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  • COVID-19
    COVID-19 and Global Equity
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    Fatema Z. Sumar, vice president of global programs at Oxfam America, and Trevor Zimmer, co-leader of the COVID-19 Vaccine Equity Project, discuss equitable distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine around the world. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS:  Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Social Justice and Foreign Policy webinar series hosted by the Religion and Foreign Policy program. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at the Council on Foreign Relations. As a reminder, this webinar is on the record, and the audio, video, and transcript will be available on our website, cfr.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. So we're delighted to have with us today, Fatema Sumar and Trevor Zimmer.   Fatema Sumar is vice president of global programs at Oxfam America, where she oversees the regional development and humanitarian response. She comes to Oxfam with a distinguished career in the U.S. government leading efforts to advance sustainable development and economic policy in emerging markets and fragile countries. And she most recently served as regional deputy vice president for Europe, Asia Pacific, and Latin America at the U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation, where she managed investments focused on international growth and poverty reduction. She also served as deputy assistant secretary for South and Central Asia at the State Department, and as a senior professional staff member on the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee.   Trevor Zimmer is a co-leader of the COVID-19 Vaccine Equity Project, a joint initiative of the Sabine Vaccine Institute, Dalberg, and the GSI Research and Training Institute. He also leads Dalberg Designs's Health and Innovation practice. Mr. Zimmer's recent work includes supporting countries to coordinate their responses to COVID-19, launching a global professional association of immunization managers and helping to scale a maternal health system across Haiti. Prior to Dalberg, he worked with the Clinton Foundation on an HIV treatment optimization study, and on a program to increase access to essential medicines for children in India, Kenya, Nigeria, and Uganda. And he's also worked to mitigate the threat of Zika and Ebola with USAID and focused on reducing neonatal mortality in Nigeria. So thank you very much to you both for being with us to discuss this very important topic, and which is very much on everybody's mind about the COVID-19 and global equity to distribute the vaccine.   Fatema, can you please begin to talk about the relative wealth of a country how that might affect the COVID-19 vaccination distribution and what is happening?   SUMAR:  Sure, well, thanks, Irina. And first, let me just say I'm so delighted to be able to spend this time with all of you, thank you so much to the Council on Foreign Relations, Irina, special thanks to you and your team. And, Trevor, it's such a delight to share this virtual stage with you. So thank you all. And thank you all from all around the country for taking time to join us today. You know, we're kicking off a new year. And Irina, my first thought I wanted to share with everyone is we're all kind of here making history together. And what's really remarkable about this moment is that we have the power to decide how we want to really push an equitable distribution system as a vaccine, here in the United States and all around the world. And the choices we make literally today and tomorrow will really affect the future of our world, and the future of our economy, our health, our political, and our security all around the world. So we're here, we're in it together, we're in it together. And this conversation couldn't be more important. So thank you for taking the time to pull us all together. So the first question is we're here to talk about religion and foreign policy and really with the anchor around social justice. So why does equitable distribution matter? Why are we talking about this? And why does it have to be ground zero of every conversation we talk about? If there's one thing I've taken away, I'm sure all of you, over the past year with COVID-19 is that it doesn't discriminate. This vaccine does not discriminate in terms of we're all affected wherever you are around the world. But that being said, it's exposed different types of inequalities, and some of us face them more than others. They intersect in lots of different ways, whether it's economic, gender, racial, social, or geographic inequalities. We know about 2 million people or so have already died globally from COVID-19. And there's currently close to 100 million cases reported worldwide, according to Johns Hopkins. So we know that we can't keep on the train and tracks that we're on right now with our with our economies with our school systems. Our public health systems continue to be really destroyed and eradicated in so many different ways with devastating impacts, particularly in vulnerable populations on refugees, and women, on girls, and those facing conflict and famine. So the vaccine could be our way out of this global public health nightmare, but only if we do it right. So what I want to leave you with all today is that the way forward really needs to be framed in terms of a people's vaccine, a vaccine that's free, fair, and fully accessible. The way to think about this is around a global public good, right? And so you shouldn't only be able to afford it, if you can pay for it, whether it's your country, or your company.   There's four major challenges today when we think about widespread access and equitable distribution. The first is the price of the vaccine. The price of the vaccine is too expensive, and it's too out of reach for many people and governments all around the world. So unless you're one of the governments or you live in a country that's able to afford the price, or it has already bought up supplies, it may be completely financially out of reach for you. Second, vaccine nationalism. This has been led by the Trump administration. But a handful of rich countries, which represent around 14 percent of the global population have already cornered more than half of the global vaccine supply. This is going to have devastating consequences, particularly for around 67 countries, low- and middle-income countries that are at the risk of being left behind as the rich countries move forward. And really use up more than half the supply. Five of these countries. Kenya, Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Ukraine already have nearly 1.5 million cases between them. These are massive populations, massive economies, if we leave behind two thirds of the world, if we leave behind nine out of ten people in poor countries, which is what we're on track to do, Irina, today. This has massive consequences for how we think about living in a global society, not just next year, but for years and decades to come. The third major challenge we're facing right now is that vaccine production is just way too low to meet global demand. We've made tremendous progress, incredible progress in 2020. But despite receiving massive amounts of U.S. taxpayer dollars around more than 12 billion dollars so far, and making record profits during the pandemic, private vaccine producers, exercise monopoly control over vaccine technology, which has artificially constrained the supply. So we really need public officials to take every step possible, including ending monopoly control of production and suspending intellectual property protections for the COVID vaccine, so that we can rapidly scale up production and drop prices, so that everyone everywhere has the right to be protected from COVID-19. And then the fourth major challenge is really about inadequate and unequal investment in public health infrastructure. I know Trevor is going to talk more about the challenges around distribution. But suffice to say, even the last few weeks here in the United States have raised bear the challenges of how difficult it is even here in the U.S. for distribution to actually take place in an efficient manner.   Think about what that means for poor countries all around the world, that are already under-invested in public health infrastructure, and the challenges it takes to reach people, particularly in rural markets. Women, of course, will face the brunt of the challenges and absorb the cost of these under investments in public infrastructure the most. I want to take a minute, Irina, to talk about women in particular, because too often we talk we make our problems gender neutral, and COVID-19 is not gender neutral as all of us have known and experienced this past year. Women before the pandemic and especially during the pandemic have really shouldered a disproportionate burden around unpaid care. And that is stepped up during COVID-19. I'm sure some of you see that in your household when it comes to education. When it comes to childcare. A McKinsey study found that employees at 317 companies, that one in four senior women, so senior women, are already considering downshifting their role in their careers to reduce work hours. The trickle-down effect throughout all parts of the economy are really severe. And this can stall and reverse improvements that we've made in the wage gap over the past decades. So these inequalities with the vaccine will only deepen these gender inequalities, particularly around distribution and access. Women in care roles in particular are going to have to give up their time and either paid or unpaid jobs, to either travel to get access to vaccinations, to be able to actually get distribution and access and majority of healthcare workers all around the world are women. So the delivery and their role is particularly acute and requires some study to really understand how we can really support women during this time.   So I want to talk a little bit about the way forward and what we can all do here today with this incredible group together. Oxfam has worked with many organizations, including Amnesty, Frontline Aid, Global Justice Now, and over one hundred former and current heads of state, economists, public health experts, and artists to launch what we are calling the People's Vaccine Alliance. It's on our webpage if you go to oxfamamerica.org. And our vision is really simple but profound. It's the vision to ensure that the approved COVID-19 vaccines are available for all people everywhere equitably. We've made a concerted effort, particularly for the People's Vaccine Alliance to reach out to a number of faith leaders as part of our push. And many have signed on to our public letter to President-Elect Biden, which you can also see from our webpage. There's three really simple components, and I'll end here with this around it. First, if we're going to have a free people's vaccine for all, it needs to be free of charge to the public in all countries. No one, not any of us should be denied the protection of our health and livelihoods because we can't afford the vaccine. The second is fair distribution, which I know Trevor is going to talk about. And that should be based on need and risk, not wealth and nationality. And those are very powerful ways we can think about shifting the paradigm of how we think about working to do free and equitable distribution. And the third piece is around openly licensed, free of monopolies, and propriety protection for the vaccine, because that prevents the rapid scale up of production that we need in order to meet the global demand. So those are the different components, we've been really blown away by the type of support that we've received here in the United States and all around the world. And people understanding that the solution and the way forward, even as we all rush and can't wait to get our vaccinations and our shots that were protected, that our lives, our societies, our borders will never open and reopen in the ways we want them to, unless we're all protected wherever we are, and whatever we can afford. So that's the work we're doing at Oxfam in partnership with so many others and delighted to be able to talk about with you. Thanks, Irina.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you, Fatema. That was terrific. Trevor, over to you about the logistics of vaccine distribution around the world, lessons learned from your experience in dealing with Zika and Ebola, and what barriers you see preventing equitable distribution and what we can do about it.   ZIMMER:  Thank you. I first want to reiterate Fatema's gratitude for being part of this forum. Most of my day is spent talking to doctors, ministries of health, epidemiologists, logisticians. And the moment to actually zoom out with religious leaders and social justice advocates, and talk about equity, which is at the core of my personal mission and values, is a real treat for me. So I can't wait to get to the Q&A and discussion portion of this conversation. I also think Fatema did a great job at providing an overview of major supply issues related to vaccines in the advocacy that Oxfam, The People's Vaccine Alliance is doing to address that. And so I don't want to give that short shrift, but I'm just going to be speaking about the distribution. So assuming that the vaccine is there, which is the big assumption, because that is what I'm working on and thinking through. But before getting to that, there's really, two mechanisms countries are really tapping into in order to access the vaccine. That's the kind of self-financing bilateral agreements with pharmaceutical companies themselves, that's both countries, as well as providers of private health.   And then there's also what's been called COVAX, which is a consortium of over 150 countries who have come together to have massive purchasing power to pull resources and go through equity distribution across the countries to figure out as they're doing these bulk purchases, and have that bulk purchasing power to negotiate with pharma themselves, to not to kind of address that vaccine nationalism and make sure there's some kind of fairness and equity of distribution across countries. But where I pick up is once we've got, let me also note that COVAX is very underfunded. We're grateful that the Biden administration is seemingly going to prioritize funding this and providing the funding gap that currently exists between what we need to fully inoculate 150 countries, especially the 92 countries that need to be subsidized for this vaccine that can't sell finance, to subsidize COVAX to provide those vaccines, there's still a big gap remaining. So that's why the advocacy work that Oxfam is doing is essential. But assuming the vaccines actually arrive in country, what are the challenges countries have to then make sure that it is getting out to the right target priority populations in an equitable way. Now, there's, I guess, a couple of different considerations that are front of mind for countries. First, is emergency use authorizations, for countries for vaccines that are kind of rushing through clinical trials, that have shown great efficacy, that they need to actually kind of address some of those issues. Once they've actually kind of prepared the regulation emergency use authorization based on what's coming out of the clinical trials and WHO emergency use authorization of lists and procedures, it's been really about costing in fundraising for the distribution within the country. And that is where there's a role, potentially, for interfaith organizations in fundraising as well as multi and bilateral donors such as the WHO, USCDC, World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and their various development banks, other donors like the Gates Foundation can pitch it. After that, it's really about countries need to target and prioritize population. We know these vaccines are going to be coming out in different tranches. So it's not like we're going to get enough to create herd immunity from day one. With the estimates, countries that are committed to receiving vaccine through COVAX will be able to inoculate up to twenty percent of their populations by the end of 2021 calendar year.   But who are those folks that should actually receive those vaccines? First, COVAX, and a WHO organization called Sage has provided guidance, and those are guidance put forward by bioethicists. But there's only so much that global standard setting bodies can actually encourage countries to adopt that guidance. Countries are, and we have to make sure there's not political chicanery going to prioritize populations based on favoritism, I want to be clear, this is not just an issue in low-income countries, we see that in the U.S., in other countries, and similar levels have huge challenges around this too. But what we're realizing is countries really do want to prioritize and target vulnerable populations. I'm defining vulnerable populations in two ways. One, there's really those health impacts, folks that are at risk of mortality with COVID, those are elderly, those are people with comorbidities, such as type one diabetes, those are also people with outsized impacts on households' well-being, those are essential health, essential workers. And we need to consider essential workers as also women heads of households. We need to actually think about as we think about who are the central workers are and really be honest about how we define that. So a lot of my work is helping identify and target those priority populations. Because right now, there's not a lot of clarity. They might have a register at a country level, who has type one diabetes, but that's not broken down to the sub-national or even household level. Once those priority populations have been identified, it's been a matter of making sure that vaccines get to those populations. So in those health catchment areas, making sure they have, if they're getting a Pfizer vaccine ultra cold chain requirements, which is a huge infrastructure logistical challenge. And if it's say that Astra Zeneca, which is more normal refrigeration, make sure they have the capability capacity for that, if they capability capacity to track those vaccines. And then they start canvassing the population to identify those target populations, convince them to come in for the vaccine, mobilize interfaith leaders and influencers with the community to make sure that people accept the vaccine. And once they accept the vaccine, they go in and get it at the right place at the right time. And then they also get their second dose.   Related to that is really training the health workforce. So both vaccinators themselves, logisticians, as well as community healthcare workers that aren't vaccinators themselves, but really those people at the frontline in the communities that really can get ahead of misinformation around vaccines. Vaccine safety moderating and managing adverse events is something that you also need to create and establish mechanisms for and then of course, there's monitoring, ongoing surveillance of COVID-19 outbreaks as well as going to vaccine introductions. So the wrap around with all of that, the good news, is the world is experienced with vaccine production. We've done it before. And we have a lot of lessons learned. However, some things make COVID-19 unique. One is really the urgency of it. This needs to be done as urgently as possible. And across the population. Another challenge is, it's a different population that is typically getting vaccinated within programs. And so this includes elderly, this includes folks with comorbidities, most vaccination programs in most countries target those under five years old. Some other challenges include the ultra cold chain requirements I alluded to, as well as living in a world awash with misinformation, and relative distrust of the institutions that we really rely on for collective action. I'm hopeful we can address this, not have this crisis go to waste. And I do have to say a lot of low-income countries, in some ways are better equipped than countries where I'm from, like the United States, because they've had experience with outbreaks such as HIV, where they've really strengthen the primary healthcare system in Ebola vaccine rollout in the last few years there also require ultra cold chain. So we also have lessons learned from these environments as well.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you very much, Trevor, I appreciate that. We're going to turn now to all of you for your questions. There are already a few questions, people have written out their questions, I also encourage you to raise your hand, if you click on the look at the bottom of your screen, you can raise your hand there, if you're on an A tablet, on the upper right hand corner in the "more" button, you can raise your hand in that way. And we also raise hands. So I'm going to first go to, because this picks up on your last point, one of your last points, Trevor, from Elaine Howard Ecklund at Rice University. How can religious leaders and others work together to address the suspicion of COVID-19 vaccines, which we're seeing here in the U.S., and you can tell us how much of what's being what's happening around the world too.   ZIMMER:  Thanks, I really appreciate that.  I think many people on this call actually know how to inspire and motivate people more than I do. So I would say you have the tools to do that. But, some of the sources to actually surface that information is first of all, sharing, listening to people's concerns in addressing it, and just creating a forum for people to discuss and share information. One of the partners of the Vaccine Equity Consortium, the project is working with is called the Meedan Digital Health Lab that actually provides real time information to address misinformation. And so there are resources out there, that while acknowledging the misinformation being fed out there, really can provide better information. But it's really hard work. I would say, one thing as influencers within communities, it's very important that you can keep a consistent message, you acknowledge people's misinformation, and don't give legitimate people's source of frustration and mistrust. This is a time that a lot of people feel alone. This is a time and a lot of the institutions that we rely on for collective response, is it as ever, but I would say, encourage, provide people great information, say you'll get vaccinated yourself, have people share around testimonials, if they've gotten vaccinated and why it's important to them. You maybe encourage vaccination drives within the community. Reinforce that message is going to be as important as possible. Because it is something that really concerns me, and there's no one-size-fits-all, different communications, and different mistrust. I know in the U.S., communities of color, especially, African-Americans have a lot of distrust for pharmaceutical testing on those communities in the past. So they're very well-founded. And that's a little bit different than perhaps misinformation around Big Pharma seeing this as an opportunity to create a dependency in money. So I would say start with listing and then pointing to the right resources, and then showing as a proof point, that you've gotten vaccinated and then encourage people to share those testimonials and do the same.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you. Let's go next to Seemi Ahmed, who has raised her hand and if you could tell us who you are.   AHMED:  Hi, this Seemi Ahmed. Thank you so much, Fatema and Trevor, for all the information you provided. I just had a thought which I wanted to share with you. You were talking about the, we were addressing the equity as far as vaccination is concerned, and so, I felt that at a time, when there's a pandemic, it's, I think, rather than expect the rich countries to be altruistic and all that, I think the poorer countries also should try and do something themselves. I have heard India has come up with a vaccine on their own. They're also using Astra Zeneca from the UK, but they've also come up with a vaccine of their own. So I thought it might be helpful to encourage the poor countries to also work hard to come up with something rather than be dependent on others during such a time, thank you.   ZIMMER:  Thank you, Seemi, I think that is being discussed as a medium-term solution, to create manufacturing, research, and development capacity. I know India this year is a great example of that. I know, there is support to create manufacturing facility in South Africa as well, and this is something that Africa, CDC is a high priority of theirs. And so it's been addressed. One thing that has been revealed in this is the importance of that very much. And one way poor countries are accessing the vaccines is volunteering, raising their hand for clinical trials. But the problem is a lot of misinformation in that for the kind of aforementioned reasons, a lot of times, less, I guess, countries with less, financial resources to buy vaccines have raised their hand for pharmaceutical trials, it's been seen almost as like a dumping ground and not as much quality control. So there's a lot of misinformation there. So I think in the medium-term, definitely countries have the capacity and capability to manufacture themselves. And I know this is a high priority agenda. And we'll be starting to see some movement in the space in the next six months, building off for example, this institute in India, within the sub-Saharan Africa as well.   FASKIANOS:  Just curious, what is the price of the vaccine? The cost?   ZIMMER:  Yeah, I mean, it depends. It's a great question. It depends on the vaccine, if it's Pfizer, if it's AstraZeneca, and it depends on who's purchasing it. So is it COVAX? Is it the U.S.? Is it Canada? Is it Ecuador? And so, you know, across the different candidates, anywhere from about five to twenty dollars.   SUMAR:  Could I just add to Trevor's point, to Seemi's question around as we think about expanding to 2021 and beyond, one of the things so that we want to really keep pushing, particularly leadership from the United States and others, is that in order to empower other countries, to be able to either expand manufacturing, in their own capacity, or countries or regions, the technology and the know-how of how to make the vaccine should be shared with the world. There's no reason that we need to recreate the wheel every single time and that every company, countries don't have time and capacity. And there's no need for that. So the patents need to be licensed, the data published, technical assistance provided to teach appropriate vaccine production, so that qualified manufacturers, wherever they are, whether they're in India and South Africa, they can really help us quickly expand world supply and prevent artificial scarcity, which is otherwise the world we're headed towards, right, we're artificially keeping supply low, even though the technology and the know-how actually exists. And so as we think about whether an equitable means in this context, it's beyond altruism in the way I would think about it in order to really making sure that we're setting a stage where if you don't share the technology, it'll be hard to do that on a timeframe that actually leads to the kind of progress we all want to see.   FASKIANOS:  Fatema, is the will there to do that? I mean, is there movement to loosen that kind of control in the intellectual property?   ZIMMER:  I think leadership is what's really needed here, and putting political leadership from the United States and others, I'm hopeful we'll start seeing that type of leadership. And it's going to take a concerted effort with the manufacturers, with pharmaceutical companies, and with governments to really set the scene for what the expectations are. And frankly, it's going to take voices from people on this very call from the faith-based community, from social justice communities to demand this, and to say that this is what we expect, this is what we expect. And anything short of that, it's not just enough for you and I to go get vaccinated in the next few months, it's not going to solve the problem until we get the world vaccinated. And so that demand signal from civil society, from our religious communities, our social justice communities is more important than ever as well.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you. Let's go next to Shaun Casey, who typed his question and raised his hand. So Shaun, unmute yourself and ask it yourself.   