Women's Political Leadership

Amid deadly terrorist attacks and devastating conflicts, Republicans and Democrats just came together to pass a new law that could improve security around the world. Lawmakers realized that existing efforts to reduce conflict often overlook a critical strategy: including women. Recognizing that drawing on the talents and perspectives of women is essential for our nation’s security, they passed the Women, Peace, and Security Act to ensure the United States supports women’s participation in efforts to prevent terrorism and resolve conflict. “Simply put, when women are at the negotiating table, peace is more likely,” observed House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-CA). “The benefits of women’s participation—and the risks of their exclusion—in all aspects of governance and peacemaking are too great to ignore.” Senator Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), recognized that despite this, “far too often [women] are under-represented at the negotiation table.” Where previous generations of lawmakers debated whether women had a place in security forces, the new law is founded on evidence of the unique contributions women bring to peace and security efforts. Read the full article in Newsweek >>

Welcome to “Women Around the World: This Week,” a series that highlights noteworthy news related to women and U.S. foreign policy. This week’s post, covering October 13 to October 20, was compiled with support from Becky Allen, Anne Connell, and Alyssa Dougherty.

Maylin Meisenheimer is a research associate in the Asia studies program at the Council on Foreign Relations This blog is cross-posted with CFR's Asia Unbound.  The 19th Party Congress is almost here, bringing with it a slew of questions about China’s future, such as whether President Xi Jinping will break with past precedent and abstain from naming a successor—setting himself up for a third term, or whether the informal age barrier will be ignored and Wang Qishan will stay in office. Less discussed is the question of whether a woman will be named to China’s highest governing body, the Politburo Standing Committee. As of now, the answer appears to be almost certainly not. Although it was recently announced that the number of female delegates elected to attend the 19th Party Congress has risen—from 22.6 percent in 2012 to 24.1 percent—this is a negligible increase. Despite Chinese women’s progress in business and educational attainment, there has been almost no improvement in women’s participation in higher politics. Unlike other Asian nations and entities such as Taiwan and Hong Kong, which recently elected their first female president and chief executive, respectively, no woman has ever served on China’s Standing Committee, and only two women are currently on the second highest committee, the twenty-five member Politburo. What has held Chinese women back? Like the United States, China has a pipeline problem. Recently, there has been a lot of talk about the U.S. “political pipeline” and how women are not participating in local and state politics, therefore never entering the pipeline and leading to a dearth of women candidates in national elections. China has a similarly leaky pipeline. Although the Chinese political system is radically different from that of the United States, the same problem exists. China is a one-party system, with members of the Chinese Communist Party holding virtually all high-ranking positions from local to national government. Despite having a membership of over 89 million people, only one-fourth of CCP members are women. To be selected for a government position, one must first be a member of the CCP, so there are fewer women than men even eligible for these prominent posts. From these local roles, Chinese politicians generally work their way through the ranks of provincial party and government before being appointed to national seats. For example, Xi Jinping began his political career as a local party secretary in Hebei province. From there, he was promoted to higher positions in more affluent provinces like Fujian and Zhejiang before eventually becoming a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. Currently, there are no women serving as provincial or municipal party secretaries in any of China’s thirty-one provinces. Chinese officials are chosen by the more senior leaders, not elected like in the United States, so there is virtually no chance of receiving a national appointment without first holding a provincial government or party position. The situation is further complicated by the fact that some national positions are not considered stepping stones for promotion. A recent article by Brookings scholar Cheng Li outlined the few female contenders up for promotions during the 19th Party Congress, but most of them are long shots. Of the women who have received more senior roles, the majority has been sidelined into positions that have not traditionally led to promotion. On the current 18th Central Committee, the governing body directly below the Politburo, only 10 of the 205 full members are female (4.9 percent). Additionally, current female members of the Central Committee hold more posts related to arts and culture than they do to the economy or defense, the seats that have traditionally led to promotion. The lack of female representation in the Central Committee is compounded by the lack of women in critical roles, further diminishing the likelihood of their appointment to senior positions. Age discrimination is also an issue for prospective female political leaders. China’s national retirement age is currently sixty years old for men, fifty-five for female civil servants and state enterprise employees, and fifty for all other female workers. The difference in the national retirement age likely hinders women’s job prospects since they are expected to retire significantly earlier than men, precluding them from promotions. The retirement rule is a symptom of China’s conservative views on gender and society. Although Mao Zedong proclaimed that “women hold up half the sky,” China has not achieved greater levels of gender equality. The 2016 Global Gender Gap report ranked China 99 out of 144 countries due to inequalities in economic opportunities and other factors. Many Chinese still hold the view that women should retire early to care for grandchildren or the elderly, and for younger women, the shift to a two-child policy may increase pressure on them to stay at home and take care of children. A recent campaign by local governments highlighted the “virtue of women returning home,” and the state-run news agency, Xinhua, has cited studies saying that stay-at-home moms have a “positive effect on society.” Such efforts will only widen the political gender gap in China. The lack of female politicians in China begins at the lowest level of political participation, CCP membership, and the effects of that disparity are felt all the way to the national level. Almost 70 percent of the Central Committee is likely to retire at this year’s 19th Party Congress, but it is unlikely that more female representatives will take their place. Without more women representatives at the local and provincial levels, the number of women in national seats will not increase. Although Chinese women have progressed in other areas, the country still has a ways to go before its political pipeline is fixed. Despite advancements in other areas, the political system has not allowed women to “hold up half the sky,” and without significant changes, China’s leaky pipeline may start a flood.   

Last week, the United States government enacted the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, which was signed into law by President Trump on October 6. The bipartisan act will strengthen efforts to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflict by increasing women’s participation in negotiation and mediation processes. 

