Americas

Brazil

  • Monetary Policy
    Why the Labor Data Point to a September Fed Taper
    The August “jobs report is an important reminder that all this tapering talk is insane and dangerous,” pronounced Slate economics writer Matt Yglesias, reflecting the consensus of the econo-commentariat.  But as today’s Geo-Graphic shows, the report is actually wholly consistent with a September Fed taper. “If the incoming data are broadly consistent with [the Fed’s economic] forecast,” Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke said in June, “the Committee currently anticipates that it would be appropriate to moderate the monthly pace of purchases later this year.” This was widely interpreted in the markets to mean a September taper, which jibes squarely with subsequent FOMC member comments (and Bernanke’s unwillingness to suggest that it didn’t). The August jobs numbers were slightly weaker than the market consensus expectation, but the fall in the unemployment rate to 7.3% was one the Fed had in June not actually expected to see until the fourth quarter, as our figure on the left shows.  There was therefore no surprising negative news for the Fed in the unemployment numbers. But is the unemployment rate the right number to be looking at?  “With the [labor force] participation rate still falling,” Reuters’ Felix Salmon pointed out, “the unemployment rate is less relevant than ever.” Indeed, the participation rate—the percentage of the population in the labor force—fell in August to 63.2%, its lowest level in 35 years.  As our figure on the upper right shows, however, this decline is wholly on trend with the fall since 2001, and there is therefore no news for the Fed here either—the participation rate is precisely where the Fed should have expected it to be. (The flattening out between 2003 and 2007 was driven by abnormally robust labor demand.  An aging population is over time consistent with a declining participation rate.  See our post from May 21 of last year.) Importantly, as the bottom right figure shows, the decline in the participation rate was also not driven by a rise in discouraged workers—that is, the number of people who would like to work but have given up because of poor job prospects. The bottom line is that if an imminent Fed taper is misguided, as Yglesias, Salmon, and others have argued, it is not misguided because of the August jobs report.  The Fed could not have gleaned anything more negative in it than they would have expected back in June. CBO: Labor Force Projections Through 2021 Bloomberg: Unemployment Falling for Wrong Reason Creates Fed Predicament Kahn: Our Long-Term Unemployment Challenge (In Charts) Wonkblog: Three Reasons the U.S. Labor Force Keeps Shrinking   Follow Benn on Twitter: @BennSteil Follow Geo-Graphics on Twitter: @CFR_GeoGraphics Read about Benn’s latest book, The Battle of Bretton Woods: John Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order, which the Financial Times has called “a triumph of economic and diplomatic history.”
  • Americas
    Foreign Direct Investment and Jobs in Latin America
    In 2012 Latin America received its largest amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) to date: $170 billion or 12 percent of global flows. These flows went into a range of sectors from mining and petroleum production to high skilled and low skilled manufacturing to telecommunications and electricity. In absolute terms Brazil came out the winner—receiving some $65 billion, followed by Chile, Colombia, and Mexico—totaling roughly $55 billion combined. Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), on the basis of preliminary figures and official estimates at 25 April March 2013. But in measuring the effects of FDI on the host economy, the receiving sector or industry can be as important as the sheer dollar amount. A big difference can be seen in job creation. Investments in construction, commerce, and certain types of manufacturing in Latin America create the most jobs, on average some seven for every US$1 million invested. Investment in engineering intensive manufacturing (such as the automobile industry) and the food industry creates a lesser but still respectable four jobs for every US$1 million invested. The employment benefits of mining and petroleum FDI, however, are much lower, creating just one job for every US$2 million invested on average. On these measures, the biggest winners are the Caribbean (group one in the chart below), where the concentration of investment in tourism and call centers created over seventy jobs for every US$1 million invested. Mexico and Central America come next, due to the heavy investment in manufacturing. In South America much of the foreign investment went into mining and petroleum, diminishing its benefits for the broader population. This suggests, for instance, that though Colombia received a fifth more in FDI in 2012 than Mexico, it created some 9,000 (15 percent) fewer jobs, as Colombia’s investment went largely into natural resources while Mexico’s headed to its manufacturing sector. Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), based on FDI markets investment announcements. There are other benefits of course, many harder to quantify. One is the “quality” of the jobs created. Most scholars agree that foreign direct investment creates “good jobs” for both workers and host countries. Studies show that foreign firms pay on average 10 to 70 percent more than domestically owned firms (especially true in developing countries and for highly educated workers). And foreign-owned firms are more likely to provide training for employees compared to their domestic counterparts. Surveys show that multinational companies spend some 28 percent of their R&D budgets abroad, beefing up technology and skills along the way. And foreign-owned firms on average are more productive. Though largely benefiting the companies and their bottom lines, there are channels through which this can “spill over” into the domestic market—as these business link up with others in the economy through supply chains and as trained workers switch jobs (one study shows workers trained by foreign firms contribute 20 percent more to the productivity of their new plant than those who lacked the multinational training). Foreign direct investment is not an unencumbered good—stories abound about foreign-owned companies flouting domestic laws, exploiting labor, and degrading the environment. But it remains an important and sought after tool for economic expansion. What these studies show is that when focusing on economic development more broadly, not all money is created equal.