CASEY:  Thanks so much, Irina. And thank you, Fatema and Trevor, this is just a hugely important issue. I have two quick questions. One is I haven't been able to see if the existing faith-based and religiously affiliated global healthcare delivery networks, for even part of the WHO discussions. I think the analogy here would be to the distribution of ARV drugs in the HIV pandemic, where, in many parts of the world, the existing indigenous healthcare provision network is religiously affiliated, they have to be brought into the delivery conversations, and I don't see that going on. And maybe it's just because my perspective is too narrow. But secondly, I want to push you a little bit beyond just advocacy when talking about religious communities, particularly here in the U.S. Again, in terms of underserved neighborhoods, and addressing communities where anti-vaccine sentiments are very deep, many times the only ecosystem or providing social services is yet again, churches, synagogues, mosques, and NGOs that are religiously affiliated. I'm watching all over the country, and it seems that none of those communities, none of those religious communities are actually being integrated to the state distribution plans, which I think is a huge mistake, that state governments who seem to be handling the vaccination distribution, are not connecting with clergy. They're not trying to systematically knock down the misinformation. And I think there's a lot of confusion in underserved populations and in some of the more conservative anti-vaccine parts of the country. And it's really only going to be religious leaders collaborating with the state governments that are going to knock down those problems. Do you see any coordinated efforts at the state level to reach out to religious communities beyond advocacy, but actually for service delivery?   SUMAR:  Maybe I'll take the first part of Shaun's question. And Shaun, great, it's nice to see you and hear from you. One of the things when you talk about the World Health Organization, I think there's a real opportunity when President-Elect Biden is saying that one of the day one priorities for the United States is to rejoin the World Health Organization, I think that type of U.S. leadership in the WHO, in particular, to make sure that we are partnering, we are bringing in religious communities, faith-based communities on day one, the new Biden administration is going to be really key and important. And it's going to be beyond just hearing from voices of different members, it's going to be integration of both distribution plans, but also the additional in my mind, the additional support financially, and otherwise, they're going to need to actually do the public disinformation or the public information campaigns as well. So it won't be enough to just do distribution in terms of, getting the technical, the hardware, so to speak of the shots and the cold storage, it's also going to have to be the software around public information campaigns that are really tailored to distinct, to specific communities, and really speak, as Trevor was saying, where they're starting from and where they're coming from. And I don't want to speak too much in the U.S. context, but I'll say in the global context, where Oxfam works in dozens of countries, we saw that also in West Africa, we saw that in many places around pandemics in the past where it took both the hardware and the software, and resources for that or, you're right, Shaun. It's not just the advocacy, but it's also the resources and this has to be a priority for how we think about partnership, particularly at local levels for local distribution to succeed. So those are areas that I hope we see some political leadership that hasn't been there to date but I hope we can start seeing that in really loud force in seven days, in a week.   ZIMMER: Yeah, great, and just to add on to Fatema, my experience, my work right now is not in the U.S. So I can't speak about service provision at the state and federal level and not necessarily collaborating on the service provision with faith leaders. However, in the international context, it just made me think that this is absolutely an opportunity that's not being utilized in most of the countries I'm observing and working in. I'm just going to be honest with you, people are tired. People in ministries of health and working in kind of global health and vaccine distribution and COVID response are tired. What are they tired from? Well they're tired from this outbreak, of first testing, and diagnostics, and surveillance, and then maintaining a certain level of primary health care amongst this. Routine immunization programs. People are, women are still having children and delivering kids, people are still getting in car accidents, all of these other things, the world's not stopping. And so when we're getting to vaccines, I can tell you the focus right now is on just securing those initial tranches of vaccines and getting them out the door. And so this, there is really an opportunity, I think, for faith leaders, to not just be involved, but take a leadership position, and don't expect that it's going to happen on its own. I think folks are going to be receptive. I know, both at kind of global standard setting bodies, and partners like the WHO and the multi- and bilaterals and the regional and country offices, as well as the ministries of health themselves. There was an acknowledgement that communities need to be mobilized not just in vaccine acceptance, but in service provision. Some countries have more capacity and focus on doing that than others a lot. They just don't really have the capacity energy right now to do that, and do need help. So that's kind of a long-winded way of saying that, I think you're really hitting on something, Shaun, that is a big opportunity to pace right now, in the resource constraints is not elevating as much as a priority as it should be. And I think it's a real opportunity for the faith community to take some leadership.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you. I'm going to go next to Jessica Therkelsen, if you could ask your question.   THERKELSEN:  Hi, and thank you for inviting me to this forum. And thank you for taking my question. So we have about 80 million forcibly-displaced people worldwide, 45 million internal, 26 million refugees. There are a lot of forced migrants right now. Internally Displaced Persons will likely represent a population within a country that is less favored, and may have less access to the vaccine. And we are definitely seeing that refugees are not being able to access the vaccine at the moment. And I was wondering if you have thoughts on how we can work together to ensure that we include vulnerable migrants in the vaccination pools since we are all in this together, as you mentioned, and whether you have thoughts on whether it is more effective to include migrant populations in existing systems or for us to work together to run specialized campaigns.   FASKIANOS  And Jessica's with HIAS   THERKELSEN:  I'm with HIAS, thank you.   FASKIANOS:  Who wants to take that first?   SUMAR:  Should I take that first, Trevor? Okay, so hi, thank you, Jessica. We have the largest number of people on the move in human history right now, right, because of conflict, because of climate, because of forced migration. And then because of economic migration issues. And so we are we are seeing that we were not meeting these needs before COVID-19. We were struggling to meet most humanitarian needs before COVID-19. And now we are adding the burdens of COVID-19 on an already stretched system worldwide. One way that I think we're going to have to start thinking differently about 2021 and the way forward, is really prioritizing protections for those most in need, those most at risk, and those most vulnerable. And those conversations need to really happen in a deep way within each country and globally. So that it's not just first come first serve or whoever can afford access and where we can afford to get it the quickest. Those conversations done through a social justice lens really then forces us to think about well, who really needs it the most? And how do we then plan distribution and access to those communities in ways that are successful? So obviously, here in the United States, we've started with prioritizing frontline healthcare and social care workers, essential workers, moving on quickly to old, our older populations, to people with pre-existing conditions who are at higher risks. And then we're looking at higher transmission communities here in the United States before we get to a general population. And there's something here where we have we have accepted that kind of in our social construct that not everyone's going to get it first, we are going to prioritize.   Similarly, we need to be thinking for global distribution around communities most at risk communities, most vulnerable, whether those are migrant communities, whether those are refugees, IDPs, what is going to be the distribution system in both formal camps like we have in Jordan and other places, but in the informal settlements as well, where it's been a challenge and a struggle. Here, I think we have tons to learn from previous vaccination efforts that have taken place. And, thinking even in hard places, in Pakistan and elsewhere, in reaching very hard areas around polio vaccination and strategies that we've employed to be able to do that. The good news is I actually think we have strategies, and we have research and evidence of what works, we've actually seen this not with COVID-19, but we've seen this in other contexts, whether that's with Ebola, whether that's with Polio, whether that's with other things that we've worked on. It's now time to take all of that and making sure we are both doing the analysis and then bringing those learnings and applying them to these populations. But just, I think it starts also with political will, that these communities are worth protecting, and that we're going to prioritize, and we're going to make sure that we then figure out the access and distribution plans. And so that really, the social justice piece of that starts first and foremost, to make those decisions. Because once you make those decisions, then we know actually how to do this, we do know how to do this. And I do want to leave you all with some hope. We know how to do this in the international community, I firmly believe that we have decades of experience in this space. But we do need to make sure we're all on the same page in terms of how we do it. And once we are then then it becomes, then it's just a question of logistics in some ways to make, and resourcing to get it done.   ZIMMER: Just to dovetail just on that last point, not specific to the question because I feel like Fatema did a brilliant job, in terms of we know how to do this, what makes this different is the urgency and speed of it. But that can't come, we can't cut corners around equity. And that is the big thing that I have my “spidey sense” out for. Oftentimes, we said we know how to do it, but we need to make little sacrifices, to make things as urgent as possible, coming at the expense of equity of not just outcomes, but also partnerships and process and true collaboration. And we know that often leads to big unintended consequences. So I don't think haste and speed has to come at crosshairs with equity. But not everyone agrees with that. So I just think holding decision makers, policymakers accountable to that, and ensuring that all the best practices around equity that's being learned is not being put by the wayside, to cut corners, is something that's paramount and also a role for, you know, faith-based organizations, and folks that are focused on ethics and justice.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you. And Adem Carroll raises a great point about picking up on the displaced people that were discussed, adding to that prisoners. While international access to incarcerated populations may be limited, it may be that faith communities need to work to include these among the most vulnerable. So I think that is a terrific point, especially as we see here in this country, how COVID is on the rampage in our prison system. I'm going to go to Darius Makuja, who asked what is the impact globally of those who cast COVID-19 as a hoax, especially in third world countries. Fatema you did mention though, that other countries know how to do this better than we do, so maybe this isn't an issue. But if you could pick up on that, that would be great.   SUMAR:  Sure, Trevor, go ahead, first, go ahead.   ZIMMER:  Sure. You know, the incarceration question, I think it's a great one. And you know, it really depends who's making the decision. If bioethicists and epidemiologists have full decision making power, I can tell you incarcerated populations will be probably prioritized. If policymakers and politicians accountable to populations, are making big decisions, they may be de-emphasized, but we know the importance of holding their feet to the fire and making sure that they're led by justice as well as epidemiology and bioethics, and that those folks have a seat at the table. So when I would assess how decisions are being made at the state level, seeing within the leadership who's making the decisions, that's going to be a pretty good indication of who gets prioritized first. And if it ends up being politicians accountable, election cycles, and swaying public opinion, that's a role for advocacy and persuasion. Over to you, Fatema.   SUMAR: Thanks. Thanks, Trevor. So I think to the, I'm just going to go back to the question here from Darius. So Trevor said this a little earlier. so let me build on this point around, we have to start where people are at in local communities, I think that's really important. And if we're working in certain contexts in different countries where there's deep suspicion of the virus first, perhaps, before we even get to the vaccine, we need to work on solutions that really help educate and inform. And really going back to science, and using science as a way to communicate out with what we know, with the best information possible. The impact, Darius to your question, if enough political leaders and countries treat both either the virus as a hoax or the vaccine as a hoax, it will be devastating. Because the reality with a pandemic like this is there is no safety and security for any of us whether we get vaccinated or not, if enough of us and all of us don't get vaccinated, and have that kind of herd immunity that we need. And that's the way our economy is set up, our global economy, our borders, our cultures, our people, we live in a global society. So this is happening here in the United States, you don't have to go very far to see, with pockets of that here in the United States, as well. So I think there's a real challenge we're facing in our society, broader Irina, than this conversation around the role of information, the role of science and making those types of policy choices, that's been under attack, frankly, over the last few years. There's a rise of authoritarianism all around the world. And in the West, as well, that's impacting the way we have these public policy discourses. So just say I don't want to underestimate the real, the context of the world we're living in today. And how challenging it's become to then respond using science using best practice using evidence. That's all doable, but the political and social environment in which we coexist right now makes it really challenging. And in some ways, because we're in a race against time, and there's such a speed and urgency to do this, we have to deconstruct quickly some of those contexts that we live in. And it it's going to be deep. And it's going to take a lot of dialogue and healing, I think, in certain contexts to be able to do that.   FASKIANOS:  Yes, and I will just note that a week ago today was an insurrection on our U.S. Capitol. So we have a lot of work to do here at home. Let's go next to Mohammed Elsanousi, who has his hand raised, thank you.   ELSANOUSI:  Yes, Irina thank you so much, Irina, thank you for putting this together. I am Mohammed Elsanousi, I'm the executive director for the Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers. And I'm delighted to see that both of you, Fatema and Trevor, you lifted up the critical role of religious actors and leaders. And I just want to build on what Shaun Casey has said earlier, and the critical role of religious leaders in terms of the distribution strategy, in terms of their moral influence. So what I'm saying here, I want their role to be part of the strategy of distribution, because they could issue theologically motivated opinion that will reflect positively in people taking the vaccine. And we have experience from this. I remember you Fatema mentioned polio, and particularly mentioned Pakistan and that border of Pakistan or Afghanistan, and Nigeria. We have three countries in the world, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Afghanistan that are still struggling with the polio situation. And I remember clearly, we worked with Bill Gates on this. Actually, he met with us, with scholars, to appeal to Muslim scholars to gather and issue opinion to encourage people to take vaccine. And we did that meeting in Senegal, hosted by President Mackey Sall. And we brought physicians, they talked about the ingredients of the vaccine to convince the scholars, then the scholars made the opinion. And the photo was distributed in Nigeria and Pakistan, Afghanistan, and, and considerably help in the reduction of polio because it encourages people. So the point I want to make, let's learn from this experience, let's get religious and theological leaders, and rulers, and imams, and these people as a part of this distribution process to basically uplift their voice, they should not be after thought, like what we have done with polio, but let's integrate them into the strategy so that we can have an effective distribution and have people to accept it, and basically address all of this,  conspiracy theories that are going, and the hoax that you talked about. Thank you.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you. I'm going to go to Katherine Marshall. Katherine, do you want just ask your question? I know you've typed it as well.   MARSHALL:  I think you've made very strong cases for the ethical, but also the political needs for equitable vaccine distribution at the global and the national level in a very moving way. But then the question is what comes next? So I'm interested in where you see the potential for leadership coming? What institutions? Are you looking to the WHO? To the G20? The UN? How is this, who would you put the onus on? And then secondly, there are a lot of people thinking about this religious issue on the vaccine, particularly on the misinformation issues. But the religious communities of the world are immensely complex. And I'm interested in any views you have on how this strategic religious engagement, where do you see pressure points, or potential avenues, beyond just saying the faith community, which frankly, doesn't really mean very much, because it's so big.   ZIMMER:   I'll just jump in here, I'll talk and then pass it over to you.  I would say in kind of well-resourced countries, to put pressure on a federal level to contribute to COVAX. That's a very concrete way, because that is how most countries will, low-income countries will access vaccines, that's one immediate intervention point, I would say. Following up on that, so there's a need for more money and resources to be addressed to that. I think, within countries, be it the U.S. at the state level, or countries in West Africa, then making sure that political leaders are held accountable for equal distribution and access, that's a bit in the advocacy that we're talking about. And then in terms of actually parishioners, people of faith, I would say, really kind of above line and below line marketing, right, it's the example of that Senegal convenia putting out that faith within the vaccines, in the above line way in that's widely distributed. And then more of the below line, within the actual churches, mosques, place of worship itself to convince to support that above line message, to reinforce that message is going to be very, very important itself. And then also we know, in a lot of countries I've spent a lot of time, the last year, within, for example, Tanzania, in Ghana, for example, you know, faith-based providers are some of the biggest providers in the country. So there's a role even right there within supporting those institutions directly as well. Over to you Fatema, if you have any thoughts as well.   SUMAR:  Sure, Katherine, thank you for the question. And I'm going to also just really appreciate Mohammed's comments earlier to which really resonated with me and I think there's so much for us to learn from. Katherine, I would first start with the United States. So when you say who and what comes next. I mean, for me personally, I mean, look at what happens when you don't have U.S. global leadership, look at what happens here in the in our own country and around the world and the position we're in today. I mean, if we, if any of us question why the United States is important for global and national leadership and what it looks like when we don't have it, that for me was at least my 2020. And so the first and foremost is really looking at the role of the incoming U.S. president. President-Elect Biden will have tremendous, tremendous power to help decide who gets access to the protection from this virus when, and at what cost. So with that, really tremendous power comes a historic opportunity for the United States to lead again, by leveraging both the strength and know how, and the generosity of the American people and spirit to combat this disease here in the United States, and all around the world. Now, we can't do it alone, we never could, and we won't be able to do it again. So it's going to really require very sophisticated public health and vaccine diplomacy within the international community. So that means rejoining the World Health Alliance and World Health Organization, the WHO on day one. It means really empowering WHO, the United Nations, the G7, the G20, to prioritize this, and to making sure we actually have a really effective plan going forward in terms of one of the top priorities of our entire global architecture.   One of the things I'm struck by in President- Elect Biden's messaging so far is that the COVID-19 vaccine, it doesn't matter where you sit in his government, you could be sitting in DOD, you can be sitting in the State Department, you could be sitting in DOJ, you could be sitting in HUD, you're going to be working on COVID-19. And that really for him reflects his vision that this is something that affects anything we do, because we can't do any of our jobs, we can't do anything if we don't have that kind of security, if we don't have health security, so that's the first set a very global level in terms of really bringing us global leadership back and reigniting the global architecture around this enormous public health challenge. The second, to get more granular from that level, is really thinking through well as those decisions are made around who, when, and how much. And those are three critical decision points that have to be made at a global level, making sure that civil society, the faith-based community, social justice leaders have influence around making those decisions, which means you need a seat at the table, you need to have a voice so that it's not just an afterthought at the end when it comes to local distribution. But really making sure that at the very top levels, that those inputs are crafted at the very top in terms of making those decisions and determinations. Then, as those decisions are made, and you think about, okay, we now have a plan, the plan looks like this, whatever the plan is, then there's a role at national and local levels to thinking about whether it's distribution, whether it's socialization, whether it's the marketing, whether it's manufacturing, there's so many different roles and elements that different groups can play, and we'll need to play to do that.   But it starts with a plan. It starts at the top. And I think again, the good news, there's a silver linings as that's now is this moment to have these conversations. And that's why Irina, I think this conversation today, the timeliness of it is so important. And then Katherine, just at a local level, as you think about, you're right, it's so complex to say "religious communities," or "faith-based communities," it means so many different things depending on where we are, we need a much more localized approach. So Shaun was asking, for instance, at the state level, are governors reaching out and making sure that they're on their COVID-19 task forces at the very start? Our provincial leaders, our mayors. I mean, I'm thinking about countries like the Philippines, for instance, where mayors are so incredibly powerful in making sure that they can work with their community leaders and making and making sure they have these types of community distribution plans. So I think there are many opportunities. It starts at the top, I think, in terms of having global leadership and a global plan. And the time is now I think, to help influence, not just lobby and advocate, but to really make sure that you have a seat at the table, your voices are heard, and you're informing your points of view for the way forward, because I don't think it's going to work globally, otherwise, if it's an afterthought.   FASKIANOS:  That is a great place. There have been a number of rich comments in the Q&A, Shaik Ubaid talked about how important it is for religious leaders to be proactive in defending modern medicine, and teaching people to trust scientists and doctors, so that we can even talk about vaccine equity. And I don't want to leave without just touching upon Cecelia Lynch's question about the effect on the indigenous population and are you working with the indigenous traditional religion leaders, and if so at what capacity? Because we know this population has been severely affected by this disease as well. So if you could answer that, and we'll wrap up. Sorry to go over, but I didn't want to leave without talking about that.   ZIMMER:  Fatema, would you like to say something? Okay. So, again, I'm not working in the U.S., but I am working in the Andes region in Latin America, and there are big distribution challenges, both based on historical inequities and geography, that we are working closely with indigenous leaders in communities and really influencers there to address that. So the short answer is yes. In the U.S., again, I don't have purview over that, but it's absolutely essential. And I'm concerned that historic inequities up to this day, we're not going to get there as quickly as we need to.   FASKIANOS:  Fatema, I'll give you the last.   SUMAR:   Oxfam works in so many countries around the world, and I know it's a concerted effort to really reach out to the most vulnerable and different groups, including indigenous groups. And so I know that's always a really important type of partnership. Maybe I'll just summarize by saying if you go to our website, oxfamamerica.org, there's a lot of information and we'll definitely share the links with all of you, I've lots to share in terms of resources with all of you about our People’s Vaccine, open letter, our alliance, and if you're interested in joining, or helping spread the word.   I guess I just wanted to end with maybe on a more personal note Irina, if that's okay. We're all doing this in terms of our communities and the organizations we represent. But we're all doing this in solidarity as people, as individuals. And one of the ways I think faith-based communities in particular can really help change quickly, some of the conversations we're having is through our youth. And we didn't talk about youth today in particular, but I mean, I learn so much from my kids actually learn it from their Sunday schools, that they're going to, or they're learning it from activities or their public schools. And so also not underestimating the role of our youth. Our youth are online, every second, at least my kids are, every second of every day now, they're learning. They will never forget COVID-19. They can be part of the solution too, in terms of helping really shape our thinking of how we can, how different faith communities can really think about you talking about science, talking about modern medicine, talking about the vaccine in ways that resonate with the ethos of our respective faiths, and the ethics of where we stand on social justice. And our children, our children have such an incredible role, I think they can play with us as well. So anyway, I just wanted to end by a huge personal gratitude from me to all of you. The work you're doing, your voices, your leadership, there's never been a more important moment to live the ethos of our collected faiths, and to fight this fight. So thank you all for your tremendous leadership, and just gratitude to be with all of you today.   ZIMMER:  Thank you, and gratitude as well.   FASKIANOS:  Thank you, Fatema Sumar and Trevor Zimmer, we really appreciate it. And as you mentioned, we will send out links to everybody on the webinar, to the resources mentioned and other things that we pulled together. We encourage you to stay updated on Fatema's work on Twitter, @FatemaDC, and Trevor's work @DalbergTweet. We also encourage you to follow CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program on Twitter @CFR_religion for information about the latest CFR resources, and reach out to us at [email protected] with any suggestions on future webinars or speakers, topics, etc. Thank you all again. We look forward to continuing the conversation. Stay well, stay safe. And we will reconvene. Thank you.
