I saw tremendously talented people leading interesting companies around the world. I embarked on this project because I wanted to learn more about these individuals and tell their stories. In researching startups and interviewing entrepreneurs from China to Nigeria, I saw that entrepreneurs in each place faced what I call “obstacles,” or barriers to growth in a specific country context. These obstacles include corruption in India, weak rule of law in Russia, monopolies that stifle competition in Mexico, and a lack of collaborative space in Pakistan. Interestingly, I found that the obstacles came into play not at the point when entrepreneurs tried to start their companies, but rather when they wanted to scale them. 2) What are differences between the types of companies entrepreneurs start in emerging markets, compared to what we see coming out of U.S. startup hubs, such as Silicon Valley? Because of the major growth obstacles, entrepreneurs in emerging markets focus on the basics. Instead of creating social apps or developing the self-driving car, they want to solve pressing problems that affect millions of people—starting businesses that fill gaps in society. In Nigeria, for example, an entrepreneur I profiled started a mobile payment company called Paga to overcome the country’s lack of financial framework. Initially, I thought Nigeria’s entrepreneurship obstacle was poor infrastructure, but that was only a symptom of a deeper problem. Nigeria’s weak financial connectivity (66% of Nigerians don’t have access to banking services, according the World Bank) was the main factor preventing reinvestment into infrastructure and other capital-intensive projects. Paga focused on expanding financial access for the poor and middle class by working to create this larger financial connectivity framework for Nigeria. Many of the entrepreneurs I profiled also looked at where they could add the most value in their markets. In Mexico, entrepreneurs who wanted to avoid competing directly with existing monopolies and major U.S. players decided to focus on green technology, alternative energy, and business-to-business (B2B) enterprises. Once entrepreneurs are able to overcome immediate market obstacles, the combination of a problem-solving approach with tapping unfilled niches creates the basis for thriving business models that can scale domestically and beyond. 3) Emerging markets received an influx of capital in recent years (now dwindling due to a slowdown in emerging-market growth). Did any of this capital make its way to entrepreneurs? In several countries I profile—including India, Turkey, and Russia—capital inflows helped to pull up the middle class over the past ten to fifteen years, and where I see entrepreneurship taking off now are markets with real middle-class growth. Because typically, it is not the elite or poor behind globally-competitive startups—it’s the educated middle class. There is also a changing tide in how some emerging-market elites view entrepreneurship. They realize that for their countries to stay competitive in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), they need to pull entrepreneurs up with them. Family foundations in emerging markets are starting to invest in entrepreneurs, which is a new phenomenon. And in China and Mexico, two other countries with a rising middle class, governments are starting funds for entrepreneurs, guaranteeing investments in new companies. For instance, in Mexico, organizations like The National Entrepreneurship Institute (INADEM) and Nafinsa, a national development bank, encourage investors to lend to startups and local small- and medium-sized enterprises. There is a recognition that: “if we can pull in outside capital to invest in our entrepreneurs, it will ultimately help us grow.” 4) How can U.S. foreign policy support entrepreneurship as a path to economic growth in developing countries? Entrepreneurship is not only about a talented individual with a good idea—it is about networks. Traveling to two dozen countries confirmed how important it is to establish an ecosystem for entrepreneurs. So the best thing the U.S. Department of State and other agencies can do is offer space for entrepreneurs to come together and share ideas—through angel networks or mentoring collaborations, for example. They can also help to connect foreign entrepreneurs to investors and other innovators here in the United States. A crucial element of success for several entrepreneurs I profiled was the networks they formed while studying and working here. However, U.S. foreign policy should ultimately help encourage an emerging market “brain gain,” rather than a brain drain. As one venture capital investor I interviewed for my project said: “where you see a lot of expats going home, that’s a place you should invest.” Another aspect of our foreign policy that affects entrepreneurs globally are U.S. regulations that have extraterritoriality or create ripple effects in other markets. I found most successfully-scaling companies in emerging markets aim to expand to the United States, so they look to our business practices. Because of the U.S. focus on transparency, through the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and similar laws (as well as U.S. tax filing and IPO requirements), companies that want to do business here follow similar standards. In India, where corruption is the major obstacle to entrepreneurship, the IT company Infosys replicated U.S. practices because they wanted U.S. customers. 5) What is the role of entrepreneurship in the global economy moving forward? The economy of the twenty-first century, whether ’globalized, ’new,’ or ’shared," is unprecedented. The twentieth-century models that made the assembly line and Fortune 500 companies thrive are no longer relevant, and new jobs increasingly come from businesses just five years old. Today’s digital and dynamic economy is not beholden to top-down corporate structures. Instead, it is contingent upon ideas and self-initiative. It is an economy being fueled and powered by entrepreneurs.      
  • Russia
    This Week in Markets in Democracy: Election in India, Kenyan Corruption, End of BRICS
    CFR’s Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy (CSMD) Program highlights noteworthy events and articles each Friday in “This Week in Markets and Democracy.”  Modi’s Electoral Defeat While polarizing politics helped Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan recapture a parliamentary majority earlier this month, similar tactics by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state of Bihar failed. In majority-Hindu Bihar, BJP members stoked religious tensions and violence, leading to a series of Muslim killings. Modi failed to condemn his party’s actions outright. Instead, a coalition of Indian businessmen, intellectuals, foreign investors, and even India’s central bank governor came out against the religious intolerance. So too did voters; the BJP’s alliance lost dozens of seats, reducing their representation to just fifty-eight of the 243 legislators (down from ninety-one previously). While an encouraging step for inclusive democracy, the loss may stymie Modi’s ambitious economic agenda, increasing the opposition vote within the upper house of parliament. United States Challenges Kenyan Corruption This week the United States stepped up pressure in the face of Kenya’s growing corruption “crisis.”  In July the country’s auditor general found that roughly $16 billion, or a quarter of the national budget, could not be accounted for. A separate watchdog report charged 175 government officials with bribery and abuse of public office. And last week a Kenyan parliament oversight committee uncovered further misuse of funds by various government ministries. The most vivid example: $85 ballpoint pens. United with ten foreign diplomats, the U.S. Ambassador to Kenya released an official statement on Thursday, calling for President Uhuru Kenyatta’s government to investigate and prosecute continued allegations, and threatening international travel restrictions on those responsible. This path invokes a U.S anticorruption tool created in 2004 by the Bush administration—Presidential Proclamation 7750. It enables the United States to ban corrupt individuals and family members from visiting. Several Kenyan officials faced such visa denials in 2009 as part of an aggressive U.S. effort to stem graft. More recently, the Obama administration banned up to ten Hungarian government officials from U.S. travel. Although these actions strained diplomatic relations, 7750 remains one of the most effective ways to target bad behavior. End of BRIC Era? This week Goldman Sachs shuttered its BRIC fund, a decade after then Chief Economist Jim O’Neill coined the term, predicting the rise of four large emerging markets: Brazil, Russia, India, and China. Even as slow growth undermined Goldman’s investment thesis, the term gained geopolitical currency. In 2009 the four nations (joined by South Africa in 2011) began an annual summit to discuss and coordinate economic and diplomatic policies, and by 2013 south-south trade reached $5 trillion. During this year’s meeting in Ufa, Russia, the five nations established a New Development Bank and Contingency Reserve Arrangement to finance projects and provide emergency liquidity. Though their economies and political trajectories differ, the nations remain unified in creating alternative institutions for the global south and pushing for more clout within the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.