  • Cybersecurity
    Blair Rapalyea: Brazil, Internet Freedom, and Foreign Surveillance
    Several previous posts have covered China’s reaction to PRISM, the NSA’s surveillance program revealed by Edward Snowden. While Brazil usually falls outside of Asia Unbound’s coverage, this guest post by Blair Rapalyea, an intern for the Cybersecurity and Cyberconflict Initiative at the Council on Foreign Relations, shows how another emerging Internet power is reacting. There are some notable similarities—a focus on domestic technology and a look to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) to play a greater role in Internet governance—but also some important differences as Brazil champions individual and Internet rights. While China’s boisterous reaction to PRISM and its vocal condemnation of the perceived “double standards” of the NSA surveillance program has received wide coverage in the U.S. press, less discussed is the response from Brazil, a country with a massive and increasingly important Internet presence. PRISM has added to an already full agenda. Brazilian politicians were already struggling to respond to public outcry for the protection of Internet rights and privacy; now they must also respond to growing demands to protect Brazilian cyberspace from foreign surveillance. The suggestions for addressing the problem of espionage are varied. The NSA leak came at a time when Brazil had revived discussion of a document called “Marco Civil da Internet,” billed as human rights legislation for Internet users. Created largely through public input, the goal of the legislation is to protect individuals by defining the right to privacy, web neutrality, and freedom of speech. The bill stalled in Congress for two years, largely due to opposition from telecommunications companies, but has been revitalized by concern over unwanted surveillance. The espionage claims have reenergized the debate over Marco Civil and also strengthened the argument that Brazil needs to take greater control over the infrastructure its Internet depends upon. Politicians have advocated for this through additions to the bill, whereas other potential measures would be executed outside the framework of the legislation. One initiative, for example, proposes that Brazil reduce its use of foreign software and hardware so as to lower the risk of future espionage. Brazil has a robust information technology (IT) sector, and officials hope that decreasing dependence on foreign technology would give their IT and manufacturing sectors an additional boost. Another proposal would address the vulnerability in Brazil’s fiber optic cables and satellites—documents leaked by Snowden allegedly show they were compromised by the NSA. Politicians have called for a new Brazilian satellite to allow for greater control. In addition, some have suggested the construction of data centers in the country, which they believe would make data from Brazil subject only to their own jurisdiction and allow for greater protections . However, this measure will be largely ineffective unless it also requires all foreign servers to delete data coming from Brazil – a massive undertaking that is unlikely to be achieved due to cost and opposition from affected businesses. The provision for data storage has been added to the Marco Civil legislation at the behest of high-level politicians. This drew backlash from Google, which had previously supported the text, because it would require them to invest in building data centers the company sees as unnecessary. NSA revelations have also increased calls for reforming Internet governance. Brazil has previously voiced support for regulations allowing for greater government control, such as those debated in the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), and many politicians are now revisiting the subject. At a recent meeting of Mercosur, a South American trade bloc of which Brazil is a founding member, discussion ranged from member country Venezuela’s decision to offer Snowden asylum to future possibilities for regulation of the Internet. Brazil’s Foreign Minister Antonio Patriota said that although Mercosur members intend to raise the debate in the United Nations, specifically in the ITU, he has little faith in the possibility of consensus on future regulation. The reaction to PRISM only adds to the swirl of confusion surrounding the quest to define what Internet freedom means in Brazil. Like many of the other democracies criticizing American surveillance, Brazil restricts some information on the Internet and monitors activity for security and stability. Brazil created its own cybersecurity military unit, CDCiber, which was charged with monitoring the Internet during the recent Confederations Cup as well as working with the police during the recent protests, though officials have stated that all information was gathered from public sources. All of the above, combined with the recent proposals for increased national control of cyberspace, suggest that Brazil is at a turning point in terms of how it will define the future of its Internet, and that the next few months will determine the path forward.