  • Religion
    Reconciliation in the United States
    Play
    Dr. Mari Fitzduff, professor emerita of the Heller School for Social Policy and Management at Brandeis University, Ambassador Swanee Hunt, Eleanor Roosevelt Lecturer in Public Policy at Harvard University, and Dr. Olúfémi Táíwò, professor of Africana Studies at Cornell University, discuss post-election reconciliation in the United States. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program.   FASKIANOS: Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Social Justice and Foreign Policy webinar series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. As a reminder, today's webinar is on the record and the audio, video, and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have a distinguished panel with us today to talk about reconciliation in the United States. We've shared their long bios with you, so I'm just going to give you a few highlights and then we'll get to the conversation.   First, Dr. Mari Fitzduff is professor emerita of the Heller School for Social Policy and Management at Brandeis University, where she was the founding director of the master's in Conflict and Coexistence Program in 2004. She served as chief executive of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, which is at the forefront in developing governmental policies and local community programs to tackle decades of violent conflict. She also served as director of UNU/INCORE of United Nations University Centre and one of the world's leading organizations for international research on conflict. Her latest edited book is entitled Why Irrational Politics Appeal: Understanding the Allure of Trump.   Ambassador Swanee Hunt is the Eleanor Roosevelt lecturer in public policy and founder of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard Kennedy School of Government. From 1993 to 1997, she represented President Bill Clinton in Austria, where she hosted negotiations and helped create a council of religious leaders focused on stopping the genocide in Bosnia. She is the founder of Hunt Alternatives, which operates out of Washington, DC, and is focused on the nonpartisan elevation of U.S. women in the highest-level elected positions combatting the demand for illegally-purchased sex, strengthening social movements, such as racial justice and climate change, and bolstering women's leadership and stopping violent conflicts. She has authored syndicated columns, numerous articles, and provided commentary, and she holds a doctorate in theology, and served as minister of pastoral care in an ecumenical parish.   Dr. Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò is a professor of Africana Studies at Cornell University. Prior to teaching at Cornell, Dr. Táíwò was a professor of philosophy and director of the Global African Studies program at Seattle University in Washington. His book, How Colonialism Preempted Modernity in Africa, was a joint winner of the Frantz Fanon Book Award of the Caribbean Philosophical Association in 2015. He is currently working on a monograph tentatively titled Does the United States Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission?   Thank you all for being with us today. Dr. Fitzduff, let me begin with you to talk about the social-psychological approach to conflict and how you feel it can be applied to post-election America.   FITZDUFF: Thank you, Irina. And I'd like to begin by thanking the Council for setting up this webinar. It's just quite an extraordinary transitional time, and we're hoping for so much over the next four years. But we're also conscious what the last four years have cost many of us. I think the first thing that you have to bring to mind is what do we mean by reconciliation? Are we talking about it between Trump voters/non-Trump voters? Are we talking about people who supported the Black Lives Matter and those who didn't support it? Are we talking about the different factions within our own groups? I'm conscious that we have many people who are involved in a pastor role at this webinar today. I can guarantee probably pretty all of them have had to deal with a lot of differences within their community over the last few years. Or indeed the bitterness within families, which is often so costly to us, particularly those who went home for Thanksgiving or going home for Christmas and are hoping they don't have to have that conversation about politics. It's difficult.   The other thing, I think, we need to try and think about is between how will we know if it's successful? And one of the things that we sometimes fall into is thinking that success means we will feel good. We feel good, good about other people, they will feel good about us. But the reality is that for many people it's actually they’re taking care of systems, they're taking care of institutions to see are they going to be inclusive, are they going to deliver on equity, etcetera? So in fact, if you put those two groups together, interestingly, a lot of the work I've been doing is on neuroscience. And you actually find the neurons of those who have more power in a group like that are actually likely to be more empathetic to people who have less power. But people who have less power find it very difficult to be empathetic about the people who have more power. This has huge consequences for the way we do dialogues. In fact, it turns out that people who feel that they are discriminated against, they're being left out, they feel empathetic when others who have more power feel empathetic towards them. But they do find it hard to bypass that idea, that in fact, as far as they're concerned, there is injustice determining their lives.   And I think it's also important to remember that reconciliation is actually often about emotions. I'm just thinking that how many of us have had the struggle of trying to reason with others about our ideas and found ourselves hitting up against walls we didn't understand. In fact, very often, if you ask people why they believe in certain things—in the middle of Brexit at the moment or why they want to support Trump—very often you find they can't articulate. It's not about issues. It's not about the particulars of social welfare, etcetera, etcetera. It's often something that they feel, much more than what they think. And I think that the fact that feelings are so prominent in these kinds of issues means that leaders can use these feelings very much. I think it's been very clear now to us for some time that Brexit leaders won the Brexit debate here in the UK because they went around and asked people not about what they thought about the issues, what they were going to gain or lose in terms of economics, etcetera, but what they were afraid of and what they were angry about. And they then took all of those feelings together and created a campaign around it. So in a sense, you're talking about people, we're often talking about emotional polarization rather than necessarily ideological and multiple [inaudible].   I think there's also some evidence in terms of the Trump campaign. I remember being very startled when would be President Clinton talked about Trump supporters as deplorables. And talking about them as racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic. Imagine if you'd been listening to that, and what it would have done to your self-esteem? And a lot of my evidence shows that, in fact, a lot of people turned towards voting for Trump who were perhaps on the edge of who they would vote for when they actually heard that because of the way they felt about it. So, if we're talking about using—a lot of my work, as you said, I've written a book about why people voted for Trump. My next book is called Our Brains in Conflict. Because very often in most of the conflicts that Swanee and I would be involved in—Swanee, you would know this—often it's about emotions, people who have worked together, who had lived together can suddenly turn against each other. And, in fact, in places like Rwanda and Bosnia, suddenly you find them killing each other. What is this about? It's not about rationality. And therefore, I think, when we think of our programs, we have to think about how we can address these factors. My own doctorate was working at people who had been paramilitary, who've been shooting and killing other people. And in fact, I was interested in those who had changed, and when I looked at it, to my surprise, it wasn't reason that changed them, but it was experiences that were attached to certain emotions that actually helped them shift their views.   So given this, there are three ways I think that we might want to consider about how we address this conflict, and indeed, the same three ways we think of addressing other conflicts as well. First one is about grievances. People who are left out, people who feel they're badly treated, and once that continues, it's almost impossible for them to be empathetic in terms of reconciliation, and we've got to remember that. We would never sign a peace agreement knowing that the same grievances that caused the war were actually going to continue without being addressed. I think the second one is, it's interesting, if you look at, and I have studied a lot of people who follow Trump, and there are some who followed him because they wanted better taxes. There are some people who followed him because of the issue of abortion, I think that's been a huge issue for many people, but they're also some who followed, if looked at their meetings, and the, sort of, the rallies that he had, some people have seen them as a hate fest because they seem to suggest hatred for other people. Others have seen them as a love fest because, in fact, it was people in love with Trump, people in love with each other, they belong to something that never belonged to before, and they felt so good about themselves. Now, the problem about that is what happens when that's gone? Trump will probably lose a lot of people. He's already losing a lot of people on Twitter. He will probably lose because he will increasingly be seen as a loser. But all that need for belonging, that need for being with people, the need for change in their societies, change in the world, that will continue. So I think we also need to look at that. And the final thing that, I think, is particularly relevant when I saw the roster you sent us of people who are here, I'm conscious that there are maybe hundreds of people who are listening who are leaders in their own rights. All the evidence shows that it doesn't really matter that much what prime ministers say, or what presidents say, or what popes say. What matters much more is what your local leaders say and the people in your community who actually are the leaders for the community. So those are the three ways in terms of addressing grievances, alternative ways for people to belong to groups that they feel good about being with, and good about doing in society, and also leadership.   And I want to end with something that gave me great hope when I was thinking of the huge challenge that lies ahead of us in terms of reconciliation. Some of you may have seen, some of you may not. Yesterday, Fox News did a poll. Surprise, surprise, it turns out that almost 60 percent of Trump voters will try to support Biden and will do their best, they will give them a chance. Only 20 percent said they would not even try to work with Biden. For me, that was a surprise. I hope it's a good surprise for people who listened to it, because the rich ground is there for the work that you, the Council, and all your listeners and members are doing. It's a tremendous opportunity for us all.   FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. Let's go to you now Ambassador Hunt. You represented President Clinton as ambassador to Austria during the Bosnian War. Can you talk about your experience with peaceful negotiation during that time as they relate to understanding conflict in the United States today?   HUNT: Yes, but Mari? Mari, you said such important things. Sorry. Sorry, Irina, but I have to, but okay, so number one. Hillary didn't say that the Trump supporters are deplorables. She said there are all kinds of people who are supporting Trump.   FITZDUFF: Yes.   HUNT: And there's some of them who are really deplorable. And we think so, too. If you cut that to a soundbite, it becomes that Trump supporters are deplorables. So we know that, right, that that's how politics works. I just want to go on record and say that it's not what she said. But it is what was repeated, but also it is what people heard. To your point, am I in that group or not? Right? So, the other is, and I worked on a taxonomy, I was going to have three sections, there are now sixteen about the Trump supporters. Oh, by the way, those of you who can see, Olúfẹ́mi has these nice books and Mari does and this is my life, right? So I decided I didn't have any nice books so I just showed you my move—the move I’m making. Okay, so I've got boxes piled up. And that's kind of how my brain works sometimes. And but it's okay, because I put these thoughts all together with this taxonomy. And it ends up with the deplorables, all right, number sixteen group. But it starts out with patriots. Yes, there are people who really, really want our country to succeed and they believe with all their hearts that Trump's leadership, maybe—, my sister said she had to hold her nose and vote for Trump. And she was in the second group, I would say. Not patriots, she was like a believer, faith believer. And he, for some crazy reason, seemed to represent the values of her faith. And then you get into the identity, like you were saying, Mari, that identity politics, butI can live with that, too. I'm pro-choice. But if someone says no, we have to protect the life of the fetus, I can go with that. And if that's why, as she said, we needed the Supreme Court. We had to have the Supreme Court, but the deal is that with these different groups, it's not like there's a box. People fit into multiple boxes and the amount they fit in changes with time. And they're porous, the size of the boxes are porous, and the boxes themselves, they get wet, and the lids fall off and, they change shape. So, it's much more complex, but actually, it's kind of like my boxes back here. It's really, really interesting. And we need to be willing to say, "Whoa, nobody understands me. And I don't understand anybody else." Not completely, not completely. So I'm going to make a lot of room for the differences among us, which is hard to do.   I'm from Dallas. I think, well, I was raised Southern Baptist, and I promise I'll get very quickly to the international, but I just want you all to know, I'm the Eleanor Roosevelt lecturer in public policy, my father did everything he could to keep the United States from joining the UN. My father was born in 1889. I found in the archives, I found the letters between him and Eleanor Roosevelt, where, I mean, these are tense letters. So, that's my background. And my sister June and I, whom I mentioned, every Monday at 9:30 we are on the phone, often for two hours, she tells me something she's very upset about politically, and then she has to tell me why. And then she has to tell me one thing she's got to do about it. And I tell her something I'm very upset about, etcetera, the same, except we are completely opposite sides. And the important thing is to say, why is that so important to you? And then what are you going to do about it? And you don't rebut. There is no rebuttal. You just listen and listen. I somehow, I so wish that could become the model. It must become the model in our country.   So in my work in Bosnia, what I thought was going to be the big religious thing was helping create an inter-religious council for Sarajevo with the Muslim community, Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Jewish, and they all got together, they came to Vienna in our home and worked and worked and created this great statement. Well, it wasn't effective back in Bosnia, because it's not a religious country. But it was helpful outside for all those people who bought into Milosevic's idea where he was saying, oh, well we can't live together. And, the first person I talked to before I went, and I said we've got to intervene, and it was someone, a human rights figure, you would know his name, and he said, "Well, we can't intervene." And, I mean, this is someone who was a hero to me. And I said, "Why not?" He said, "It's a religious war." You can't—religious wars, you get sucked in. I told President Clinton, "Don't do it." And so was it a religious war? And the answer is absolutely not. I interviewed twenty-six women for seven years who were as different as can be. They were every religious group and atheists, and they were rich and poor, old and young, and rural and urban. The only thing that they adamantly agreed was this was not a religious war. And by the way, I didn't ask them. I didn't have a list of questions. I just said, "Tell me, tell me about the war." And I followed wherever they went, and they said, "Well, you know..."—then I'll stop, okay—but here's the typical answer. And I have two dozen of these in my book, which is called, it's a quote of one of them, This Was Not Our War. And I said, "Well, tell me about your kids." She said, "Oh, you should have seen my daughter in her white dress. Her little white dress with her friends." I said, "Why the white dress? "I'm going to confirmation." "Oh, oh, really? Are you Catholic?" She said, "Yes, yes. Oh, they were so cute. And, oh, her friends, who they all wanted to go too even though they weren't been confirmed.” I said, "Huh—why is that?" "Well they're not Catholic." I said, "Oh, okay. And then what did you do?" "And then we all came to the house and then we all got together, all the neighbors and my best friends. We all, had a big lunch together.” I said, "Oh, really, what did you have?" And she said, "Well, all kinds of things. We didn't have a ham." And I said, "Why didn't you have ham?" She said, "Well, because my Muslim friends." And that story over and over and over. And they didn't have to say we are a multi-religious society. And they, by the way, put ethnicity and religion together. And when I would hear these and I would hear in Liberia, the [inaudible] talking about bringing together the Muslim and the Christian communities, women—women—to bring down a dictator. And when I would hear Pastor Esther Ibanga dealing with the extremists in Nigeria doing the same thing—the Christians and the Muslims—I came to understand that the common denominator in all of these was women. Now, that's not a big surprise to you, since Harvard brought me to create the Women and Public Policy Program, right? But I hope I can say something later, I am so hopeful because of the Republican women who were elected in the House, doubled the number, just like the Dems two years earlier doubled their number. We are going to see a very, very significant change in the possibility of breaking gridlock.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. And now let's go to Dr. Táíwò about bringing your perspective on race and reconciliation. And you've been working on this issue, your thoughts on whether the U.S. would benefit from a truth and reconciliation commission. So over to you.   TÁÍWÒ: Thank you very much. First, I want to thank you for including me this conversation. And I want to thank those who are our audience for spending some of their time with us. I always think of that. What I share with you this afternoon comes from my ongoing work in which I'm calling on the United States to strike immediately, yesterday, a truth and reconciliation commission to do the following things. One, acknowledge that as a collective, the country has done harm to portions of its population. The most significant of it being its African-descended citizens on account of their sheer ratio identification. Two, establish the truth of what really went down with Black people in the history of the United States, and how that has shaped pretty much how the country has evolved to the present time. Three, put in place instruments to ensure that such harm is never again inflicted on any group. And four, commit to restoring the wrong group as a precondition for healing after reconciling the whole society. I started doing this work because, having lived here now, this is my thirty-eighth year, I've been a citizen of this country and been a student of the United States even before I got here, in Nigeria. It seems to me as if every time we make progress, we go back two steps. And having looked at other places, including, most especially, South Africa, and seeing that sometimes the argument would make about American exceptionalism hides some of the convergences between the experience of this country and the experiences of other countries that are very much like it, again, especially South Africa. That's when I said, maybe what we need is not another civil rights movement, what we need is a truth and reconciliation commission.   The assumptions here that I'm now going to address, and here they are. One, race has always been ground zero in the history of the United States. It was there when the Constitution was adopted, and Black people were not reconciled. It was there at the conclusion of the Civil War when white people were reconciled. The 1870s is compromised in the election and the removal of federal troops from the South at a time when it was very clear that the South was not reconciled to the status of Black people as full citizens of this country. It is there now when, since 1980, when Ronald Reagan won the presidency and originally declared his candidacy in Neshoba County, Mississippi, where four people, precisely from the college where I teach now, were murdered for their Freedom Rides, and that was where he chose to declare his candidacy for the presidency. The country has been complicit in festering the return of ferocious anti-Black racism that we thought the Civil Rights Legislation of 1964 and 1965 had laid to rest. So my argument is there can be no attainment of the original ideal on which this country was founded until there's full citizenship for its Black citizens. And I like to say, coming down to the specific situation of the recent election, I hope that the Biden administration does not enact another white reconciliation—that was the way it was done after the Civil War—given all the divergences that we have in the country right now and all the cry about unity. I hope that unity is not an attempt again on the back of Black and other disenfranchised citizens. I always remind people the irony is lost on everybody that the country that claims that all lives matter at its founding now needs to be reminded that Black lives matter. That's the lesson for us. Thank you very much.   FASKIANOS: Thank you very much for all of your wonderful perspectives. We appreciate it. And we're going to turn now to the group for their questions and comments. So if you see the participants icon on your screen, you can raise your hand there. If you're on a tablet, you can click on the "more" button in the upper-right hand corner and raise your hand there. And you can also type in the Q&A box a question. If you put a question in the chat, I'm not going to look there for questions. So you can comment there, but please, questions should be in the Q&A box or raise your hand. And if you could please say who you are, and you might want to direct your question to a specific speaker so we can get to as many questions as possible. So first, we have two hands up already. So we're going to first go to Tereska Lynam. Be sure to unmute yourself. Thank you.   LYNAM: Thank you, Irina, for calling on me. This is Tereska Lynam from University of Oxford but currently in Miami. And I'm going to speak to Dr. Mari Fitzduff—you all did such wonderful presentations—but Dr. Mari Fitzduff, every point was singing with me, particularly the things you mentioned about Brexit, and how that aim was really emotionally charged and manipulated as opposed to based on policies that people can get their heads around. In fact, I would argue that today, this fifteenth of December, about two weeks away from when Brexit's actually happening, people don't even know what Brexit is yet. So it's very confusing. And you wrapped up your comments about saying how we need to behave as leaders, because what I understood was people listen to more about how their communities behave and think than about how politicians instruct them to believe and hate, campaign rallies and love that's not withstanding, and I was wondering if you could tease out some examples of how you would like to see the people on this call go forth and bring a unifying message. Thank you so much.   FITZDUFF: Interesting, Tereska. Well, one of the problems that I think we have, because most of us are readers and thinkers, is that we actually think that's how people change. My own PhD many years ago looked at people who were literally using the gun to make their points. And then who have changed and discovered that, in fact, that was the exception. Not too many had reasoned themselves out of hate for the other group. They were much more likely to change because of an experience. And there are a few, and I could mention a few, but I don't want to take up too much time, there's one in particular, I remember, he was a loyalist paramilitary, and he wasn't known to be one but there was this peace group who sort of knew that he was sort of involved in politics. And they got him to come and talk to their group. And eventually, he found himself so much part of that group that he realized this belonging, this was much more important than what he had been doing in terms of his paramilitary activity. You also had many people who, for the first time, met people whom they supposedly thought they hated and had an experience that shows them that, they were just human like them. They had families like them. They cared about certain things.   So one of the things I'm encouraging us to do is to think beyond, and even if there's emotional gestures, I can remember one emotional gesture we made when we had Bono come supposedly at a peace conference and we couldn't get the leaders to actually shake hands on the stage. So I remember we got Bono, we had instructed to go on the final note, he walked on the stage, he took up the hand of one of the leader’s and the other, and he held them in the air. And just that gesture achieved so much goodwill and so much hope among people. Nothing was said. It was just a physical looking at what was happening. So I think we don't explore these enough. I mean, peace agreements often fall apart because people don't feel the peace. They know it's supposed to be there, etcetera, but they don't feel it. So a lot of the initiatives need to take that into account. They also need to take into account, I'll give you an example, though. Ireland, you probably know, has had two referenda recently—one on abortion and one on gay marriage. And both of them were won, because they very sensibly chose as citizen's assembly to do the rational thinking about the issues. And then they put it to a referendum. And if you go look at that referendum, it was the emotions of people, of young people, of families, etcetera, that actually won those very difficult issues that were particularly difficult for Ireland, which is a very Catholic country. So they were thought about very carefully, and then they were won on the basis of the emotions of examples of young children bringing their grandparents to the poll, etcetera, etcetera. So I just think we need to recognize that it's the warmth that we can engage with people is often what will change them.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'll take the next question from Rabbi Melanie Aron, "Can you speak more about the potential role of clergy at this time in bringing people together in productive ways?" Who wants to take that? Ambassador Hunt with your degree in pastoral—   HUNT: (Laughs.) I guess I got it, right?   FASKIANOS: You've got it.   HUNT: Well, what we've seen in terms of clergy is, a big swell of women in the theological seminaries. And that happened very quickly, about the same time as women who went into law school, etcetera. So, has that made a difference in terms of clergy? Well, when I go into a church, I am very struck with a woman clergy person. And I'm listening very carefully for the values for the—it's not just expressed values, it's also a way of being, there's a sort of nurturance. I wrote a piece on the motherhood of God many years ago. And these women clergy seem to be very much able to express that. Now, that may be what you would expect in the kinds of churches I go to. I go, actually, to an AME [African Methodist Episcopal] church also. I have for a few decades, actually, which is a Black church, and there'll be like five hundred Black faces and like me. (Laughs.) I said to the pastor, "I'm diversity, you need more diversity." So, I warm up—you know why I go there? In part is because it's the kind of music that I'm used to because I was raised Southern Baptist, like eighteen-hours-a-week Southern Baptist. So when I was thinking about the Southern Baptist world, I was realizing that the entire, not just when I was growing up, but even now, there are no women pastors. And in fact, I'll tell you how far it goes. You know how there'll be a platform, there's the podium and the platform with, let's say, five or six people who are doing prayers or reading scriptures. There are no women on the platform. There are no women on the platform. So where are the women? Well, when I was going to seminary, I was at admissions and I was looking, well, they couldn't find my card. They couldn't find it. And so finally they said, "Oh, no, no, no, no. Your husband is Mark Meeks." I said, "Yes." And they said, "Well, here's his card. And I said, "Yes, but I’m Swanee." Right? And they said, "No, no, but you're registered there." I said, "No." So then they had put me in children's education instead of, as you know, I'm studying systematic theology. And so there is such a gap in that conservative world where I'm not now, but that's part of what we're up against. If you think about the politics, etcetera, you find that in the clergy—clergical world, also. That's an extremely important part.   