Maylin Meisenheimer is a research associate for Asia Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. The 19th Party Congress is almost here, bringing with it a slew of questions about China’s future, such as whether President Xi Jinping will break with past precedent and abstain from naming a successor—setting himself up for a third term, or whether the informal age barrier will be ignored and Wang Qishan will stay in office. Less discussed is the question of whether a woman will be named to China’s highest governing body, the Politburo Standing Committee. As of now, the answer appears to be almost certainly not. Although it was recently announced that the number of female delegates elected to attend the 19th Party Congress has risen—from 22.6 percent in 2012 to 24.1 percent—this is a negligible increase. Despite Chinese women’s progress in business and educational attainment, there has been almost no improvement in women’s participation in higher politics. Unlike other Asian nations and entities such as Taiwan and Hong Kong, which recently elected their first female president and chief executive, respectively, no woman has ever served on China’s Standing Committee, and only two women are currently on the second highest committee, the twenty-five member Politburo. What has held Chinese women back? Like the United States, China has a pipeline problem. Recently, there has been a lot of talk about the U.S. “political pipeline” and how women are not participating in local and state politics, therefore never entering the pipeline and leading to a dearth of women candidates in national elections. China has a similarly leaky pipeline. Although the Chinese political system is radically different from that of the United States, the same problem exists. China is a one-party system, with members of the Chinese Communist Party holding virtually all high-ranking positions from local to national government. Despite having a membership of over 89 million people, only one-fourth of CCP members are women. To be selected for a government position, one must first be a member of the CCP, so there are fewer women than men even eligible for these prominent posts. From these local roles, Chinese politicians generally work their way through the ranks of provincial party and government before being appointed to national seats. For example, Xi Jinping began his political career as a local party secretary in Hebei province. From there, he was promoted to higher positions in more affluent provinces like Fujian and Zhejiang before eventually becoming a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. Currently, there are no women serving as provincial or municipal party secretaries in any of China’s thirty-one provinces. Chinese officials are chosen by the more senior leaders, not elected like in the United States, so there is virtually no chance of receiving a national appointment without first holding a provincial government or party position. The situation is further complicated by the fact that some national positions are not considered stepping stones for promotion. A recent article by Brookings scholar Cheng Li outlined the few female contenders up for promotions during the 19th Party Congress, but most of them are long shots. Of the women who have received more senior roles, the majority has been sidelined into positions that have not traditionally led to promotion. On the current 18th Central Committee, the governing body directly below the Politburo, only 10 of the 205 full members are female (4.9 percent). Additionally, current female members of the Central Committee hold more posts related to arts and culture than they do to the economy or defense, the seats that have traditionally led to promotion. The lack of female representation in the Central Committee is compounded by the lack of women in critical roles, further diminishing the likelihood of their appointment to senior positions. Age discrimination is also an issue for prospective female political leaders. China’s national retirement age is currently sixty years old for men, fifty-five for female civil servants and state enterprise employees, and fifty for all other female workers. The difference in the national retirement age likely hinders women’s job prospects since they are expected to retire significantly earlier than men, precluding them from promotions. The retirement rule is a symptom of China’s conservative views on gender and society. Although Mao Zedong proclaimed that “women hold up half the sky,” China has not achieved greater levels of gender equality. The 2016 Global Gender Gap report ranked China 99 out of 144 countries due to inequalities in economic opportunities and other factors. Many Chinese still hold the view that women should retire early to care for grandchildren or the elderly, and for younger women, the shift to a two-child policy may increase pressure on them to stay at home and take care of children. A recent campaign by local governments highlighted the “virtue of women returning home,” and the state-run news agency, Xinhua, has cited studies saying that stay-at-home moms have a “positive effect on society.” Such efforts will only widen the political gender gap in China. The lack of female politicians in China begins at the lowest level of political participation, CCP membership, and the effects of that disparity are felt all the way to the national level. Almost 70 percent of the Central Committee is likely to retire at this year’s 19th Party Congress, but it is unlikely that more female representatives will take their place. Without more women representatives at the local and provincial levels, the number of women in national seats will not increase. Although Chinese women have progressed in other areas, the country still has a ways to go before its political pipeline is fixed. Despite advancements in other areas, the political system has not allowed women to “hold up half the sky,” and without significant changes, China’s leaky pipeline may start a flood.        

As the Myanmar military attacks the Rohingya minority, the country's female leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has done little to stop the violence. The harsh lesson from it all: women leaders do not always promote peace.

Welcome to “Women Around the World: This Week,” a series that highlights noteworthy news related to women and U.S. foreign policy. This week’s post, covering August 15 to August 25, was compiled with support from Becky Allen, Anne Connell, and Alyssa Dougherty. 

Voices from the Field features contributions from scholars and practitioners highlighting new research, thinking, and approaches to development challenges. This article is authored by Melanne Verveer, executive director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, and Mathilde Mukantabana, ambassador of the Republic of Rwanda to the United States of America.

Welcome to “Women Around the World: This Week,” a series that highlights noteworthy news related to women and U.S. foreign policy. This week’s post, covering July 17 to July 26, was compiled with support from Becky Allen, Anne Connell, and Kathryn Sachs.   

Voices from the Field features contributions from scholars and practitioners highlighting new research, thinking, and approaches to development challenges. This article is authored by Hilary Matfess, research analyst on defense and security issues in  Africa and doctoral candidate at Yale University.

Welcome to “Women Around the World: This Week,” a series that highlights noteworthy news related to women and U.S. foreign policy. This week’s post, covering June 18 to June 27, was compiled with support from Becky Allen, Alyssa Dougherty, and Kathryn Sachs.   

Welcome to "Women Around the World: This Week," a series that highlights noteworthy news related to women and U.S. foreign policy. This week's post, covering June 10 to June 17, was compiled with support from Becky Allen and Anne Connell.