  • Monetary Policy
    Mortgages and Monetary Policy Don’t Mix
    From the beginning of 2009 through this past May 21st, the Fed amassed a portfolio of mortgage-backed securities (MBS) valued at $1.2 trillion.  Over this period, the average 30-year fixed mortgage rate fell from 5.33% to 3.65%, and the spread between that rate and the 10-year government borrowing rate fell from 2.8 percentage points to 1.7 percentage points. Then came talk of “calibration” and “tapering” . . . "Calibrating" asset purchases to volatile data while pledging to ignore data on rates, as we argued recently in Dow Jones’ Financial News, is a tough line for the Fed to walk.  On May 22, and then again on June 19, Chairman Ben Bernanke suggested that the Fed might soon begin reducing the pace of MBS purchases, dependent on developments in the labor market.  Mortgage rates soared.  The average 30-year rate is now hovering around 4.5%; about half the decline in mortgage rates that the Fed had engineered through its multi-year MBS purchase scheme has evaporated. In consequence, the monthly mortgage payment on a $200,000 home purchased with a 10% down payment has risen by a whopping 10% since calibration talk began.  Housing starts also plummeted 10% from May to June, hitting their lowest level since last August, just before the Fed’s latest round of MBS purchases. This confirms our view, expressed recently in the Wall Street Journal, that the Fed should never have gotten involved in sectoral credit allocation in the first place: it should have limited its interventions to the Treasury market, and let the Treasury take politically charged decisions on whether and how to intervene in specific areas of the economy, such as the mortgage and housing markets.  The Fed has only set itself up, as well as the market, for ongoing exit strategy headaches.  Mortgages and monetary policy just don’t mix. Financial Times: U.S. Housing Construction Slides to Ten-Month Low Bernanke: May 22 Congressional Testimony Bernanke: June 19 FOMC Press Conference Wall Street Journal: Thirty-Year Mortgage Rate Posts Largest Weekly Increase Since 1987   Follow Benn on Twitter: @BennSteil
  • Brazil
    Brazil
    In this chapter preview from Pathways to Freedom: Political and Economic Lessons From Democratic Transitions, Carlos Pio analyzes Brazil’s transition from military rule to democracy and from economic instability to growth and social inclusion.
  • Monetary Policy
    Is the Fed Right to Calibrate Asset Purchases to Economic Data?