Mari, I'm thinking what you said about the local leadership. People want to belong to some kind of group, that's part of my Trumpian taxonomy. There is that sense of the normative group. They also just want to belong, like belong to a gang or whatever. But also, they want to feel like they're in step with. And the church or synagogue or the faith group creates a norm. And we have got to focus on that. And then when I think of Joe Biden, I think, you know what, you won't find anyone more devout than Joe Biden is. Jimmy Carter, right? And by the way, Jimmy Carter was First Southern Baptist, maybe the only Southern Baptist ever as president. And I remember going to First Baptist Church in Dallas and hearing from the pulpit why we must not vote for Jimmy Carter. And that's pretty raw. Look, you all, I know I'm talking a lot about the evangelical world because I actually know that world. And my guess is that a lot of people on this call don't. And I need to get inside of their heads for you. These are not bad people. Mari, you said to me when your husband was going across country, was he on a motorcycle? Anyway, he—what did you say?   FITZDUFF: Bicycle. Yes, on the bicycle.   HUNT: Yes, okay. And you said, you quoted him saying, "You know the nicest people that I came across in the diners—they were the Trump supporters. They would take off their MAGA hat and see if your tires had enough air.” Keep that in mind.   FASKIANOS: So I'm going to take two—another question from the chat. I'm also going to read a comment from Reverend Dr. Stephen Ohnsman, who represents the Calvary United Church of Christ. His perspective is he thinks “our division, our problems” go all back to his belief “that we're still fighting the Civil War. Racism is our original sin and isn't South versus North, it's what sides of the argument over race and equality you are.” And then Galen Carey, who heads up the National Association of Evangelicals, has a question for you, Dr. Táíwò, about the TRC proposal in South Africa: “Those who testified were granted immunity in exchange for truth. Here in the U.S., most white Americans don't face legal liability as beneficiaries of white privilege, what would be the incentive for those who would testify before the American TRC?”   TÁÍWÒ: I think the first thing to realize is that there has been at least, well, they are true but the most significant one that I've studied was the TRC in Greensboro, North Carolina. And they conducted it with the advice of people from South Africa. And it actually offers a model for what can be used nationally. It was all the case about murder, about court cases, nobody getting convicted. But, as a result of striking details in Greensboro, all those who took part went out to talk about what they did on the fateful day that the incidents happened, as a precondition for the community to acknowledge the hurt that had been done to particular groups within the city as a precondition for moving forward. Now, there are all kinds of ways in which we can talk about incentivizing people, to come forward. Remember, depending on what time frame we choose, we can go all the way back to the founding of the country, and we can do like they did in South Africa, they just decided to go back to 1961 to 1994. And what was important was to write into the report how the country got to that particular fork in the road. I think we can learn from that. And we can work out what the committees will be.   FASKIANOS: Terrific. Galen, I see you also have your hand raised. Are there any comments you want to add to that? You have to accept the unmute prompt.   CAREY: Yes, thank you. So, I guess what I'm understanding is that your thought is that this would be about people who did actual crimes coming forth to confess them more than just how all the people who in general benefit from white dominance of our society and economy and so forth.   TÁÍWÒ: Naturally, again, the circumstances in this country are not be exactly the same. We can get the scaffolding, as I call it in the book, from South Africa, from New Zealand, even from Canada. But who would put on the scaffolding would pay attention to this specific mix of the historical development of this country, and that will mean a much wider pool of people come in to enter stuff into the record. Think of Tulsa, 1921. Think of Rosewood, Florida. Those are all elements that will have to be entered in because people need to know that even when Black people, in their isolation with racism, created wealth, built cities, white resentment won't stand those cities. And many of the students that I teach don't know this. And many people buy into the idea that if there are problems that Black people continue to have, their problems that relates to Black culture, if not, all of the horrors, Black personality. Those are the things we need to enter into the record as a condition for changing even the way we tell the history of this country from grade school all the way to university.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, let's go to Shaik Ubaid, he has raised his hand. And please unmute yourself. Thank you.   UBAID: Wonderful presentation and thank you for this opportunity. Can you hear me?   FITZDUFF: Yes.   UBAID: For truth and reconciliation, I think we have to first make sure that both parties understand each other. For example, reparations are so important for closure and healing, but if the majority community is not made to understand why the talk of reparations will actually help further polarized and help demagogues like Trump and Bannon, etcetera. So, having been part of a community, which was victimized here in the U.S. in the last four years, especially, and also in India, which has seen the rise of Nazi-like ideology, and having been involved in seeking peace and justice in Bosnia and Burma, I'm also worried that we have to be more focused on delivering justice. For example, in Bosnia, especially Biden was the person who imposed the agreement. The community, which suffered massive atrocities, including mass rapes and genocide, was not given justice and the closure and healing has become so difficult there. So, similarly here the African American community has not received reparations. But before all that to start, we have to address the natural fears of the white community when they see the demographic shift and they see the browning of America. So the role that the intellectuals and the clergy plays is very important. And we need some concrete steps to help the clergy teach their congregation about why we should understand the other side and why healing and justice is so important for the whole community. That was my comment.   HUNT: Okay, can I just ask for clarification. I wonder if you, maybe, just misspoke when you said Biden was in—Mari, do you want to say or shall I—okay, when you said that Biden was involved with the splitting of Bosnia. Is that—   UBAID: When the final agreement was made, Biden played an important role, Joe Biden, in the final agreement where Milosevic of Bosnia was, his arm twisted to accept  the partition of Bosnia and  so that is what was going on towards the end of the war. The whole world probably was tired of the genocide, but unlike in Germany, Bosnia did not see that justice.   HUNT: Well, you and I have different information on that. Joe Biden was the chair of the committee that confirmed me as ambassador and his passion was Bosnia. And when I went as ambassador to Austria, he was pushing me to do whatever I could to bring the Clinton administration to intervene to stop the genocide. And we were opposed by the CIA and the Department of Defense, in fact, but Biden was the one who—he heralded my work dramatically in terms of bringing people together. So I'm surprised that he played that role at Dayton with the final agreement. I hadn't heard that. I don't want to be defensive. You go ahead, Mari, save me.   FITZDUFF: Swanee, sorry for distracting you. I was just so struck by the previous comments. One of the things, and this may not be very fashionable thing to say, Dr. Olúfẹ́mi, I know it may not be to you or to Shaik Ubaid, but I'm thinking in terms of, I know, there's a bit over about forty truth and reconciliation commissions, and some of them have been more successful than others. One of the problems they've run into, and indeed we run into it at Brandeis with the Black Lives Matter movement, was that when we try to address issues for those who are African American heritage, we then had others who were Native American, we then had others who are from Africa itself lately come, and we almost had a competitive kind of victim/race happening in terms of who’s actually needs would be addressed. Now, we face this in Northern Ireland and the civil—obviously in Northern Ireland, those of you who know the history, Protestants were better off than Catholics and had been deliberately so. So the civil servants were very eager to actually favor, and those who wanted to end the war, to favor programs that would favor Catholics. But then you've got into a problem because there were some rich Catholics and a lot of poor Protestants. So my sense is, once we'd go to look at the question of inequality, if we try to do an identity, we come into so many problems. If you actually try to do it in terms of actual poverty, or exclusion from education, or any of the other sort of norms that actually prevent people from being included and thriving in our society, you actually have much less of a backlash, because, for instance, we did see a backlash from people who were seen as white and poor, and they felt they were being ignored in terms of people who are Black and poor. I think, we're probably better developing our programs against poverty rather than actually against identity, because identity actually can be very messy. I mean, for instance in South Africa, and I know quite a bit about that commission there, South Africa they rightly began to say, companies and NGOs, etcetera, how to have a proportion of Black population. But actually what happened there was it was a few Black people who happened to have the education, and therefore the opportunity, actually took many of the positions of power of inclusion, etcetera, and still there were a lot of people who were left behind. Whereas those people who are left behind are really the people that we need to, in a sense, help to come through in all of their glory as it were. It's not a fashionable way to look at it, but I do think looking at programs of equality and inclusion in terms of identity, it just brings up so many problems, as we would know in the United States.   TÁÍWÒ: Can I come in here?   FASKIANOS: Absolutely. Go ahead.   TÁÍWÒ: I think there are two issues here that we need to separate. A truth and reconciliation commission is specifically about this particular category of hurts. Truth and reconciliation commission is not about economic projects. It's only to the extent that the harm that was done impacts economic situations that we begin to address that. And in this particular case of the United States, what cannot be denied are two things. One, the genocide against the Native peoples, okay, and the taken away, of land and all that, and chattel slavery of Black people. Now, there are some qualitative differences even when we talk about that, you do have multiple sovereignties for Native peoples in this country. And as many white people are realizing, Oklahoma being the most recent example, even though whenwhite colonists signed those agreements, they had no intention of recognizing them. The law is now catching up with them, more than a century later. And the Supreme Court is saying that is Indian land. End our story. You don't have that option for Black people in this country. And my argument is that when you read the record, at every point anti-Black racism has remained a specific kind of racism that continues not to be addressed, and I'm saying the only way to address this is the truth and reconciliation method so that people actually see that racism covers a lot of ground in this country, but there is a specific anti-Black racism that needs to be addressed. And actually, I have argued that a lot of the protests right now against police killings, and so on and so forth, come from a continuing refusal to grant that Black people are routinely human. And you don't find that with any other group that has been denied in this country.   FASKIANOS: So we have two on point questions. So I'm going to just throw both of them out there. From Marina Buhler-Miko of St. Alban's Episcopal Church, "trying to use a model of truth and reconciliation practice by Archbishop Tutu in South Africa," she found "that it's hard to duplicate it in other cultures. What is missing is a strong sense of importance of community that grows out of the African Ubuntu theology. How would you talk about that?" And then Richard Rubinstein got to your point, Mari, he's at the Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter School at George Mason University. He "admires all of you. The conversation has been divided by ideology, religion, cultural values, and race, but can true reconciliation take place without major changes in the system that produces such gross social and economic inequality? Do we have to do something about the excessive power of the super-rich and the split between technological and blue-collar workers?" So put both of those out there. I know, you've gone at it a little bit, you might want to dig in a little bit more. Dr. Táíwò, do you want to respond first? And then we'll go to Dr. Fitzduff.   TÁÍWÒ: The argument that Ubuntu does not travel to other cultures? Is that the question?   FASKIANOS: I think it's more not that it doesn't travel, but the importance of community that grows out of the theology might not be in other cultures. That's how I'm interpreting that comment.   TÁÍWÒ: Yes. I think—   FASKIANOS: It's harder to follow the model.   TÁÍWÒ: Yes, I think part of the problem is that people too often reduce the TRC in South Africa to Tutu's theology, and again, I think the two can be separated. The reason why I use South Africa is that South Africa and the United States share something in common, which is the racial dimension of this. And in a way that, for instance, the Eurasia dimension is present in New Zealand, you know, but it is more in terms of genocide and deprivation of taking people's land and all that. Whereas in South Africa, it was a deliberate effort to dehumanize and degrade the Black people. But the other part that, again, comes out of that, and this is the point that I've now made, societies that have gone with the truth and reconciliation commission, are precisely those societies that are worried that they have become unrecognizable to themselves. And it is an acknowledgment that this is now who we are and we can do better than this that drives the effort to even forgive very heinous crimes as a precondition for creating a different society. That's why the truth and reconciliation commission is not strictly speaking a legal justice mechanism. It is a mechanism for moving closer to what Martin Luther King calls the "Beloved Community," in where do we go from here. And that is why in all those countries, including, significantly Rwanda, you cannot go back and prosecute all those who are involved. But you want everybody to realize "we did this, that is not us, and we will never again create a condition that will make us go there." So that is what the United States, I'm saying, can learn from that procedure. And it is, again, that's why I call it "ground zero," to reconstitute the ideals on which this country was founded and move closer to it by making a whole those who have been harmed as a precondition for making the whole society whole again.   HUNT: Irina, let me speak after Mari, okay?   FASKIANOS: Okay.   FITZDUFF: Well, I just want to briefly to say, I think, since you've been studying it, the truth and reconciliation commissions, they do often fall short. And for the very good reason that, for instance, South Africa, a lot of people who said they were looking for the truth and found the truth, it wasn't till afterwards they realized they were disappointed because they didn't have justice. In Rwanda, there has been a very interesting system called the Gacaca system, which is a community system, which might well be better suited for the United States. But even there you found it was tainted by power because by and large, it was the Tutsis who were challenged rather than the Hutus. So every truth and reconciliation commission will take on as it were some of the existing power patterns that there are. And also the nature of reconciliation itself, I've spoken to the person in charge of the 9/11 Commission, in terms of the victims, and he said something to me. He said, "People who are victims, it's almost impossible to give them what they want." Because first of all, like 9/11, they really want their people back again. So inherently, this work is very, very difficult. I've spoken to a lot of people who've been involved in it. I think the discussion about it is really useful—really useful—because then we begin to see what are we trying to do with it and who is going to be part of it? Who needs to be there? Who has the power? Who needs to be there? Who feels there's a victim? So I encourage the discussion, but no way is it an easy path forward as you've already acknowledged. Swanee, sorry.   HUNT: And I was just about, I just wrote a note about Rwanda right before you said it. I wrote a book actually called Rwandan Women Rising about how they became the highest in the world, by a longshot in terms of women's representation in parliament. And by longshot, I mean, 64 percent and the next was like 52 percent. I attended a couple of the Gacaca trials and Gacaca, of course, meaning "on the grass." After the genocide—my numbers, maybe, it's yes, this is how wildly off I could be, it's either five-hundred thousand or eight-hundred thousand—essentially men in the prisons, and there were fifty lawyers, so obviously,  the regular system wasn't going to work. And it was women who actually designed the Gacaca system, and for the first time there were women judges there. And in a significant number. Of the hundred people who were tried in the tribunal in Arusha for having planned the genocide, there was one woman. And Mari, in terms of the power dynamics, 90 percent in Bosnia, I think, almost any human rights group will tell you that they are estimating 90 percent of the human rights violations were committed by the Serbs, not the country, not the Republic of the Serbs, but by Serb leadership, paramilitaries, etcetera. So it's easy. The military would say we've got to be evenhanded, right? What is evenhanded mean? Does that mean—and one of them said to me, we have to have, a four-star general, we have to have a same number of Croats and Bosniaks, the Muslims, and the Serbs at the tribunal. And I said, "No, I think evenhanded means you have a base idea, which is did you commit atrocities? And we look past the power part in terms of—it's about atrocity. So again, the women, because that's what I do, okay, I do women, but the women in Bosnia, one of the reasons those trials were successful is they went to testify, and they had to go to The Hague, by the way, from Sarajevo. This was a big deal. And they went, and they supported the women who were going to testify about the rapes. So it's not just that the women prefer—and so it's not just that the women were raped, it's that they went and testified about it and they weren't going to be able to do that if they didn't have the support of other women who went on the plane with them, etcetera, etcetera.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Gabriel Salguero. I know you have your hand raised and you've written your question, but I'm just going to let you ask it directly.   SALGUERO: First, thank you. Thank each of you for your time. My name is Gabriel Salguero. I'm the president of the National Latino Evangelical Coalition. And I want to talk about leadership. You all mentioned in terms of reconciliation, justice, restitution. What about leaders who inhabit multiple spaces? To some degree, Ambassador, you spoke about women in leadership, conservative women, how they may change. Dr., you spoke about evangelicals. Hispanic evangelicals, one-third of them voted for President Trump. And two-thirds of them voted for President-elect Biden and [Vice] President-elect Harris. And so oftentimes when we start talking about evangelicals and reconciliation, now I'm talking about the particular U.S. present reality, among others, we often forget, to quote Ralph Ellison, to the "invisible" persons of evangelicals of color, who are often speaking to issues of racism and restitution and criminal justice reform, but at the same time, hold to some of the evangelical tenants that you've mentioned, Ambassador, of the Southern Baptists and others. And so there may be a unique role in missional context, it's called "third culture people," who inhabit multiple roles. And what is their role, the leadership of faith people of color, in the work of reconciliation or restitution? I'm quite concerned that much of the liturgy, literature, and much of the reading doesn't speak to that. Actually, in Bosnia, there were some evangelical gypsies that I worked with that had an interesting role, because they worked with the Gitanos in our community and they were evangelical and poor people. So the leader of people of color who inhabit multiple roles, sometimes conservative, sometimes progressive, sometimes historically oppressed groups.   HUNT: I was thinking when you spoke, I was thinking, I wonder, that kind of sounds like Jesus,  this sort of third culture people. I mean, people forget Jesus was a Jew, right? And he was breaking every, every norm and talking to people he wasn't supposed to be talking to and especially condemning the religious people. He was really, He was really a maverick there. And He seemed to not identify with any one particular group in terms of all of the different Jewish groups at the time. He was like his own person. And when He would speak, it was this huge draw to others because of what He was saying it was so iconoclastic, this idea of you forgive, forgive, and forgive. And you will forgive seven times, no, you forgive seven times seventy, which means all the time. So I link that to the whole truth and reconciliation concept. What do you all think about that, Mari and Olúfẹ́mi?   FITZDUFF: It's not a field I know enough about to speak about it.   HUNT: Good, then I can say whatever I want.   SALGUERO: Well, I just wondering why there's not much literature on the role of that type of leadership, because they cross pollinate so many constituencies that are often crossing, talking past each other. Where is the kind of—or maybe there is literature and I've missed it? What is the role of that type of leader who inhabits multiple spaces often contradictory and opposing spaces?   HUNT: They get crucified.   TÁÍWÒ: No, no, listen, about that is, that I don't come from that area. Because for me, trying to separate and then in academia, the way people always find some narrow neck of the woods that they want to focus on and then ignore the kind of complexity that you're talking about, is something that personally, as a teacher, I struggle with and part of what I was trying to encourage my students to address precisely what you're talking about. Just to add to the categories that you have mentioned, many young people that I teach think that to be Black and conservative is a contradiction in terms. So they don't even know that there's a very strong tradition of Black conservatism in this country. And in a few years down the road, I'm planning to put together a class on that, just to inform the young people who come to me. So yes, I'm with you. And we sometimes drop the ball.   FASKIANOS: Go ahead, Mari.   FITZDUFF: I don't want to say anything about the issue, because I don't know enough about it. But having looked at your roster, I would have thought there are many people who are part of that community that you're putting together, that actually would be very interested in these possibilities. And it could be a possibility that perhaps could be taken up by Gabriel at some stage in the future.   FASKIANOS: Terrific suggestion. There are several questions in the chat looking at the role of social media. How can you repair society when power turns on such divisions, social divisions? What role can social media play in local community building? Do you have good examples of grassroots community building or resiliency through the use of social media? And then obviously, we do have this role that the media is playing. I think you mentioned Fox News, but then you have these two farther right news organizations now that are really putting people in very different universes. So if you could talk a little bit, in your experience, give us your thoughts on those issues?   FITZDUFF: Well, this actually is something I have been writing about for quite a few years. Because I could give you examples from dozens of conflicts around the world where peacekeeping efforts, peacemaking efforts, were destroyed by people using social media to distribute rumors, etcetera. The people who've been doing a lot of work on this are the Alliance for Peacebuilding and they actually have—and the Toda Institute—and they actually have begun to get together the peace-building community to actually address these issues.   One very interesting example is actually the Baltics because they are so near Russia, which, of course, is king of the distribution of fake news, etcetera. They actually, every school actually has to have classes, which look at ensuring that children are educated about how they read the media, how they read social media, so they can learn to see what's fake news, how they're being manipulated, etcetera. Frankly, our field of peacebuilding is one of the biggest challenges that we're facing. But luckily enough, I think people are beginning to rise to it. So anybody who's interested to have a look at the Alliance for Peacekeeping, they have a whole committee that actually has a huge number of resources on how a lot of the peace-building communities are beginning to get together to address this. And not only that, but actually we have Facebook on board. We have a lot of these, sort of, major distributors of social media on board as well, who are beginning to take on the issue that peace is being destroyed by the kind of tricks and treason that many people are actually using it for and are very willing to work with our community in terms of addressing it. So the news is very bad news but accompanied with a little bit of good news.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, I'm going to go next to Jonathan Golden. Jonathan, you have your hand raised and you typed your chat. So why don't you just ask your question?   GOLDEN: Yes, hi, thank you so much. So, yes, I've done some research also interviewing victims, survivors, and, perpetrators of these crimes and acts of sectarian violent conflict. And I kind of always do ask the question about whether or not there should be a truth and reconciliation process and so forth. And this is, particularly looking at Israel, Palestine, and looking at Northern Ireland. And obviously, in the former, we're not in a post, far from a post-conflict situation. And so, the question is, do they envision going forward, would that be helpful? What I often hear a lot of is that many people anyway have said, many of the survivors, that they don't see it as particularly helpful, that they feel that there's a point where, after which hearing more and more of the horrors that happen is piling on, that it's opening up old wounds. And,  there's a famous case in Israel where there was a—one of the people that was involved in the Munich Olympics, kidnapping and murder, who then years later reemerged as a negotiator who was doing work with Israel, and it was kind of a "don't ask, don't tell." And as soon as he went public, that he had been involved with it, Israel said, well, now we can't talk to you anymore. I've had people on both sides of the divide in Northern Ireland say the same thing. So that would be my question to you is where, to the whole panel, where do you see a kind of tipping point where there's like too much truth?   TÁÍWÒ: I don't think I can ever be too much truth. And I think the problem is that people keep thinking of this in legal terms. Unfortunately, I have to say, processing the whole truth and reconciliation as part of some kind of transition of justice, I have found, has not been helpful. Truth is one part; reconciliation is another. The way I like to put it is we can have truth without reconciliation. But we can never have reconciliation without truth. And when people always say that, oh, yeah, people committed heinous things, they get away with it and all that, the society is concerned with how do we, in the context of a single citizenship, move forward and build a better society? We already have examples in this country. Gary Ridgway, who is one of the most efficient serial killers in this country, was spared the death penalty because he was willing to take people to where he dumped bodies, where people's bodies can be found, so that those families will actually come to some awareness of what happened to their people. And they were willing for that information, because it's more important for them to honor their dead than it is to see him put to death. That doesn't do anything for anybody. And my point is that we need to move away from via the charity as a legal mechanism. In fact, people choose the TRC because they come to what I call, "the limits of the law." And once we come to an awareness of that, there's a whole lot that, look, in South Africa, they could have gone back to 1910 where they got independence. They could have gone back to 1948 when apartheid was imposed by the Afrikaners, they could have, but they just said, we need a slice of our time so that we can just tell people, no. Stuff went down in this country, and we need to ensure that future generations not only know this, but that they do everything they can to make sure we never fall in that hole again.