    The Fed is trying to have its cake and eat it too. Having earlier tried to anchor market expectations of future low interest rates by pledging that policy would remain accommodative into 2015, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke is now saying that the Fed will consider “a recalibration of the pace of its [asset] purchases . . . in light of incoming information.” So what’s Mr. Market to do? Sleep tight and let the data do what the data will do, or pounce on data rumors to front-run the “recalibration”? The Fed’s trying to fine-tune the pace of asset purchases is bound to give Mr. Market a bad case of the shakes, as “incoming information” has been extremely volatile throughout this economic recovery. As today’s Geo-Graphic shows, using the six-month average of employment gains to project the unemployment rate going forward suggests vastly different metrics of how close the Fed is to achieving its 6.5% unemployment-rate objective. If the average pace of job gains in the six months leading up to and including the March unemployment report had been extrapolated forward, the Fed would have expected to reach its 6.5% unemployment target in August 2015. Yet with just one additional month of employment data, an extrapolation of the six-month average gain in employment through April shows the unemployment rate falling below the committee’s 6.5% threshold in August 2014, a full year earlier. And the pattern over the past two months is not an anomaly. Using the six months of employment data available in November of last year, our projection had the Fed reaching its employment objective as soon as May 2014; but in January of this year, just two months after the November unemployment report, our projection doesn’t have the Fed reaching its objective until September 2015. Asset purchases are not a precision tool, so the idea of continuously “recalibrating” them to volatile economic data is a particularly bad one. Recalibration is a strategy in need of recalibration. Financial Times: Ben Bernanke Says Bond Buying Could Slow Wall Street Journal: Fed Leaves Market Guessing The Economist: Parsing the Federal Reserve The Guardian: Markets Rally as Ben Bernanke Backs Further Quantitative Easing   Follow Benn on Twitter: @BennSteil
  • Russia
    Brazil in Africa
    According to the press, Brazil is negotiating an agreement with Mozambique to finance the construction of the Moamba Major dam to provide drinking water for Maputo. It is expected to cost U.S. $500 million. The Bank of Brazil has funded an environmental impact study for the project. With a population approaching two million and growing rapidly, Maputo needs an assured water supply. A successful agreement between Brazil and Mozambique means that construction on the dam could start as early as 2014. The Moamba Major dam highlights Brazil’s expanded engagement in Africa. Chatham House, in November 2012, published a highly useful briefing paper on Brazil’s growing African role. It highlights Brazil’s African economic interest. Its trade with the continent increased from U.S. $4.2 billion to U.S. $27.6 billion over the past decade. Africa is potentially an important export market for Brazilian manufactured goods. But, the Chatham House briefer highlights that Brazil sees African engagement as more than economics. It is a key to Brazil’s recognition as a major power, and close south-south relations focused on Africa could help build international support for a permanent UN Security Council seat for Brazil. Brazil seeks a partnership for development with an important political dimension rather than solely an economic relationship. Brazil is one of the BRICS countries, along with Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Brazil’s expanding role in Africa is overshadowed in the international media by China and India’s larger role. (So, too, is South Africa’s role.) But, Brazil’s approach to Africa appears to be the more broadly based, with important political and developmental aspects, as well as economic. And there are important cultural ties between Brazil and the Lusophone Africa states such as Angola and Mozambique. Brazil also has the diaspora’s largest population of African origin. Thus far, the Brazilians appear to have avoided the cultural and other mistakes of the Chinese. The Brazilian relationship with Africa may prove deeper and longer lasting than that of its higher-profile rivals among the BRICS.
  • Europe and Eurasia
    Eric Rauchway Battles "The Battle of Bretton Woods"
    Benn’s new book The Battle of Bretton Woods has been called “the gold standard on its topic” by the New York Times, “a triumph of economic and diplomatic history” by the Financial Times, and “a superb history” by the Wall Street Journal.  But Eric Rauchway is having none of it.  He’s dinged the book twice now, its only two negative reviews—first for the IMF’s Finance & Development and then, in an extended dance remix version, for the TLS. Wade through the snark-infested waters, and you’ll find that Rauchway has two substantive complaints: that Benn doesn’t understand the gold standard, and that he bases his account of Harry Dexter White’s role in the crafting of the FDR administration’s 1941 “Ten-Point Note” ultimatum to Japan on “fake” documents.  Serious stuff. So let’s start with gold.  “Contrary to Steil’s account,” Rauchway writes, “monetary gold stock did not generally move across borders.” Now Rauchway is not an economist, but presumably he can read. During “the years 1880-1913,” Benn writes on page 20, “governments around the globe had allowed an unprecedented degree of activity within and between their nations to be regulated by the market-driven transfer of gold claims across borders (the physical stuff itself just shifted around in central bank vaults).” Whoops.  Next? . . . Rauchway quotes Benn as writing that Bretton Woods was “an economic apocalypse in the making.” Here, dear readers, is what Benn actually wrote on page 334: “Harry White’s creation, in [Robert] Triffin’s rendering, was an economic apocalypse in the making.” Get a sense that there’s a pattern forming here?  Moving right along . . . Rauchway takes specific issue with Benn’s claim that under the classical gold standard “when gold flowed in [the authorities] loosened credit, and when it flowed out they tightened credit,” arguing that this is “at odds with historical evidence.” Oh? Today’s Geo-Graphic provides the historical evidence.  Let’s see what it shows . . . During what Rauchway describes as “the heyday of the gold standard,” we can in the top two figures see that long interest rates did indeed tend to rise when gold was flowing out of the United States and fall when gold was flowing in.  This is particularly clear in the 2-year moving average figure on the right. Rauchway goes on to say that theoretical models which have countries losing gold when they import more than they export were not realized in practice. Really? Check out the bottom two figures, showing the relationship between net gold movements and net merchandise imports.  Again, the relationship is exactly what Rauchway denies: net merchandise exports tend to move with net gold imports, which is, again, particularly clear in the 2-year moving average figure on the right. Economics lesson finished.  On to history . . . The Battle of Bretton Woods, according to Rauchway, claims that “[Harry Dexter] White caused the attack on Pearl Harbor.” Uh, no. Benn’s book claims that White authored the key ultimatum demands contained within the Ten-Point Note (and not the entire “Hull memo of November 26,” as Rauchway wrongly puts it), and that a wartime Soviet intelligence operation codenamed “Operation Snow” was engaged to motivate White, with the aim of “provok[ing] war between the Empire of the Rising Sun and the USA and to insure the interests of the Soviet Union in the Far East,” according to GRU military intelligence colonel Vladimir Karpov.  Benn writes on page 58 that “The significance of Operation Snow lay not in White acting as he did because he was so prodded, and certainly not in acting against what he believed to be American interests; rather, it is that the Soviets believed that White was influential and impressionable enough, and that conflict between the United States and Japan was important enough, that they chose to use him in pursuit of their aims.” Rauchway writes that Benn’s “historical backup [is] a book by Jerrold and Leona Schecter called Sacred Secrets (2002).” He then invokes historians John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr to argue that “the documents on which the Schecters relied for their discussion of White” are “fake.” Oh boy . . . After reading Rauchway’s TLS review, Haynes and Klehr wrote the following to the journal’s editors, which was published on April 26: We are flattered that Eric Rauchway mentioned our article in Intelligence and National Security (October 2011) in his review of Benn Steil’s The Battle of Bretton Woods.  In that article we noted the use of what evidence indicated were faked documents in Gerald and Leona Schecter’s Sacred Secrets.  (We assume the faked documents were foisted on the Schecters by unscrupulous Russian sources.)  We are also flattered that Steil relies heavily on our work on White’s espionage.  But, our account does not, as Rauchway suggests, undermine Steil’s story of White’s treachery or imply that he was bamboozled by fake documents.  In fact, Steil cites the Schecters only once in his whole book. Ouch. Foreign Affairs: Red White Standpoint: The Moneybags and the Brains Bloomberg Echoes: How Dollar Diplomacy Spelled Doom for the British Empire NPR: Examining Bretton Woods