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. We have so many raised hands and questions. We are not going to get to them all, but maybe we could close with Ian Draker's question and it gets to facts. "Truth and reconciliation presupposes that all sides will recognize and acknowledge the truth when it is presented. We've just seen in this election that the country, some cannot agree that the last presidential election was fair and honest, and that Biden is indeed the president-elect. So what do we do? How do we advance truth? Or how do we put forward facts and bridge this divide of what's true and what's not?" And maybe we can go around the virtual table for each of you to take a couple of minutes to just give us your closing thoughts.   FITZDUFF: Okay, I'll start then. And if it's obvious that people can't face facts, I think the thing you have to think about is why not? Would it cut them off from the group? Will it change their perspective on life that they don't want to change? Will a challenge significant beliefs? There's a very good reason why people choose their own facts, because they want them to fit with their perspective. And to do anything else is probably too challenging to them. So the work you'll often have to do is being—the first thing we often think of is challenging people through facts. It never works making people defensive. You often have to build up trust, build up relationships, and then facts can be then be agreed between you. But I think the problem is we often cannot believe that people don't believe the same way that we believe and we forget that people believe what they believe for very good reasons of community, of personality, etcetera, etcetera.   FASKIANOS: Ambassador Hunt?   HUNT: Well, I'm going to be consistent. The election was called on the seventh of November. And that same day, Lisa Murkowski called Joe Biden to congratulate him. And on Sunday, it was Mitt Romney. And on Monday, it was Ben Sasse and Susan Collins. Two of the four were women. Totally disproportionate to the number of women in the Senate. And it was two weeks before the next Republican called. So I'm going to go out there and tell you that women introduce bills way, way more than men do, meaning like ninety a year compared to seventy a year. And not only that, but they also get co-sponsors, sponsorships nine times on average, and men get six. So I think what we need to do to heal the country is for every one of us to be encouraging the election of more women. And the Republicans have decided to diversify or die. And that is a very good thing that they have figured that out. And they ran a whole lot of Republican women against Democratic women, which was the smartest thing they possibly could have done. And yet the Democratic women held their own. They maintained their numbers from two years earlier where they had doubled their numbers, and now the Republicans have doubled.   You all, I know, it sounds like, why does she keep talking about this, but there are reasons. There are reasons. If you have women, you all, in terms of internationally, I don't know if you know this, I'm sure you do, Professor Olúfẹ́mi, but normally a peace agreement after war last five years, it's average. If you have women signatories to that agreement, there is three times the chance that it will last twenty years as if you compare it if you only have men. Those are real numbers. Those are real lives. What I just described is millions and millions and millions of lives. And we can do this, we can do something about this internationally. We can do it in our own country. We just have to sometimes say, surely this is too simple, right? No, it isn't too simple. Let's put on a gender lens. Don't be afraid of it. It's not being chauvinistic. Take a look at the data.   FASKIANOS: Dr. Táíwò, over to you for the final word.   TÁÍWÒ: We have to restore confidence in the existence of truth. There are no multiple truths. And there are no alternative truths. And I can tell you, many of us in academics are responsible for creating this condition where people think there are liberal truths and there are conservative truths. And to the extent that we can train the future generation to recenter that common task of trying to come to the truth collectively, in spite of all our disagreements, the greater the likelihood that we'll be able to do some of the things that both Mari and Swanee have asked us to work on. And I stand with that. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you all very much for this wonderful conversation. We really appreciate your being with us and to everybody's questions and comments. Very rich dialogue. I'm sorry, we could not get to you all, but we have a tradition of trying to end on time. We've gone over a little bit, my apologies. So I encourage you to follow our distinguished panelists on Twitter. You can follow Dr. Mari Fitzduff at @TheHellerSchool, Ambassador Swanee Hunt at @SwaneeHunt, and Dr. Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò at @AfricanaCU. We hope you also follow us on our Religion and Foreign Policy Program on Twitter at @CFR_Religion for information about events and information about the latest CFR resources and also please do send us an email to [email protected] with any suggestions on future webinars or speakers or whatnot. We look forward to hearing from you. So again, thank you all. It's been a wonderful conversation.   HUNT: You did a good job.   TÁÍWÒ: Thank you very much. This has been great to meet all of you. I really appreciate it. And thanks for making me a part of the conversation   FITZDUFF: And I hope we meet again. Better time.
  • Religion
    Faith and Polarization in 2020
    Play
    Kim Daniels, associate director of the Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life at Georgetown University, discusses how political polarization effects the American religion community. This conversation is a continuation of our last Religion and Foreign Policy webinar, entitled “Faith, Polarization, and the 2020 Election." Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. As a reminder, the webinar is on the record and the video and transcript will be made available on our website CFR.org and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy.   So we're delighted to have Kim Daniels with us today. Kim Daniels is the associate director of the Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life at Georgetown University. She partnered with the Initiative to help lead the “Convening on Overcoming Polarization in 2018” and is a key contributor to all Initiative programs. Ms. Daniels was appointed by Pope Francis as a member of the Vatican Dicastery for Communication in 2016. She's a consultor to the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops' Committee for Religious Liberty and has been a lead advisor to the U.S. bishops and Catholic organizations on issues where Church teachings intersect with public life, including immigration, human life and dignity, religious liberty, and care for creation. So, Kim, thanks very much for being with us. It would be great if you could talk a little bit about the effect that political polarization is having on the American religious community and how you think we should all come together.   DANIELS: Sure, thanks so much, Irina, and thanks to the Council on Foreign Relations for hosting this discussion, and thanks to all of you for being a part of it. I'm so glad to have a chance for this conversation on faith and polarization 2020. It's a topic that I work closely on in my two professional roles. As Irina mentioned, I'm with Georgetown's Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life. And we work to promote principal dialogue on Catholic social thought and national and global issues in a polarized nation and Church. We try to build bridges across religious and ideological and political divisions. And we've tried to encourage a new generation of Catholic leaders to see their faith as an asset in public life, because we think that bringing in new and diverse voices is one real tool to combat polarization. I'm also a member of the Vatican Dicastery for Communication, as Irina mentioned, and that role has given me a lot of perspective on this topic that we're here to discuss today. I've learned so much in it. I've first of all gotten a renewed perspective on the global nature of our church. It's not too long ago that we were a few hundred million mostly European church, I would say, and today, we're a global church with 1.3 billion people around the world. And U.S. Catholics, of course, are just a small part of that. And so it's really given me that broader perspective. I've also learned from Pope Francis, who I think really offers a model for how to deal with very difficult issues and how to bring our principles to public life regardless of your faith.   And so with that, I look forward to opening up this conversation to questions. But first, I'd like to give my own thoughts for a little bit and some initial remarks on the topic. And first I'd like to talk about our current context of division and polarization. Next, potential responses to polarization. And in particular, I'd like to draw on Catholic social thought and Pope Francis's recent encyclical, Fratelli Tutti. And finally, as the new administration takes office, I'd like to talk about maybe some hopeful avenues for finding common ground. So with that, let's get started.   First, our current context of crisis and division. We're facing several crises all at once, as you know, right? COVID-19 has been a medical and social and economic crisis. It's revealed a lot of underlying problems that we have. The economic crisis stemming from COVID-19, or revealed by it, has seen more and more people suffering from job loss and a housing crisis, they are needing food and sustenance and stability. And faith-based ministries, of course, have seen an increased demand because of this, and at the same time, decreased funding. So our schools and hospitals and social service agencies are all suffering through this. We've obviously faced a crisis of racial injustice, and we're continuing to face that now. And it's been brought and renewed attention to this critical problem. And I could add many, many more issues to this list, of course, that [inaudible] today. At the same time, I want to focus on one in particular and that's this crisis of hyper-polarization that we've been talking about, especially in the context of this election. I don't have to tell you that our current environment is hostile and divisive and tribal and toxic. There are many broad forces that drive this—globalization, the crisis of institutions, a crisis of community and solidarity, and a loss of social trust. In particular, we look to a widening gap between people based on their partisan allegiances. And of course media, and in particular, social media, amplifies this sense of division and crisis and that in turn erodes trust and undermines authority. President Trump has spent the last four years stoking division, stoking anger at every turn, and weaponizing issues, and this has helped fuel this division and, of course, he's often provoked the response as well.   The Catholic Church provides somewhat of a case study in polarization and the lessons that we've learned from thinking about how to resist that in our church, I think, can be applied more broadly. We see that politics drives too many people's faith instead of faith driving in politics. And this polarization just seeps into our church as well. We see disaffiliation of young people. We're facing a loss of a generation and young people are stopping [inaudible] with our institutions, including the church, and we're really feeling in particular the loss of young women very strongly. In our church, the abuse crisis has led to anger and anguish among Catholics—just this past week we saw the McCarrick report released by the Vatican. And we see a movement towards responsibility and accountability and transparency. But there's so much more to be done. And of course this has also sparked a lack of trust and a lack of credibility that has led to increased polarization. And of course, COVID-19, as I mentioned earlier, is a social and pastoral issue. It's caused a loss of community and isolation as people can't go to church and being with people who are in their parishes or in their communities. And it's a financial crisis as well.   So what are some responses to this polarization that we see both in our nation and in my faith community but I'm sure in your faith communities as well, because I know it tracks across different groups? I think, in general, our initiative has learned a number of different lessons. I want to talk about, first, spotlight another colleague of ours, Amy Uelmen and Michael Kessler. Their work has really pointed to a response to polarization in the classroom that has lessons that go more broadly. And that's, first, to focus on strengthening relationships, to think about not changing other people's minds about substantive positions so much as complicating the way that they think about it, approaching those as real relationships. So thinking of people you're talking with, thinking of your interlocutors as people who have real persons who you disagree with and come with a full complexity of ideas and backgrounds to the conversation. And they also call for a hermeneutic of goodwill. And that means obviously not rushing to judgment, not imposing preexisting frameworks on people, and prioritizing reflection over reaction.   I also want to talk about the lessons we've learned in our initiative. The first is that there's a real hunger, there's a hunger for principled dialogue, and there's a hunger for ending this polarization or at least minimizing it. The hunger is growing. We see it not just in DC, but we see it nationally and globally, as well. Our last gathering on the subject, an online gathering and dialogue, had a call in from a refugee camp in Uganda. I think people are really, really looking for a way to talk about this issue regardless of where you live. For us, we've learned a lesson that we want to root our response to polarization in prayer and the sacraments and the principles of our faith. Pope Francis says in Fratelli Tutti, this new encyclical that I'll talk about in a minute, "If the music of the gospel ceases to sound in our homes, and our public squares, and our workplaces, and our political and financial life, then we will no longer hear the strains that challenge us to defend the dignity of every man and woman." And it's that that we want to bring to public life. We want to bring our principles and we want to root them again in our faith.   And again, I think that applies across faith communities. For us, it means bringing the principles of Catholic social thought to bear in public life. We see it as critical to resisting polarization in our current environment. We feel that Catholic social thought provides a moral vocabulary and architecture for assessment, analysis, and action. And we believe that the principles that we look to, the equal dignity of all, the responsibility to work together for the common good, the special responsibility to care for the poor and vulnerable and resist the throwaway culture as Pope Francis says. And most of all, the desire to work for solidarity and community are principles that extend again across faith traditions, and to people of no faith. And we believe that that is a common ground on which people can come together. In focusing on that we often find ways to come together around issues that are very difficult to talk about. Another principle that we look to when we think about how to resist polarization, another lesson that we've learned, is that dialogue is crucial. It's central to our approach and our initiative. And it's our sense of what we talk about when we talk about dialogue is principled dialogue. So we're not looking for a least common denominator or a mushy middle, but we know, that again, as Pope Francis says, “in a pluralistic society, dialogue is the best way to realize what ought always to be affirmed and respected apart from a femoral consensus.” So we think dialogue itself has an impact that when you model dialogue, you're showing people that hostility and division does not have to be the approach that we take.   We're showing people that we don't have to stay in our own isolated bubbles and listen to our own media or our own allies, but instead can branch out and learn from others. We show people that you can hold fast to your principles and still engage with others even when they disagree. And we show people that building relationships is crucial. We really believe that building face to face relationships is important. And obviously, that's been very difficult in this time of COVID. And at the same time, when we can do it, we know that it bridges racial and ideological and political divides. Particularly generationally, I think, it's important to bring people together. We had a reinvention, a national convening on overcoming polarization that we had at the Initiative.   One of the best images that I take from that we brought together about a hundred leaders from around the country, Catholic leaders, to talk about how we can work against polarization in our church so that we would have a more effective public witness. And after three days of being together, people really were becoming closer. And one of the images that we all took away was Professor Robert George of Princeton, a well-known conservative leader, and Father Jim Martin, who is a progressive Catholic in many ways, and both of whom, of course, share so much because they share our Catholic faith and they share a belief in our principles and they share a common baptism and creed. And even though they disagree on many issues, there was a moment where they put their arms around each other, took a selfie, and posted it on Twitter. And of course, it made both of their sides blow up, both of them say, how could this be happening, but in fact, what they were doing was modeling the friendship and modeling the kind of engagement that gets us together over our differences.   And finally, we also think one lesson we've learned is that diversity is crucial and young people are crucial. We really make an effort at the Initiative to lift up the voices of young people, the voices of women, the voices of people of color. We believe that this makes the conversation richer, it brings people out of their lanes and makes them have a conversation that is robust. And it's really, really worked for us. We just in the past, I think in the past, since we went online for COVID, I think  almost 50 percent, of our participants' discussants have been people of color, 50 percent women. That wasn't a target, that wasn't in our mind as a number we had to hit. We just were really working to broaden the conversation and make interesting and bring excellence to it and also bring a rich diversity of voices.   The final lesson I think that we've learned in the Initiative, and then I'll just move on to Pope Francis really quickly, is that rooting our efforts in service to the poor and vulnerable is key. Sister Norma Pimentel runs Catholic Charities of the Rio Grande Valley, and she was at our convening on polarization. At Georgetown, where here we all are talking about polarization and these high-level issues and many of the conversation somewhat abstract, and Sister Norma's turn to speak came and her panel came and she stood up and she said, "I can tell you that there's no polarization at the border. We're too busy. We're just getting together. We're trying to help people in need." She said, "I work closely with Border Patrol agents. They call me when they need help with someone who is in need. I call them when I need some flexibility. We work together to respond to people in need." So I think for all of our faith communities, rooting it in service to the vulnerable can often help us overcome polarization.   Now, as I said earlier, I think Pope Francis is a real model for us on how to engage with people even when you disagree with them. He shows instead of telling, right? He uses actions instead of words. And he really does, again, prioritize service to the least of these, [inaudible] church for the poor, going out to the margins and meeting people where they are. He’s recently written an encyclical, a letter addressed to all people of goodwill on the current moment in the context we're in called Fratelli Tutti, and it's directly addressed to the problem we're here today discussing, which is faith and polarization. He talks about it in the context of our current moment. He talks about crisis and division and polarization. That's what drives and shapes this document, this new statement. It's obviously in the context of the pandemic and this idea of hyper-polarization. And I want to set the stage for it a little bit. This is coming out, Pope Francis spoke in Bari, Italy, last February right as the pandemic was sort of starting to hit its stride and he said, "The solution is not to draw our sword against one another, not to flee from the times in which we live, but active love, humble love, and love to the end." And it was this idea that drove his reflections throughout the spring and summer and now into the fall with this new document, Fratelli Tutti. And so we can remember that he was in St. Peter's Square, I'm not sure if all of you might remember this image, in March, giving an Urbi et Orbi address, an address "to the city and to the world." He was standing alone, in the dark, in the rain, an address that said be not afraid, right, focus on that, that we are all in this together. Over the summer, he talked extensively about principles of Catholic social thought in his Wednesday audiences. He brought them to the fore, and again, he talked about community and solidarity and standing with the poor and vulnerable.   And then in October, Fratelli Tutti was published. And that drew all this together. And in that its themes were very much in line with his priorities in his other major works like Evangelii Gaudium [The Joy of the Gospel] or Laudato Si' [Praise Be to You]. So he looks outward, not inward. Instead of focusing on what's going on in the church, he looks out to serving the poor. He sees us all as one part of an interconnected world and family. And he raises up the poor and marginalized. He focuses on the parable of the Good Samaritan. And he says: "The decision to include or exclude those lying wounded along the roadside can serve as a criterion for judging every economic, political, social and religious project." So it's basically in this reflection on how the Church is to be in the world today. And the answer to that reflection, I think, is so beautiful. He says, "It's a home with open doors. We're not a fortress. We are a home with open doors. Everybody has a home here with us." And he says that that's part of how we respond to polarization. We reach out to others, we welcome others, and we welcome dialogue. How should we engage in public life? He sees it through the lens of what he calls political fraternity. And in that political fraternity, he says that we look for, again, keeping the poor first, renewing the voice of principles like equal dignity of all human persons and solidarity and community in our public conversations, resisting division, recognizing the tension between local and global issues, and recognizing that prioritizing the local can often bring people together. But most of all, and this might be the most countercultural thing that the Church teaches, he recognizes that politics is a good thing, that there's something there that's more noble than posturing or trying to win a debate or an argument or cynicism in division. And he says, and he raises a question, he says, "Here's what we should ask. How much love that I put into my work? What did I do for the progress of our people? What mark did I leave on the life of society? How much social peace did I sow?” Some of you might recognize that because it was quoted by President-Elect Joe Biden, then a candidate, in October just after Fratelli Tutti was published, and he said he was going to be looking to those questions. And again, he really did prioritize this idea that he would be working towards healing and working towards ending division.   So I want to end by just talking about some hopeful avenues that I see for resisting polarization and finding common ground as the new administration takes office. Of course we share, there are many commonalities, many areas for common ground. For my faith tradition, the Catholic Church and working with our second Catholic president, that of course is a shared belief in the dignity and equality of all, caring for the marginalized and poor, working on issues of migration and refugee issues as well. President-Elect Biden has already promised to lift the refugee cap and he did that at a gala event—an online gala—for Jesuit Refugee Services hosted by the wonderful Catholic laywoman, Joan Rosenhauer, who heads that organization. So there's much common ground. Other issues will be more difficult, of course, again, for my faith tradition, and that's abortion and then a certain set of religious liberty issues. I think our general approach when we talk about these kind of difficult issues should be to engage and persuade, to look for dialogue again and not demonization, to collaborate where we agree, to dialogue where we can engage, and to respectfully disagree where we must. But most of all to always sit at the table with each other and not to question other people's motives. There's been some particular success already, the National Task Force on Election Crises brought a lot of religious leaders together. I know that Melissa Rogers was on the first part of this presentation, and she and E.J. Dionne have done a wonderful report that has many areas of agreement in it on religious liberty issues that we can all come together on. Of course, there will be issues of disagreement as well. And again, those will surround issues regarding religious liberty here at home. Of course, there'll be many areas of agreement in terms of increasing religious liberty for people, communities who have not felt it during this last administration. But my main hope for the new administration is that it follows through on this idea of healing this idea of seeking common ground, because I think that will build trust with those who come at this discussion cynical, fearful, on the other side of that divine. So that's where we end. And again, I hope we can talk a little bit more about places where we might find common ground, about how all our fates enrich public life. And I look forward to that conversation. So thanks, Irina, whatever, I'd love to have some questions.   FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Thank you so much, Kim, appreciate it. And now we'll go to all of you. You can raise your hand by clicking on the participants icon at the bottom of the screen and I will call on you. Or if you're on a tablet, click on the "more" button on the upper right-hand corner to raise your hand there. And then you can also submit your question in the Q&A—write it. And when I do call on you, please, if you could identify yourself so that it gives us context of who you are. So I'm going to first go to Azza Karam.   KARAM: Thank you very much indeed. It's such a brilliant presentation, Kim. And thank you, Irina, for organizing yet another brilliant conversation and discussion. Kim, I just wanted to point to the fact that you very eloquently analyze the series of things that came towards Fratelli Tutti, the Pope's latest encyclical. I wonder if, perhaps I overlooked, I didn't hear you, but there was also a very important step there that I think also speaks to social cohesion dynamics, which is that there was a document on human fraternity that was co-developed between the Holy See and the pope, in particular, and the imam, Grand Imam of al-Azhar. Now I think there's two elements, if I may, and please do feel free to either correct me or speak to it. But overlooking that, as part of the steps that were taken to get to Fratelli Tutti is slightly akin to silencing a very critical conversation with Muslims, which I think form part of the American public and should not be ignored because this isn't just about the Catholic or just about the Christian context, right? But then there's element of how incredibly historic it is, now, in our time. I mean, the last time something like this happened was centuries ago, that how incredibly historic this particular conversation between the two largest religious groups in the world and their official institutional representatives, what that actually means for how the United States is currently perceived outside of its own boundaries, but also for the general social cohesion dynamics within the United States itself. And I think we probably could just explore that a little bit more like what is the Catholic—   DANIELS: I'm so glad you brought that up. I was watching my time and so I was skimming through it. Of course, that's an essential part of what Fratelli Tutti is all about. And I'm not sure if everybody on the call knows what we're talking about here, but there was a document on human fraternity signed in Abu Dhabi, that in which, again, the grand imam and Pope Francis came together in this historic, historic moment. And then here in Fratelli Tutti he revisits that again, and he talks about the need for faith traditions, major faith traditions like ours to come together and what we share in common, and how we can bring that to public life around the world. And again, in particular, it's a lesson, and I'm so glad you said this, for us here in the United States because, of course, the Muslim community when we talk about religious liberty, let's say, in the United States, the last four years have not been good for the Muslim community here. And in fact, the administration while having some religious liberties successes, for sure, has also really worked hard against the religious freedom of Muslim Americans. And I think that this modeling in Fratelli Tutti of our Christian faith, our Catholic faith, Pope Francis coming together with the grand imam to talk about human fraternity, and then again, once it came out, once it was released, both leaders also speaking about it from where they were saying this is what is important to us that we come together as faith traditions and find places of common ground because that's what we need to witness to today. So thank you for giving me an opportunity to talk about it.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. And Azza, as everybody knows, is with Religions for Peace International. She had head up that organization. So I'm going to go next to Vicki Underwood.   