  • Europe and Eurasia
    Draghi's Dilemma
    The Governing Council of the European Central Bank meets on May 2, with a possible rate cut in the offing. Yet a rate cut is not the no-brainer the Bank’s critics often suggest, as today’s Geo-Graphic shows. The ECB’s official inflation-rate target is “below, but close to, 2%.” Both Portugal and Greece have inflation under 1% , but the transmission mechanism from ECB rates to business borrowing rates in those two countries has been virtually severed by the crisis. In short, they need a rate cut, but the ECB can’t deliver them one. In those Eurozone countries where the monetary transmission mechanism is still working normally—Austria, Finland, France, Germany, and the Netherlands—the GDP-weighted-average inflation rate is 1.8%, right near the ECB’s target. France, with 1.1% inflation and 10.8% unemployment, would appear a strong candidate for a rate cut, but not the others. Germany has 1.8% inflation and only 5.4% unemployment. The other three all have above-target inflation rates: Austria at 2.4%, Finland 2.5%, and the Netherlands 3.2%. Austrian unemployment is low, at 4.8%. Dutch unemployment is a moderate 6.4% Only Finnish unemployment is high, at 8.2%. Some will argue that a bout of robust inflation in the north is just what is needed to restore competitiveness in the south. But the ECB will have to willfully ignore its price-stability mandate if it is to justify a rate cut right now, and it will almost certainly need to apply more radical tools if it is to aid the south quickly. “The ECB is obviously in a difficult position,” German Chancellor Angela Merkel said on April 25. “For Germany, it would actually have to raise rates slightly at the moment, but for other countries it would have to do even more for more liquidity to be made available and especially for liquidity to reach corporate financing.” Yes indeed. This is Draghi’s Dilemma. Geo-Graphics: Is the ECB Draining Its Own Powers? Financial Times: Merkel Speech Highlights European Divide Reuters: Merkel Says Germany Would Need Rate Rise Wall Street Journal: Bleak Europe Data May Prompt ECB Action
  • China
    Dr. Strangelove or: How China Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Dollar
    China has since 1994 operated some form of currency peg, harder or softer, between its yuan and the U.S. dollar. While China’s state-run Xinhua news agency has in recent years railed against U.S. management of the dollar, and has called for “a new, stable, and secured global reserve currency,” this week’s Geo-Graphic illustrates why China has little incentive to press for such a thing. During the 1956 Suez crisis the Eisenhower administration threatened to create a sterling crisis in order to force Britain out of Egypt. A collapse in sterling would have caused minimal collateral financial damage in the United States owing to trivial U.S. government holdings of British securities – amounting to just $1 per U.S. resident. In contrast, China’s holdings of U.S. securities today amount to over $1,000 per Chinese resident. Any major fall in demand for dollar-denominated assets would cause a collapse in the global purchasing power of China’s massive dollar hoard. For its part, the United States finds congenial a world in which a dollar sent to China for cheap goods comes back overnight in the form of a near-zero interest loan, which can then be recycled through the U.S. financial system to create yet more cheap credit. Neither partner in this monetary marriage is, therefore, likely to file for divorce any time soon. Steil: Red White Steil: The Battle of Bretton Woods Eichengreen: Exorbitant Privilege Treasury: Report on Foreign Portfolio Holdings of U.S. Securities Xinhua: U.S. Must Address Its Chronic Debt Problems
  • Defense and Security
    Transforming Brazil’s Favelas
    I got the chance last week to visit the Centro Comunitário Lídia dos Santos (or CEACA), an NGO based in the Rio de Janeiro favela of Morro dos Macacos—once the grounds of a zoo, and now home to some 25,000 cariocas (Rio’s residents). Headed by Dona Anna Marcondes Faria, it is the culmination of nearly fifty years of her work to make the community safer. From initial efforts to bring running water and kindergarten classes to the neighborhood, the two story building now offers a host of after school programs, art classes, professional training sessions, and environmental awareness projects. The goal is not just to teach skills but also confidence. CEACA, along with NGOs in some 450 other communities, have gained the attention and support of Coca-Cola, McDonalds, Walmart, and dozens of other corporations. A recurring theme in the conversations we had with our hosts and guides was change. Visiting the community’s recycling building, the manager Dona Regina da Silva spoke to us about the challenge of gaining