KEY : Irina, actually it's David Key, Vicki Underwood is my administrative assistant, is on my Zoom account. My apologies. I'm David Key from the University of Georgia. I'm also an ordained Protestant minister. Professor Daniels, thank you for an excellent presentation. I very much appreciate your explanations of a variety of things. I do want to ask a question about kind of cross current influences. From what I can tell from my own observation, it looks like a lot of opposition to Pope Francis within the Roman Catholic Church comes from American sources. I mean, Steve Bannon is one example of that. America in a lot of ways is a source of opposition to Pope Francis within the church. And what role will a practicing Roman Catholic president who really goes to mass every week and actually gives an example of Roman Catholic piety, how will that influence that peace within the church? And on the flip side, as Pope Francis appoints bishops in the American church and cardinals and actually coalesces around this Fratelli Tutti, institutionalizing it into the church, how would that influence the Roman Catholic electorate in America? How do you see those two influence and is one stronger than the other? Do they play off each other? What do you see kind of in the next four to five years those influencing each other?   DANIELS: What a great question. Thank you. So first of all, the resistance to Pope Francis, I think it very much mirrors what we were talking about earlier, which is the fact that often people let their politics drive their faith instead of their faith driving their politics. I think that, obviously, some of the good faith, there's some good faith disagreement with Pope Francis and that's welcome and important. That's an important part of dialogue. And at the same time, and then of course, every religious tradition has those kinds of conversations. But I think here in America, you're right to point out that there is an element of resistance to Francis that is really driven by those on the political extremes. And we've seen, for instance, President Trump, hold up Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò, who is very much at this point on the fringes raising conspiracy theories and all the rest, but during the end of the campaign, really trying to use, I think, that to divide the Catholic community in many ways, and I think it's been a real source of division in our church. At the same time, I'll say this. I think that that resistance is relatively small, relatively media driven, relatively elite. And I think that in large part, Catholics come together every day around our shared baptism, around our shared faith, around our shared belief in equal dignity of all and the common good. We see that in our president-elect, as you said, a practicing Catholic. It'll be very interesting to have a practicing Catholic again.   I think it's remarkable and says something about our tradition of public service and the way we try to put this in public life that we have an incoming president-elect, who is Catholic, we have the majority of the Supreme Court from Sonia Sotomayor to Clarence Thomas, who are Catholic, and the speaker of the House. And at the same time they all, as you can see, model their faith in different ways and I think that it's important to show the diversity of our church. In terms of the president-elect coming in, I think, that again, it's important to work together on issues where we share common ground, so where he shares common ground on church teaching and then respectfully disagree on issues where there are disagreements with Catholic principles. But at the same time to be sure that we work together to come to solutions where we can agree even in those areas. So I spoke about religious liberty a little bit ago, and I think there's lots of room for agreement in that context. Melissa Rogers' report lays out several of them. Where it's going to be four or five years from now, I don't know. I mean, I don't really get in the prediction business right now, except to say that I know that the more that people have faith, and again, regardless of your faith tradition, the more that people of faith bring their principles to public life, we enrich public life and so I'm hopeful that that conversation will continue and grow and we will get to some healing.   FASKIANOS: So we have two written questions in the chat just about the polarization paradigm, you know, between the left and right and the extreme left and the extreme right and, you know, how do you bring those together and which one is, you know, more extreme. And Rabbi Sarah Bassin at the Temple Emanuel Beverly Hills, [previously serving as executive director at] NewGround: A Muslim-Jewish Partnership for Change, says, “Do you see a role for rebuke for those who weaponize faith for polarizing purposes? I fear than an approach of openness assumes good faith is limited in constraining the more destructive actions carried out in the name of religion."   DANIELS: For sure there's a limit to good faith. I mean there's a limit to dialogue, right? Dialogue depends on a set of ground rules and a set of common beliefs about not resorting to violence, about not demonizing others, about goodwill engagement. And so without that, you cannot have dialogue. I think that at the same time, it's important for all of us to approach conversations as best we can from a presumption of goodwill as much as we can. So I look to an organization like Braver Angels, for instance, David Blankenhorn, I believe is the leader of it, that talks about how to bring people together, how to bring red and blue together, right? How to how to have those conversations and they've had a lot of good results with people who do disagree very seriously. But I completely agree with the idea that there comes a moment where you simply are not in a position to engage with someone who demonizes people, who is resorting to violence, etcetera.   FASKIANOS: Great, thank you. I'm going to go next to, sorry, to Shaik Ubaid.     UBAID: So this is Shaik Ubaid from the New York Muslim Peace Coalition. You know, right after the election it's such a relief because in a polarized country when a minority which is miniscule like the Muslims were feeling very, very insecure, but were reassured that not only other minorities came together, but a significant large portion of the majority also stood up for the minorities. Whereas in other countries, for example, in India, that does not happen. So, with that optimistic background, I am a little disappointed that for interfaith, and you know, relationship and to decrease polarization, the Vatican is dealing with al-Azhar, which does not have credibility. For example, I am from India, where there is a huge, you know, history of Hindus and Muslims working together, where Gandhi was introduced by the Muslim leadership in India. So we have, and there in India, al-Azhar has no credibility. And even in Arab masses, where they support MBS, and el-Sisi, and the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, who is one of the greatest tyrants in the Arab world, they are supported by al-Azhar. So instead of dealing with institutions which have no credibility in the masses, the Western religious institutions should be dealing with those people who have credibility among the masses so that the real polarization does not take place. That's my comment.   DANIELS: I hear you. You know, I can't speak closely to that issue. It's not my area of expertise. But I can say this, that I know that the Holy See and that Pope Francis, in particular, seeks to go to the margins, seeks to go wherever he can to reach people. And in that vein, what he does, to my mind, what stands out, when you talk about reaching the people, what stands out when I think of iconic images of Pope Francis through his papacy, what I think of is him in Bolivia with hundreds of thousands of poor people around him in the middle of a crowd where he's going right to the people. I think of him standing in the rain in the Philippines, again, with so many people around him, not speaking just to the elites, but speaking to those who are on the ground. And I can think of our network of social service agencies and others who do so much work around the world, again, trying to serve people on the ground, groups like Caritas and Catholic Relief Services. So I hope that those are efforts, I know that those kinds of efforts are ongoing, but I know that this isn't a rich discussion, and I appreciate your contribution to it.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. So Royce Anderson raised in the chat, "I see today's polarization, at least in American politics, is being significantly caused by the division among the American Christian churches, which is at its core division about whether to view the Bible literally or metaphorically. Do you think this is the case? And what do you think might heal this biblical theological schism?"   DANIELS: So I think that that conversation is one that's going on in other faith traditions, not my own. I think that it's important what I see driving the polarization, again, is two things in particular. One is politics really driving faith instead of the other way around. And I see the media environment that we're in is really driving polarization as well. Oftentimes, I think, theological, I know, let me speak to what's going on in my faith tradition. I think that theological disputes that people have, and that they often raise up as a source of, you know, sort of a source of division and a source of pride, I find that those, to my mind, the way to resist that, again, is to move away from words and towards action. So, not engaging so much in the kind of social media back and forth and debates over arcane abstractions, but rather engaging and practicing our faith, and again, serving people, getting out, being Sister Norma at the border where there is no polarization. These theological disputes are important for those who, you know, for those who are equipped to engage in them and I'm not minimizing that at all, but I am saying that I think oftentimes disputes that we have are really driven by other issues too.   FASKIANOS: Great, and I'm going to call upon Michael Strmiska because I think it would be better for him to ask his question directly then having me try to paraphrase it. If you could unmute yourself and keep it short though, Michael.   STRMISKA: Yes. Well, I'm just going to read you my question.   FASKIANOS: Thank you.   STRMISKA: Yes. Thank you, Ms. Daniels. I question the polarization paradigm because it can lead to false equivalence between left and right. I do not see the left today, at least in America—let's focus on America—trying to destroy democracy or use massive information to create a fog of distrust. It's mostly from the right. So what I want to focus on is it seems to me there is a particular threat in our time from the extreme right that is not coming from the left. And I think as Christians, you have a particular responsibility because the extreme right is often playing on themes of Christian identity. And I would say, I'll call on the authority of the FBI. The FBI today does not see any danger from the left, but they're talking about the very definite danger from the extreme right. Thank you.   DANIELS: So thanks for that question. I think it's important when having conversations about polarization, I want to be clear about several things. And the first is that it's always important to resist a false equivalence of any kind. And the second is that this is never, I don't think, that these kinds of conversations should be an excuse for a false quietism, right, a sort of a retreat from engagement. There are issues about which people should have a righteous anger. There are issues about which we should be activists, right? So the point, though, of conversations about polarization is where can we come together. Of course we should resist violence on the right, and calls for, you know, the disinformation and all of the rest. And I take your point about the FBI. What I would like to talk about, though, are the millions of Americans who voted for President Trump who don't fall into that category of right-wing extremists and Proud Boys and all the rest. And my question is, how can we come together, right? How can we all come together because surely there's so much upon which we agree and that's the question and where we do have disagreements, right? I think that those kinds of principle disagreements have a lot of room for working out common solutions. So there will always be disagreement for sure. And there will always be people on the fringes and they won't always be fully balanced in terms of which side is more violent or doing more to harm the common good. And at the same time, I do think it's important to reach the millions of people, who again, are not out there stoking violence but at the same time who have different views.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to John Murray.   MURRAY: Hi, good afternoon. I'm an ordained Mennonite pastor currently serving in as the role of dean of global engagement at Hesston College. While we are one of the historic peace churches, we are as polarized as anybody is at this point in time. To have the deep dialogue among polarized people that you speak about so hopefully—and on my good days I share your hope and on other days cynicism creeps in—for that dialogue to happen, it seems to me that there are some interpersonal attitudes and values that are required to be present within each of the polarized participants. What are some of those attitudes and values and how can they be cultivated within and through the church?   DANIELS: That's a great question. I think that all of these conversations, again, they shouldn't stay abstract, they should start with us. And it should always start with a with a self-examination of what attitudes am I bringing to the conversation that are destructive or that are keeping people apart? I think the first attitude that I would mention and highlight would be humility. To know that I don't always have all the answers that my sources of learning, whether it be my faith traditions or other sources, don't always have all the answers are in fact enriched by reaching out to others and engaging in conversation with them. So first a stance of humility. Second, I would think patience. And here I want to talk a little bit about patience both on a personal level but also at a political level. We all know that when we're involved in conversation, public conversation, or policymaking or anything else, that it's often the case that people make mistakes that in those in those rooms people say the wrong thing or they take a wrong path in terms of pursuing a particular policy. And I think that it's important to be patient with those we disagree with, to give people the benefit of the doubt, and to not always assume the worst motives. And I think this goes to building trust, which I think is another quality. But I think I take your point, I mean, again, this should not be approached naively. There are serious disagreements, you know. Our church believes that abortion, and it's true that we believe that abortion is a grave injustice, and that we believe also that mothers who face unplanned pregnancies need much more support than our society gives them. That's going to be an area of deep disagreement and at the same time, it's also going to be a place where maybe we can come to some kind of agreement about reducing the number of abortions, for instance, and how we can do that through social policy. But getting to that point is going to take a lot of building of trust, and a lot of patience, and a lot of humility.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Bill O'Keefe, who has written a question. He says, "Thanks for this rich discussion, it's extremely important. Elites, including at the very top of our political system, are intentionally driving the polarization between people. Dialogue and countering focusing on service can and do build solidarity among regular people of faith or without faith. What can and should religious leaders do to address this pernicious role of well-funded elites?" And Bill O-Keefe is the executive vice president for mission mobilization and advocacy at Catholic Relief Services.   DANIELS: Hi, Bill, that's a great question. And it's a great question because, of course, we need common ground work, we need work at ground level, and at the same time, we do need work at the elite level as well. So leaders like yourself and others, I think one thing that we can do is when you're finding someone who is engaging in the kind of discourse that poisons our public conversation is to push back against them, right? And I think that people, to my mind, people too often defer to those who are already out in the public square, right? So Bill and I are both Catholic and we know that in our conversations, in sort of intra-Catholic conversations, there are forces that dominate both sides and we'll call them the elites for now. And for purposes of this conversation, and to my mind, what's needed in those conversations to push back against those voices, which are often stuck in the same tired arguments and liens is number one, for new voices with platforms that have some sort of visibility and platform and power—like I think of Catholic Relief Services having because of all the good work that they do—be engaging in those and obviously in a sophisticated way, but engaging in those conversations intentionally where they can without harming their mission. And secondly, I want to point back to what I talked about before, which is bringing together diverse and younger voices into the conversation. I think raising those voices up enriches the conversation and it's incumbent upon institutions where we can lift them up, because those are ways to challenge those voices.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Father Rafael Capó.   CAPÓ: Yes, hello, Irina and thank you, Kim, for your expertise and your passion and your witness conviction in all these issues. This is Father Raphael Capó from St. Thomas University School of Theology and Ministry of Miami. Given your connection to the Vatican's Dicastery for Communications, and your role around that area, what would you share with us given that polarization is many times fueled by the media and communications? What are your insights regarding communications and polarization?   DANIELS: Sure, that's a great question. And thank you so, Father. I think that we think a lot about how media drives this polarization. We all know that social media is a huge drive [inaudible] because it has an instantaneous sort of dopamine hit when you get in these arguments and land your point and then they go viral and then you expand your impact and all the rest and our conversations spiral out of control. So what do we do to combat that? And I think that, first of all, it's to resist the need to be online all the time, right? And so Pope Francis, again, in Fratelli Tutti talks about digital engagement and how it can't build real community and, in fact, stokes the kind of division that you're talking about. So number one is being very sophisticated and careful about your use of social media and also your consumption of media generally, right? So being sure that you're not just consuming things that confirm your own priors but are instead reaching out to trusted and reliable sources from different perspectives and points of view. And not just different sort of left/right perspectives, right, I think, but different perspectives across a variety of different lanes. That's the number one.   Thing number two is to be who you are and be that well, as St. Francis de Sales would say, right? And that's to say that, that I think oftentimes we engage in these conversations in a way that is almost putting on a different figure, we're trying to get in the conversation and win a debate when really, we should just be witnessing to who we are and what our faith commitments are and what we bring to the table. So in that sense, I say that it's really incumbent upon us to be intentional about how we engage with others and that we bring the best of our face to those conversations. We engage in them with humility, with patience in a way that builds trust, and in a way that sees the other person despite the digital separation. The technological mediation sees that other person as a real person who is made in the image and likeness of God and treats them accordingly.   FASKIANOS: Fantastic. I'm going to go on next to Gregory Han who is with the Interfaith Ministries for Greater Houston.   HAN: Thank you. I'm also Georgetown class of '93, so Hoya Saxa. At least from the 2014 Pew survey that 20 to 25 percent of adults in America don't affiliate with a religious tradition, how do you feel they fit into the faith and politics discourse and polarization when they don't necessarily see themselves in the faith part of that equation? Thank you.   DANIELS: Thanks, that's a great question. I think that the growth of the nones, right, N-O-N-E-S, the growth of people who do not affiliate with a particular religion has been a story, the real story of engagement over the past decade for sure. And I would say that it's important not to read them out of the conversation, right? I mean, people bring regardless of your faith tradition, or if you have no faith tradition, you bring your principles and deeply held beliefs to the conversation and it's important for us all to engage in dialogue along those lines as well. How does it drive? How are they driving polarization? I think that again, I think that oftentimes it's a matter of what I see the most is partisanship driving polarization and the idea that our political parties have, both in some ways, institutionally changed dramatically and in other ways have moved out of the vital center and to different sides. And I think that it's that partisanship that can affect people regardless of their faith background or if they have no religion [inaudible].   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go to Margaret Rose next who wrote a question, "Do you see some very specific instructional ways that faith-based groups can encourage this work so that it's not simply an individual faith community but one which becomes the change of the whole community?" And Margaret is with the Episcopal Church?   DANIELS: Thanks. That's a great question, Margaret. I think that let's start from individuals and work up—we've already talked about how individuals can work on it. I think that local faith communities can really engage in a lot of outreach within their own communities to other faith-based groups to see how they can work together in common service and where they can come together to have conversations that are difficult while setting ground rules that establish a baseline for those conversations. I also think it's important for local congregations and local faith communities to support other faith communities where they are demonized, where they are under attack. We've seen a rise of anti-Semitism. We've seen attacks on Muslims. We've seen policies against Muslim practice in the United States. I think that it's important for other faith communities to stand together and to say that we stand together as people of faith in supporting you. So that can be at the local level, that can be at the regional level. I think we pointed earlier, we talked about the Abu Dhabi statement, and I think that it's important for faith leaders generally to look for opportunities to join together where they can on issues of common ground. And so I know that we see many faith organizations here in the United States who find opportunities to work together on issues where they share common concern, whether that be issues on the right or on the left. Whether it be, again, my faith tradition is somewhat politically homeless, neither left or right. And so it's often a case of looking for different kinds of partners on issues that are important to us. And I think that again, faith enriches public life to such a great degree that it's important for us to look for those kinds of alliances, to collaborate where we can, to disagree where we must, but to look for opportunities to bring these voices to public life.   FASKIANOS: Great. So Kenneth Beals, in the chat—he is with Mary Baldwin College—wants to "emphasize humility as a key value in dialogue, the idea that I might actually have something to learn from people very different beliefs from my own." I think that was his comment, but he also had a question about, "How do you think opposition to gay marriage has been in activating in the religious right?   DANIELS: I think that that's been an issue. Clearly, that's been an issue that's really activated the religious right. And at the same time, it's important to have that conversation, again, in a way that it would be wonderful for people of goodwill to come together. When I think again, in a religious liberty context and I think about Melissa Rogers' report, for instance, how can we come together around issues of both protecting LGBTQ+ people from discrimination and at the same time preserving their religious liberty of organizations and institutions that want to serve according to their deeply held beliefs. That conversation, there's a space for that conversation to happen, but you're very right to say that too many times that conversation can happen because that issue has been weaponized and it's very difficult. You talked about humility and bringing that to conversations. I just want to say that in looking at and learning from others, we dunk on Twitter all the time as being just a source of division and hate and all the rest. But I have one thing that I've gained from that, frankly, is that I have really learned from a lot of people whose work I would never have run across otherwise. And I've been exposed to it and I've then engaged with people who they learn from, and it's really expanded the people that I read, the communities that I am in touch with. And so I think that that's one way we can exercise humility is to approach our media diets in a way that really reaches out and brings in other resources for us.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. So we've got a question from Homi Gandhi or a common question from the Zoroastrian faith. He thanks you for this presentation. "The Zoroastrian faith is small in numbers but one of the oldest monotheistic faiths. We have political differences within our community, but we yearn for dialogue on many issues. And this has been noted and many of their conversations. After these thoughts and words, we need good actions. What steps would you suggest to bring these word and actions to reality?"   DANIELS: Another great point and that's something, again, that Pope Francis talks about in Fratelli Tutti, that it's not just about words, it can't be just about words. It has to result in action, right? We are not about having the right opinion simply or living in abstraction, but instead about moving out our beliefs in life, in our everyday lives and public life. To my mind that means advocacy is an action, right? Working for policies that enact principles like equal dignity of all, and solidarity, and pushing for the common good. Serving the poor is an action that we can take as a direct result. And again, I see that as a direct result of trying to combat polarization. Serving the poor is a way to be in touch with others who are across the divide, in sense, right, who we are not probably in touch with every day. And it's part of Pope Francis's message of go into the margins and the ethics of encounter. And so it's that kind of service, I think, actually engaging in dialogue with those who disagree with you and advocating for policies that, in active use, that I think is incumbent on all of us.   FASKIANOS: Okay, and I think we have time for one last question, which I think it would be, we'll go to Shaik Ubaid, who said in the written question, "How do we community religious leaders here address the 48 percent of Americans who supported Trump, and not just simply dismiss them as whatever you want to say—racist or extremist—is natural for the majority community to feel threatened when there's a dramatic shift in demographics? We must show empathy toward this natural [inaudible]. So how would you approach it? I mean, how can we bring people both sides together that it's pretty split [inaudible] of division?"   DANIELS: Well, I think that that's another good question. And I think that the starting point is to say that if we're talking about as we move towards healing and as we move towards overcoming division, there's a lot of hard work to be done. And I think that on the one hand, there's a lot of hard work to be done certainly on the side of people who, as you said, the many, many who supported Trump and did not support Biden. A lot of hard work there to be done and at the same time on the incoming Biden administration, I think, there's a following through on the promise of reaching out to those who disagree through policies, choices that you make. And let's take one example, and again, I'll look back to Melissa Rogers' report. There's the Equality Act and the Fairness For All Act are two pieces of legislation that get at the very thorny issue we were discussing earlier, namely the conflict between religious liberty and LGBTQ antidiscrimination norms. And working through those issues in a good faith way that tries to protect both of those principles to my mind is one step people can take.   FASKIANOS: Well, thank you very much, Kim Daniels, for being with us and to everybody for their great questions and dialogue and thoughts. I think this has been yet another rich discussion. We really appreciate it. We encourage you to follow Kim's work on Twitter @KDaniels8, as well as the Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life's Work @GUCSTpubliclife. You can also follow CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program on Twitter @CFR_Religion for upcoming events and information about latest CFR resources. And as always, please do reach out to us at [email protected] with any suggestions on future webinars, or events, speakers—we'd love to hear from you. And thank you again for being with us at the end of the day. I know Kim has another Zoom meeting to go to. So thank you for fitting us into your schedule. We really appreciate it.   DANIELS: Thanks for having me.
  • Religion
    Faith, Polarization, and the 2020 Election
    Play
    Melissa Rogers, visiting professor at Wake Forest University Divinity School and nonresident senior fellow in governance studies at Brookings Institution, and Jim Wallis, founder of Sojourners, discuss political polarization and the role faith communities can play in protecting democracy. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. GROSS: Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series. I'm Rivka Gross, program coordinator for the Religion and Foreign Policy program, filling in for Irina Faskianos. The webinar is on the record and the audio, video, and transcript will be made available on our website, CFR.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. We are delighted to have Melissa Rogers and Jim Wallis with us.   Melissa Rogers is a nationally known expert on religion and American public life. Her areas of expertise include the First Amendment's religion clauses and the interplay of religion, law, policy and politics. Ms. Rogers is currently a visiting professor at Wake Forest University School of Divinity and nonresident senior fellow in global governance at Brookings Institution. Previously, she served as special assistant to President Barack Obama and executive director of the White House Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships and as chair of President Obama's Advisory Council on Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships. Ms. Rogers has also served as the director of the Center for Religion and Public Affairs at the School of Divinity, as executive director of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, and associate counsel and general counsel of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty. She is the author of two books and most recently co-authored a report titled, “A Time to Heal, A Time to Build,” on how the executive branch should approach religion and civil society in the next administration. Ms. Rogers has been recognized by National Journal as one of the church-state experts politicians will call on when they get serious about addressing an important public policy issue.   Reverend Jim Wallis is a globally respected writer, teacher, preacher and justice advocate. He is a New York Times bestselling author, widely recognized public theologian, renowned speaker and regular international commentator on ethics and public life. Reverend Wallis is the founder of Sojourners, which is both a magazine and Christian community in Washington DC. And he is the author of twelve books, including America's Original Sin and God's Politics. He served on President Obama's White House Advisory Council on Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships and has taught faith and public life courses at Harvard and Georgetown University. Welcome, Melissa and Jim. Thank you very much for being with us today.   Melissa, we were hoping you could tell us a little bit about the effect political polarization has on the American religious community. And in addition, can you share what you know about efforts that faith leaders are making to support fair elections?   ROGERS: Sure, thank you, Rivka. I really appreciate the opportunity to be on this call with you. And thanks to the Council on Foreign Relations and Irina, as well as my colleague, Jim, and of course, everyone who's joined the call. So political polarization is a problem for us right now, including in the religious community. And I'll just mention three factors that are prominent in this polarization. One is, of course, a geographical sorting. Increasingly, Americans are living in like-minded political communities. And that tends to have a reinforcing effect on our views and also attends us to make more hostile toward views that are not shared. And we've seen this impact or a factor take place in religious communities as well. Whereas we used to have more of what we often called “purple houses of worship,” meaning houses of worship that included people that are both Republican and Democrat, red and blue in other words, thus making purple, increasingly, we see houses of worship that are more red or blue and not purple. So that's had an effect. Also political party sorting that's related, as well. There used to be more liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats. Now we see less of that and that has created more of a partisan gap. And as religious conservatives have become an important force in the Republican Party, we have also seen an effect where the proportions of Americans who don't identify with a particular religious tradition has skyrocketed, and those people have become a part of the feature in the Democratic Party. So here we have kind of religion and partisan loyalties sometimes reinforcing each other, and that is also contributing to polarization.   In addition, we've seen religion used as a partisan tool, increasingly, and that not only has kind of a toxic effect on religion, but also politics, and we have to deal with that situation as well. Of course, in a factor that won't surprise anybody is this kind of what's often called “ideological siloing,” where we're not tuning in to shared media anymore, but rather to media sources that reinforce our own views, and including social media, that reinforce our own views. And, of course, this is true of the religious community as well. And all of these factors are kind of contributing to what Arthur Brooks calls a "culture of contempt," where we not only just differ with one another, but we actually have disdain for one another. And that is a regrettable effect of this polarization. And indeed in this report that Rivka mentioned, that E.J. Dionne and I wrote with recommendations for the next administration on religion and governance, we said that large groups of Americans currently fear that the triumph of their opponents will render the country unrecognizable and inhospitable to their deepest beliefs. Now, religion is only one dimension of this coming apart, but it's a significant dimension because it is part of our deepest divisions.   And if I could, I wanted to just read you two sentences from the report that sort of give some specificity to this fear. We say, "Consider how these issues often present themselves: One side fears that marriage equality and Roe v. Wade will be reversed and that Americans will be denied basic health care, commercial goods and services, and government-funded benefits based on an individual's gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity. The other side fears their government will brand them as bigots for their religious opposition to marriage equality, close their colleges and universities, press them to engage in activities that violate their consciences and strip their institutions' tax-exempt statuses because of their beliefs and practices."   So you can see there the fears of at least two sides of this divide. And there are many divides, of course, and you can see how it is creating a great anxiety about the election and what will come out of the election. And I should also mention that, as you could hear in those specific statements, religious freedom has become polarized deeply as well. Whereas it used to be more of a force that binds us together, increasingly, as my friend Tom Berg says, it is itself an engine of polarization.   So what do we do about these things? We have our work cut out for us, of course, and in our report, E.J. Dionne and I recommend a number of steps that the next administration can take to heal some of these divides and reduce the polarization. And when I say next administration, we refer to whoever is going to take the oath of office in January. And we recognize that a president can't heal all these divisions and can't change the dynamics instantly but can take certain steps that will help us including recognizing that the weaponization of our divisions is not good for the country and needs to be addressed. And that the next administration can give people who did not vote for that administration some degree of comfort by indicating that their views are being taken into account and that the president is going to be the president for all Americans.   Also, we recommend that the next administration do something that the Bush and Obama administrations did very prominently, which is issue a call to community service, and to service, whether it's the pandemic, the economic recession, or systemic racial injustice, that we call on all of our communities, religious and non-religious, to immediately begin to work with the government and with one another to attack these problems and to build bridges across our differences and to bring about a greater measure of justice for everyone. And so we say that the task really begins with respecting everyone's dignity and recognizing that we truly are very far apart right now. And we need to do what we can to rebuild bridges toward one another.   Let me mention something that's going on right now that is helpful toward that end that some of you may be aware of. There have been some letters, including some letters that include leaders of faith-based communities and some that are wider efforts by civil society leaders, to say that we need to have free and fair elections. What does that mean? The letter signers, that include people of many different ideological perspectives, many of whom are probably on this call, who signed this letter, talked about the fact that we need to be able to cast our votes without interference, suppression, or intimidation. And that we all need to make sure that happens, that every vote needs to be counted, even if that takes a little longer this time than it normally does, and that leaders of all stripes, including government and non-governmental leaders, those in the civil society, in other words, need to ensure that we're imparting accurate information and not whipping up fears and trying to make sure that we are helping to make our passage through this election season as constructive as it possibly can be. And that, of course, leaders should accept the official election results and work to keep peace and ensure that there's not violence at the very worst point that we might expect from the election.   So those are some of the very good efforts that are happening with the help of many people on this call and including my colleague, Jim Wallis. And I just want to thank everybody for joining in for caring so deeply about, if they are people of faith, their faith, and all of us about our democracy and the health of our democracy, and a pledge of working toward a better situation in the next four years than we've had in recent years in terms of political polarization. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, Melissa, and sorry to be late joining the call. It's good to see you both, and I'm taking over for Rivka. Jim, let's turn it now to you. You've stated that race is the most important religious issue in this election and that 2020 is a test of democracy and faith. So can you elaborate on your thoughts?   WALLIS: Well, just to agree with most of what the chair of the advisory committee I was on, so I like it when she's my boss. And she was very eloquent there about the polarization. Everything she says is so true and so dangerous. But I do want to bring the central element of race to this polarization. After the election in 2016, I remember saying right after that this is all about race. And I was really pilloried by many people who said, no, it's not. Well, the data now shows that it was and is. Let me give you a hopeful sign because people of faith are supposed to look at where hope is. So there's a sermon, I always look for good sermons, right. There's a sermon out there that gives me a lot of hope. In states where governors are literally trying to suppress early voting, I see long lines of people stepping up, standing up, driving a long way, waiting in line for a long time with record turnouts that we haven't seen before. And when I first saw that in Georgia and Texas, and they were standing there, I think, not despite voter suppression, which was happening, or even voter intimidation, which is now threatened, but because of it—because of it. They were standing up in line determined not to move.   And I just tweeted out that that reminded me of the first free and fair election in South Africa. Because I was involved in that, it felt like that to me. My tweets don't always get a thousand likes in twenty minutes, and forty thousand in twenty-four hours, and ten thousand retweets. I like to say they did, but they don't—this one did. There's a sermon out there, people are standing up, who understand as Black pastors, and parents tell me every day that this is a life and death election for them. When asked why they say the future and safety of their children. Now, in response to sermon, an altar call has gone out. This is my evangelical tradition. The altar call is clergy are showing up at the polling places. We've had this plan for over a year. "Lawyers and collars" we call it. Lawyers there to protect legal rights. The clergy with collars—Christian, Jewish, Muslim—alongside to protect threatened voters from intimidation. And this for us isn't a partisan issue or even a political issue, it's theological. I've had conversations with election officials in all these states where we quote Genesis, myself and a Black bishop, we quote Genesis: "And God made all humankind in God's own image and likeness." That's relevant to when you target votes to be suppressed because of the color of their skin. This is a throwing away imago Dei, the "image of God," or racialized policing. This isn't just political, this is theological. And so we have lawyers and collars in nine battleground states led by Black clergy and white allies. And clergy are coming to be chaplains at the polls. And even more will come after—I got a video last night from Steph Curry, an NBA basketball player, who's calling out young pastors to come to the polls. So really even more young pastors.   So this is really about whether there's going to be a "we" going forward in this country. Who's going to be the "us," who's going to be the "we." And the fact that we are moving from a white majority nation to a majority of minorities is underneath everything in this election, because I don't think we've ever committed ourselves in this country to a genuine multiracial democracy. And that's what this election is finally about. Now with that, I talked to some George Mason students on conflict resolution yesterday. And I said, when you're talking about a change this big, a genuine multiracial democracy, it's going to create conflict. It's going to create conflict. And Jesus said blessed are the, He didn't say peace lovers, He said peacemakers. Conflict resolvers—we're going to need a lot of conflict resolution, it's overcoming polarization. It certainly is that, but the polarization is deep. And Melissa is right, it's because we are separate from each other. We are racially geographically divided, purposely. Because as a Little League coach—I'll tell you, when moms get together and talk about the future of their kids, kids that I've coached, their hopes, their dreams, their fears, it's a bonding thing. It doesn't cross racial lines in this kind of country. How do we come together and understand who each other are as human beings made in the image of God? This is deeply theological. And media outlets are trying to prevent us from seeing that. And it isn't just the last several years, this administration is running on division. They're running on division because their core campaign tactic is running on division. And so that's what's at stake in this election. And it has everything to do what is being polarized, which is polarizing humankind over race and culture. So a lots at stake in this election and the country's feeling that right now.   FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And now we'll will turn to all of you for questions and comments. So you can click on the participants’ screen at the bottom of your desktop to raise your hand there or click on the "more" button to raise your hand in that context. And we have the first, I'm going to take the first question from the chat from Reverend Canon Peg Chemberlin. "Melissa, do you see interest in each party for this work? Do you see national religious leadership embracing the report and developing work related to it?"   ROGERS: Thanks, Irina. You want to go ahead and answer? Yes, so my friend, Peg Chemberlin, who also served with us on the Advisory Council that Jim was referencing earlier. So thank you, Peg, it's great to hear from you and we appreciate your work always. So I can tell you that while we were working on the report, we reached out very widely to people who worked for past Republican administrations and past Democratic administrations, people of different ideological and religious stripes, and we felt like there was a real hunger on the part of people to try to work together and become less divided than we currently are. It was also the case, we saw real differences and imported differences over policy. But we heard at the same time the hunger to try to work together and listen to one another and that there is a number of pieces where we actually find common ground. And especially since we're before the Council on Foreign Relations meeting today, I wanted to emphasize all the common ground that we have on foreign policy issues, including about educating our diplomats so that they have better religious literacy when they go to work, and ensuring that we promote religious freedom around the world. We can't often agree about religious freedom at home, whether we have school vouchers or a governmental display that might include religious elements, but we can agree that what's happening to Uighur Muslims in China is a travesty that we must stop. So there was a lot of agreement reflected in the conversations in the report, and I hope that it will trigger many more conversations that will enable us to find more common ground even as we deal constructively with our differences.   FASKIANOS: Go ahead, Jim.   WALLIS: Melissa describes common ground so well and that's true. I've got all kinds—what we're facing right now is not Republican or Democrat. It's not conservative or liberal, left of right. There are real differences, genuine differences in democracy about many of those things with which we can find common ground. And Melissa and I have seen that happen again and again. I was on a call last night with evangelicals about the election, and there were evangelicals there who had been Republican their whole lives and who care about the issues that she was talking about. But they're speaking up and standing up now because they don't see that. There's all kinds of people from all kinds of traditions that have legitimately different views and different perspectives. But we're facing a call to division. This is a campaign based on division that makes polarization even more dangerous. I'm having to raise no matter what forum I'm in these days because that's what we're facing now. And I think the report is brilliant, by the way, just brilliant. You should all read it. It talks about how people who the Clinton, Bush, Obama administrations—Republicans and Democrats their whole lives—how they can find common ground. But are we looking for common ground? Are we trying to find common ground? That's the question here. And I think a lot of us want to but the danger of the polarization—we're living in different universes in this country where people aren't talking to people different than them. They're not even watching or listening to the same media sources. When I say what do you think about this or that, they haven't seen that. They haven't even read that. And if they knew where it's from, they wouldn't even pay attention to it. So we're at a place of being deliberately divided. And we're already, because we're human, full of divisions anyway. And with the report that Melissa and E.J. did, it’s almost a roadmap for how to bring us together. But we have to embrace roadmap of trying to find common ground amid all these polarized differences.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Razi Hashmi, and please identify yourself and unmute yourself.   HASHMI: Hi, Irina, Melissa, and Jim—great to be here with you. I am a CFR term member and foreign policy professional. So my question is related to not just the report, but also the elections and politics. So those on the left are often painted as being anti-religion or at war with religion, but in fact, there's a large and vocal religious contingent to those on the left. So whether it be Muslim, Jews, or those from other, maybe dharmic traditions. And so what advice do you have for those that are on the political left to really have conversations about religion? And especially when the other side typically has a very restricted, either Judeo-Christian kind of perspective on things, and how do we broaden the dialogue to ensure that all faith groups, and those that don't believe anything, are part of a conversation to focus on the problems facing America. Thank you.   WALLIS: You're describing the class I've got in three hours at Georgetown, all those people. It's called, “Faith, Race, and Politics 2020.” And they're from all our traditions, or no tradition, or even people who have left traditions or even call themselves agnostics on their most hopeful day, and yet we're having this conversation about how the faith factor, or how our different traditions or different moral sensibilities can bring us together across these ideological lines that Melissa was talking about. And I see it, it's my most hopeful time of the week, every week to see these young students who are finding the value or the spiritual value that can really transform politics, the faith factor. Ideologically, we're just so divided. And Melissa and I know people on the Hill who won't even talk together about any of this. Is there a way to go deeper than politics? I say don't go left, don't go right, go deeper. How do we go deeper on these international issues that you're speaking of that there is a lot of? But internationally, people are terrified of what's happening in this country. That's what I hear all the time, about the polarization and the moving apart from each other.   So this issue of division and what it means to bring people together is the very heart of our politics. We've got to go forward, we can't go back to normal. Normal wasn't good for a lot of people, people of color. Normal wasn't good before this administration. So we'd have to go back to better. How do we get better? And I think Joe Biden's trying to figure that out, too. I don't think he can solve all the answers by far, but we need a door opener to a better conversation. And the report that Melissa co-wrote is one of those great roadmaps. But how do we get to a roadmap? We're throwing out the roadmap. Part of this country is throwing out the roadmap to a common good. It's saying we're going to vote for who we hate, despise, and have no relationship to. Relationship is what brings people together, time and time and time again. We've been structured out of relationship geographically, media-wise, and certainly racially. We've been deliberately divided from each other. And until we overcome that division, the roadmaps won't even be read.   FASKIANOS: Melissa, do you want to add to that?   ROGERS: I'd just add really quickly, I do think it's a problem that sometimes religion is not seen in more progressive communities. And it's there, it's just not recognized, including by the media. And so we need to hold people accountable when they're not recognizing all the people of faith on the progressive side. And including, sometimes religious liberty claims are thought to be just the province of the conservatives. And if you look, you see nuns and Native Americans protesting events, pipelines running across their property because that's a religious problem for them or protesting over a border wall being built as one Catholic diocese did because they object to the border wall for religious reasons. So it's very important to highlight these things. I think journalists play an important role there. And I think, as we're thinking about how to work on these issues, language is so important. And we developed several sections in our report to language and how it's mistreated oftentimes. For example, people will say things like, well, the debate over LGBTQ rights is between religious people and LGBTQ people, entirely missing the point that many LGBTQ people are themselves religious, not even to mention the allies of LGBTQ people who are religious, and that there are arguments on both sides here that are made by religious people and sometimes inflected with religious freedom concerns. So part of our task is to work on our language so that we communicate better and hold media outlets responsible for doing better in terms of reflecting the realities that we live in.   WALLIS: Very quickly to underscore that point and your question, Razi. The core of the Democratic Party are African-American women. That's the core of the Democratic Party. The most religious population in the country, by far, and yet, when Democrats are reluctant to talk about religion, they make a big mistake here. So it's really a mistake for the left to be reluctant to embrace. Melissa's right, I'm with faith all the time who are in those protests and marches and struggles. And we're all over the place. And the Black churches have been the core of social movements in this country for a very long time—deeply people of faith. So how we get over this bifurcation and the whole, and when they say evangelical, I said last night on the broadcast, they mean white evangelical, because if you talk about Black evangelical—Black churches won't use evangelical because it has that taint of white evangelical. But Black churches are very evangelical, theologically. And so there's a whole conversation about faith that Melissa and E.J. are inviting us to, what does it mean to have faith. And let's not be afraid of faith, but let's make sure that faith is shaping our politics from traditions. And people of no faith at all have to be in this conversation. So this is a great, wonderful conversation that young people are ready for. A new generation is ready for a new conversation about how faith can help us going forward into genuinely a multiracial democracy.   