residents’ support for the business. In the beginning she worked alone, snubbed by many of her neighbors as the “garbage lady.” Today, some 700 families bring bottles, paper, plastics, and other goods each week to exchange for food tokens, and in the building next door women and youths use the sorted neighborhood trash materials to create beautiful items such as pillows, bags, and placemats (you can see their work here). In the computer lab/classroom, we spoke with a group of teenagers. Asked what they wanted to be when they grew up, the students offered up careers including engineers, architects, and biologists. Our guides said that this was a significant shift from just a few years ago—when the dreams were smaller and the enthusiasm less pervasive. One of the teachers that spoke with us was a past student, back to help the younger generation as she finished up her university degree. Though she said that few of her former classmates had followed her into higher education, they all dreamed of it, another big change from the past. Organizations such as CEARA make a difference by connecting individuals within the neighborhood and preparing them for the broader world. Also important in transforming the futures of Macacos’ residents has been Rio’s broader security efforts. On the streets the blue and black uniforms of Pacifying Police Unit (UPP) troops were noticeable, part of a city-wide effort (now in over twenty neighborhoods) to introduce a permanent police presence into historically gang-run areas. Many Morro dos Macacos residents recounted the isolation they felt before the UPP officers arrived. Not only did they face discrimination from those on the outside when they revealed where they lived, they also found it dangerous to simply come and go, as rivalries between the gangs controlling each favela extended to all residents—whether members or not . Now with the UPP in place, residents can travel more freely. With persistent high inequality and poverty rates, and over a million living in Rio’s favelas alone, these individual steps may be small. But from my few hours there, the Morro dos Macacos neighborhood at least felt to be moving in the right direction.
  • Europe and Eurasia
    Should the Fed Follow the Bank of England and Subsidize Bank Lending?
    Last week’s Bank of England (BoE) poll of UK lenders turned up some good news: credit “availability” for both households and companies is on the rise – as we document in the upper right figure of today’s Geo-Graphic.  The Old Lady of Threadneedle Street was quick to take credit for the credit: “Lenders noted,” crowed the BoE, “that the Funding for Lending Scheme,” through which the BoE and UK Treasury have since August provided banks with cheap funds to boost their lending, “had been an important factor behind this increase.” The survey the BoE referred to should be considered about as reliable as LIBOR, which, as we know, has been subject to systematic manipulation by major international banks over recent years.  The indexes of credit availability the BoE has manufactured from its surveys are similarly unreliable, as the banks have every incentive to convince the BoE that FLS is working, and that cheap government funds should keep flowing to them.  Actual UK lending, however, as our bottom two figures show, remains depressed. Not surprisingly, given tight lending conditions in the U.S (see the upper left figure), Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke has said that he is “very interested” in the scheme.  This has stimulated market expectations that the Fed might try to launch something similar in the United States.  The Fed should hold its fire. Bank of England: Credit Conditions Survey 2012 Q4 Fed: October 2012 Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices Bernanke: June 20, 2012 Press Conference Financial Times: Credit Conditions Ease "Significantly"
  • Europe and Eurasia
    Greece Hurtles Toward Its Fiscal Cliff
    The United States marches solemnly towards its fiscal cliff, awaiting only the command from the Goddess of Reason to halt. Unfortunately for Greece, that country plugged its ears back in March. Like the United States, Greece made prior commitments on spending and taxation in order to bind itself to the mission of deficit reduction. Unlike the United States, Greece left itself little means to unbind itself. As shown in the graphic above, its massive debt restructuring in March only reduced its debt-to-GDP ratio from 170% to 150%, but in the process made further significant restructuring much more difficult. Before the March restructuring, Greece owed private sector creditors €177 billion in obligations governed by Greek law and only €30 worth governed by international law, the latter being vastly more difficult to walk away from. After the restructuring, Greece owed private sector creditors only €86 billion, but all of it was now governed by international law (31.5%*177 + 30). And it also added €75 billion to its €124 billion stock of official sector (EU and IMF) obligations, bringing that total to a whopping €200 billion. Though Greece desperately needs to shed more debt, it faces the problem that its private sector creditors are now all shielded by international law, and its public sector creditors are protected by the power to hurl it into unsplendid economic and political isolation. This suggests strongly that Greece should simply have repudiated all its Greek-law private sector debt back in March, when it had the chance. Why didn’t it? Many reasons, some of which flimsy – such as fears of triggering credit default swaps if the restructuring were “involuntary.” But the most pressing reason was to avoid crushing the Greek banking sector, which was exposed to Greek sovereign debt to the tune of about €50 billion. The €25 billion lent to Greece by the so-called European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) in order to recapitalize its banks would then have to have been a much higher €50 billion. Still, Greece would be at considerably less risk of hurtling over the fiscal cliff today had it avoided taking on the additional €56 billion worth of nonrepudiable private sector IOUs in March. In contrast, the United States can avoid its looming cliff by Congress and the president agreeing just to keep on adding to the prodigious national tab. It’s good to be the king of reserve-currency issuers - at least until the market cuts your head off. European Financial Stability Fund: Questions and Answers IMF: Greece's Financial Position in the Fund as of Sept. 30 BIS: Consolidated Banking Statistics Geo-Graphics: The IMF Is Shocked, Shocked at Greece's Fiscal Failure. Should It Be?
  • Americas
    Guest Post: Latin America’s Working Women
    This is a guest post by Stephanie Leutert, a research associate here at the Council on Foreign Relations who works with me in the Latin America program. Over the last decade, poverty, and inequality have fallen throughout Latin America. Behind these positive trends are external factors, such as high global commodity prices and substantial foreign direct investment flows, as well as internal influences, including Latin America’s growing middle class, increased consumption, and successful government-run conditional cash transfers (which offer money to low income families who keep their kids healthy and in school). But another less talked about factor moving the region toward greater economic development is the millions of Latin American women in the workforce. According to an August 2012 World Bank report, Latin American women have been responsible for 30 percent of the region’s extreme poverty reduction in the past decade, as a result of their increased workforce participation and higher earnings. Women’s income has had an even greater effect on the lowest rungs of the socioeconomic ladder, reducing the severity of poverty more than twice as effectively as men’s earnings. And, as in other places, the global economic downturn hit men’s incomes the hardest. In response, Latin American women picked up the slack, causing more than half of 2009’s poverty reduction. Still, these proven economic engines face huge challenges. Women continue to be employed disproportionately in less productive sectors. Men also continue to far outnumber women in corporate leadership positions across industries, and, like most of the world, studies report that Latin America’s women are often paid significantly less than men for the same labor. Even when Latin American women make it to the top of their field, 61 percent report some form of discrimination at work. Having more Latin American women in the workplace isn’t just an issue of equity—it’s also good for business. Study after study shows that more women mean better bottom lines. An August 2012 Credit Suisse report found that when companies have one woman or more on their boards, they perform significantly better than companies that don’t (60 percent of Latin American companies’ boards do not have a single female member). And how much better do these more diverse companies do? Stocks of large companies that had women on their boards performed 26 percent better than those that didn’t. If other nations’ histories are any guide, one can expect more of the region’s women to come into the workplace. And this is likely to increasingly center the conversation on the tough juggling act of work, family, and other responsibilities—à la Anne-Marie Slaughter’s now widely read Atlantic article—that many working women (and men) throughout the region and world confront. Despite the challenges for Latin American women, the numbers make the opportunities clear: women in the workforce, and especially women in leadership positions, are good for Latin America—for its families, for its businesses, and for its future.
  • Brazil
    Brazil’s New Protectionist Mood
    While a new round of U.S. quantitative easing will have a negative impact on emerging markets like Brazil, the country should not blame U.S. monetary policy for the structural flaws in its economy, says expert Bernardo Wjuniski.