FASKIANOS: Great. I'm looking at lots of questions here, both raised hands and in the chat, so I am overwhelmed with it. Tom Walsh talks about, "Can you comment on what it's like in the pews in the churches given the polarization, what's the pastor to do? Speak what they believe is trust to power or try to stay abstract and voice general principles? Are individual churches and temples fractured, do believers turn or tune into their MSNBC church or their Fox News' church." And somebody else also put in about, Whitney Bodman about the "call to come together sounds like a pie sentiment, a great idea, but without legs—since we're so siloed, where do you see the opportunities, the places where this can happen? My church, for instance, is solidly Democratic. We preach inclusivity, but God forbid, a Republican can walk through the door." So if you might want to pair those two?   WALLIS: Melissa?   ROGERS: Yes. So first, let me express my appreciation for all pastors and clergy. You carry a heavy load, and I have never been called to the ministry, and so I cannot adequately appreciate what you do, but I want to say thanks to you because I think it is really a challenge and it's becoming more so. I think, and Jim can speak more to this, it's very important, of course, to preach what God has laid on your heart and to preach words of justice, I think, especially today, when there are so many injustices that we see around us, including, most prominently, racial injustice and, hatred of other people and fearmongering of other people. I guess I think that in all these issues, they're going to be some places where reasonable minds are going to differ, but there's so much that we can unite around just to get started around saying no fearmongering on factors like race, religion, and ethnicity. That's not only un-American, it's at least against my religious tradition. And are we going to hold our elected leaders accountable for those kinds of things? Are we going to hold them accountable for not endangering the lives and the very safety of our fellow Americans? I think that's something we can come around very strongly all together. And then they're going to be issues where we differ. Sometimes, in my experience in the church, the best time to deal with the issues where we differ is in small group settings, where we engage one another in conversation and real listening, back and forth dialogue, so that we can correct each other when we're misunderstanding things. So that would be some suggestion.   How do we find common ground? I think we sometimes try to find common ground on too big of an issue, and instead we should be splitting off smaller issues to build trust. So for example, when Jim and I and Peg were on the Advisory Council under President Obama, we couldn't agree about whether certain issues of non-discrimination and taxpayer funding when they flowed to religious organizations. But we could agree, despite those disagreements, we could agree that social service beneficiaries, people who are getting federally funded social service benefits that are struggling need their rights protected. And we could add protections to ensure that no matter your faith or beliefs, that you're never turned away from a federally funded provider of social services, and we could agree on that. And that meant something. So I think looking sometimes for other issues, smaller issues, as places to start that are significant and of themselves and can be trust builders as we move forward is one way to think about it.   WALLIS: I've had megachurch pastors say to me, I only have my people if I'm lucky for an hour and a half, two hours a week. And Fox News has them 24/7—I don't have a chance. And then, there are other places where a sermon can sound like an MSNBC white paper. So how do we get beyond that? How do we get beyond our partisan, political, ideological polarization? For example, the fear question that Melissa talked about, so the mom of one of my staff was in her choir one morning practicing for church and the choir director says a prayer at the end before church and she said, "Lord, protect us from those caravans of immigrants that are coming from the South and full of drug dealers and rapists and leprosy," which I didn't see much leprosy there, and the mom said, "Wait a minute, we don't talk that way about of fear in this church. We talk about what it means to welcome our neighbors."   So getting back to the core issues of our faith, big and small, the small issues are important. But I want to say I spoke to a bunch of pastors a few weeks ago. I said, "Every week, all our pastors should say that white supremacy is anti-God. Anti-God, period. And antichrist. That's just the truth. And we have to say that in the middle of a conversation like this. And what does it mean for churches to then implement that in the way they relate one to another after this election? And so I want to say getting back for me as a Christian, it's what did Jesus say? And did He mean it? There are questions He asks, like who's my neighbor? And the Good Samaritan parable, which He used, suggests clearly the neighbor is the one who's different than you. That's what the text says—different from you. So loving our neighbors, with no exceptions, becomes a spiritual issue and also deeply a political one for this time. So pastors are in the middle of this because they're in politically polarized congregations. So how do we bring them back to the faith traditions of their people? I would say, love your people enough to preach the gospel to them. And I think that's what we're facing right now.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Bawa Jain. And please unmute yourself.   JAIN: Good afternoon, everybody. As good to see you, albeit virtually, Jim, after a long time. It's been a while since we met together. And hearing you all gives me some encouragement. But I'm wondering whether the people that we have on the call today are already the converted? Are we preaching to the converted? My question here is that I go back actually to Reverend Dr. C.T. Vivian, God bless his soul, who said to me, he says, "Bawa, we thought the days of segregation are over." Boy, were we wrong. I say this because when other people of faith, we know by all conservative estimates that 90 percent of our country follows one faith or the other, right? These religious leaders are uniquely equipped with a pulse of the issues in their own communities, yet, we are afraid to engage them. Why is media not covering the kind of things which you are telling us? My question is, can we move from all the papers that have been produced, I have nothing against them, I have great respect to building this into a movement that every common person on the street understand these issues and say, this is beyond what each ideology is left or right, red or blue. We are the United States. What can we do to make this a global movement? This is a time—time is ripe for this. What can we do?   ROGERS: So, I would just say, I thank you for your comments because they illustrate the pain and the fact that we want to be in one place and we are yet in another. And that pain has been certainly very much present for me in recent years. And so what do we do to overcome it? And I think it's going to take all of us putting in a lot of very intense effort. I know so many on this call, this is what you're doing. I'm preaching to the choir. But this election season has provided, and I think the aftermath of the election season, should provide us with opportunities for us to even take what we're doing to the next level, have conversations. I know it's prompted me to have conversations and reach out to people and devote more of my time to this than I ever have in the past because it is that essential. And because truly, lives are at stake. We have people who are being—their houses of worship are being attacked and set on fire. And they are being bullied and knocked down in the street simply because of the way they practice their faith. That is beyond, beyond, unacceptable. And so it's prompting, I think, a lot of us to take it to a new level and to do things that frankly I haven't done in the past, which is to engage people who I know are in my circles who disagree with me, including family members, and have those conversations for the first time in my life. That's been painful. But it's also been something that I feel like I cannot avoid. So I'm hoping that all of us, I think all of us are having these feelings on this call. And it's a question of can we share what we're learning and what we're doing and do things that are unprecedented for us and maybe even a little painful for us because the alternative is unthinkable.   WALLIS: Bawa, you're right, when you raised the tough question. A lot of us have been doing endless Zoom calls like this, all these past several weeks. But I don't know if these calls are getting to anybody who hasn't already decided how they're going to vote when, realistically, we're often preaching to the choir. So I was preaching to a big church in Charlotte, actually predominately white church, but very progressive church, on issues like race. And I said, "They say I'm preaching to the choir here." And the place was full of it and they all clap. I said, "Well, yeah, you're the choir." But good does it do if the choir stays in the choir loft? This choir ought to get outside this church, cross the sidewalk and get into the streets, because the choir has to just not sit there and feel like they're so righteous, and the others are so wrong, which is how we do this again and again. We have a serious—polarization is a way to describe it—but it's division. Eddie Glaude says we're in a quiet Civil War. Now, Melissa referred in her opening remarks to the danger of this becoming not so quiet. No matter how the election turns out, divisions aren't going away. This election won't be solved by a candidate or a vaccine. This is a polarization that goes very deep. And so the choir has got to get outside of the choir lofts and do what Melissa is saying. What does it mean to really listen and talk to people, even at Thanksgiving dinners, who are very different than us? That's going to be facing us no matter who wins this election. These issues aren't going away.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Tereska Lynam.   LYNAM: Hi, thank you so much for taking my call. Can you reinforce some ideas that we individually can go following on from your comment, Jim and Melissa, your opening comments? What energetically can we do as individuals for the days and weeks and months following the election, both if it goes our way and if it doesn't go our way? And how can we individually heal our families, our friendships, our communities because they are so fractured, and we do have so many different information points. Thank you so much. Have a great day.   WALLIS: Let me start with the days—five days. This election must be free, and fair, and safe. And all of us have to respond to the altar call, if you will, to make it so. That is so crucial because this election going one way or the other will be decisive in what we're facing going forward. And so I've got to do everything I can with lawyers and collars and Black clergy and their white allies to make sure these votes are all protected and counted. There's now the threat of voter intimidation, which we've never seen before. Like we have now real chaplains trained at the polls and for events afterwards to do what they do if conflict breaks out. So that's crucial.   But then the day after or the week after, who knows how long it will take to resolve this election, where we go forward is crucial here. And it's got to be very practical. We need concrete changes in the systems in this country. And I love it when I'm home with my boys and they and their friends every night talk about how to refound, as Eddie Glaude says, the third founding of this nation. The nation has to be refounded all over again. And that's the opportunity but the danger is going back to—literally we have our best angels in this country and our worst demons. Our best angels and our worst demons. We have our best angels and ideology often covers that Melissa does so well to explain. What are our best angels here, but we have our worst demons. And right now what's being appealed to is America's darkest side. Our worst demons and those demons have to be defeated. This is in my tradition, we call it "spiritual warfare." That's what's going on here. And so how do we get through that and understand that going for we got to change our ideological, partisan, party identities and ask what are our deepest and best angels or values? And how do we build on them going forward?   ROGERS: Yes, I would just add, I agree with all of Jim's comments. I think that it is very important to remember the power of your voice. Never underestimate the power of your voice, including with your elected representatives. I think that it's too often we think that, well, it's just me, I wouldn't really make a difference. And I sound like your eighth-grade civics textbook. But I've been on the other side of government working in government and see how when a person raises their voice and writes that letter, calls their office, says to their leaders, I expect better from you and I am watching you and I am telling you that this is unacceptable what you're doing right now. On the flip side to praise them for something good that they have done. That matters. It sends ripples and it matters. So please, I hope all of us will be saying, if we see our elected representatives going the wrong way, including things as awful as dehumanization of people, that we will, or spreading lies and conspiracy theories, or encouraging or inciting violence, even if unintentionally, even if the remarks are just flirting in this direction, we can't have that right now. And so I think holding everyone accountable, raising your voice, you can't take that for granted. Please do that. And know that we also have to hold our own side accountable. Dehumanization is not okay if it's done by somebody that we voted for. We have to then go to them and say, wait a minute, your language here is scaring me and you need to retract and do better. So all those things are very important in addition to all the things Jim mentioned.   FASKIANOS: And just to follow on somebody asked, it's not just about doing things individually, what should we do as the church or the synagogue or whatever you're— the mosque? What should we be doing as a body?   ROGERS: Well, I'll throw in a couple—go ahead, Jim, did you want to go?   WALLIS: Just to underscore what Melissa just said, your voice, every one of us is an influencer. When we look at influencers and say—I'm not them, they don't listen to me, I can't do anything. Everyone on this call has circles of influence. And when you trust your voice, the way Melissa's saying, that to quote a chat here from the comments, gives legs to what it means to bring us together. So in the synagogue, in the congregation, in the mosque, we need to trust our voices with our fellow congregants, with our clergy. Our voices, each of us has influence, so don't get off the hook by blaming other influencers. There's a lot to blame there, for sure. But each of us has influence so where we have a voice, use it, and use it in ways that are risky. You're afraid to speak because you don't know what other people are going to think. A lot of pastors are afraid. To use your voice means to take some risk, it means to trust your voice, trust your values, trust your faith, and use your voice even if that is risky.   ROGERS: Yes, I would say one easy thing for, and hear I'm speaking mainly to white, predominantly Christian churches, is to reach out to congregations in your city or neighborhood that are different, whether they're predominantly African-American Christian churches, whether it's predominantly Hispanic, or whether they are Jewish synagogues, or mosques, or gurdwaras. Those of us who do not feel threatened for the practice our faith every day, cannot adequately appreciate how our neighbors are feeling threatened merely for practicing their faith every day. So one easy step and you can work on your own through congregations, or you can work with something like the Know Your Neighbor coalition organized by my friend Gurwin Ahuja or the Multi-faith Neighborhood Network organized by Jim, excuse me by Imam [Mohamed] Magid and Bob Roberts, two good friends of mine, who help congregations and religious leaders come together across religious difference, and racial difference, and ethnicity differences and protect each other's lives and rights. That small step of reaching out to other congregations and say, we want to make sure that you feel comfortable in this neighborhood, that you feel safe. What can we do to help you? That can be one simple task that any church could do.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, I'm going to take a written question from Salam Al-Marayati of the Muslim Public Affairs Council: "How do you suggest we counter the rise of religious nationalism, which is racializing religion? It's popping up in other parts of the world and also here in the U.S."   WALLIS: Well, there is a growing movement; the Washington Post had a story about it just this week. A growing movement of Christian nationalism, even called "patriot churches" in this country. It's the worst of that white evangelical heresy, which is what it is, that puts the nation first. And there really is no difference between Christian nationalism and white Christian nationalism. I mean, this is something that that is seen and felt by so many of our brothers and sisters of color, and who are really watching what happens in this conflict in these days and this election. To go back to what Melissa referred to, I'm a white Christian. I'll say that. Or even a white evangelical at its best. However, what is the operative word in that phrase? Is a Christian? Or is it white? Is it evangelical or is white? That's going to be really revealed in powerful ways in these next few days. And a whole lot of Black pastors and church leaders tell me that if racism isn't a deal breaker for white Christians, they're not sure they want to work with those white churches anymore. And I'll tell you, a whole generation of multiracial young people are never going back to church, if, in the end, white and American and nationalism overcomes what our traditions that we all know, say. And so this election is a test of democracy, it is that. It's also a test of faith, the integrity of faith going forward. Not just who wins the election, but what people will think of us as people of faith, particularly, as white people of faith going forward. But that's really all at stake now. It goes past the election, but this election is critical to defining a context and a framework for how we're going forward.   ROGERS: Yes, I just throw in a mention of a project run by the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty where I used to work. They've got a project called "Christians Against Christian Nationalism.” And that is also a productive effort that is trying to tackle these issues in a constructive way.   FASKIANOS: There is a question from Mark Brinkmoeller: "In the book, American Grace: How Religion Divides and Unites Us, Robert Putnam and his collaborators relate that their research shows that when political beliefs clash with theological beliefs, we here in the United States more often change our theological position to conform. What does this suggest about the state teaching or formation of U.S. religious bodies?" Melissa, do you want to go first?   ROGERS: Sorry, yes, I was on mute for a minute there. So I believe, and pardon me, I had a minute where I could hear what you're saying, but I believe it was about we're too apt to change our religious beliefs to fit our politics. Is that it?   FASKIANOS: Right, it was based on Bob Putnam's book.   ROGERS: Okay, yes, I think that's a good caution. And my friend Mark Brinkmoeller, I want to thank him for chiming in, he's another person working in these fields very intently and productively. So yes, we have to have people hold us accountable. One of the things that I think is a very productive, practical suggestion of many, including Arthur Brooks, is that we have friendships, we have close friendships with people whose politics differ somewhat than our own but share the same faith tradition. And that we try to hold each other accountable for things that we see that don't add up in the other person's perspective. So in preparing for this report, for example, we had a very good conversation with Peter Wehner, who has different political leanings than I do but is also a Christian. And so I think having those conversations can point out blind spots that we have in our own approach where we might be missing something theologically that we ought to be paying attention to and making sure that we're not letting politics control our fate.   WALLIS: I wouldn't normally lift up a podcast that I do in a webinar like this, but it goes right to Mark's question. Every time I do it, like yesterday, I said, this is a podcast for people who think that faith should shape their politics rather than the other way around. And the other way around is what happens, as Mark is suggesting, all the time. Mike Gerson, for example, Peter Wehner's best friend, Mike Gerson and I once did a poverty caucus, we had chief staff, legislative staff from Republican and Democratic sides work on ten poverty issues that need solutions. They had to be faith people from different sides of the political aisle. And Mike and I were amazed at the creative solutions that they came up with to these ten serious poverty problems. But when we began to start this poverty caucus, none of their principals, none of their bosses would enter in, because it meant talking with and working with the other side. I mean, these policymakers found answers instead of just finger pointing and blaming, they found solutions, and nobody wanted to hear them because of the party fighting on both sides. So that's why the faith factor could be really crucial here. And I want to keep raising that—what does the faith factor mean in our polarization and our division, in particular. All of our faith traditions talk about how we're being brought together as all of us made in the image and likeness of God. I go right back to the first book in the Bible, right there.   ROGERS: And could I just really quickly, Irina. Thanks, Jim, those were great comments. I remember that project very fondly and well. One of the things that both Jim and I are saying that I don't want to be lost is that both of us insists that people of all faiths and none are equal Americans, and that we should be defending each other's rights. And that's another divide that we need to extend our hand across that divide because religious people care about religion and non-religious people care about religion, because religion ends up affecting them. And so how do we go to bat for each other's rights to make sure that all the differences that we have to bridge are done, or that we do so, and that we defend everybody's equal dignity and infinite worth no matter of faith, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, and more?   WALLIS: And young people are looking to who's defending the rights of others. That's what young people are looking toward. Who's doing that?   FASKIANOS: Great. And the final question I may take is from Thomas Uthup, "What is the role of media in spraying division versus unity?   WALLIS: Melissa, go ahead.   FASKIANOS: And how do we hold them accountable?   ROGERS: That's a biggie. And I hasten to add, I could name quickly a bunch of journalists and media outlets who are doing a marvelous job in this space. But then we also have those who are not doing so good of a job. And unfortunately, a lot of newspapers and media outlets have recently, over the past few years, cut the person that they had looking at religion and public life. And so then you'll have somebody who's not as practiced in these issues covering it, and they wander into any number of errors. So we just have to be very vocal. I mean, I know Jim, you have this experience, there are all kinds of times where I see things that are wrong in journalistic accounts. And I just contact the person and I would say nine times out of ten, I get some result out of that. Even a headline change, something that was misstated, corrected, a relationship with a reporter that makes a difference the next time. So I think sometimes we are too passive. And we just don't do that. It shouldn't be just a few people who are doing that. It's everybody who picks up their paper and see something wrong or tunes in and says, here's what's wrong, listen to me. And I would say nine times out of ten, you're going to get a better result. And that's worth working for. So that's it. Those are my thoughts.   WALLIS: Well, messaging is crucial for us going forward. And media and politics always see the value in bifurcation, in binary choices. And in conflict, they're looking for conflict. Melissa and I often look for people who are talking about how Christians, Jews, and Muslims are coming together on things. And there's all kinds of stories all over the country—amazing stories. The media never covers those stories. It likes to cover the conflict. We got to, in some ways, we have to create our own media. I'm all for calling up those reporters and trying to help them see a different world. But the messaging, in the faith we have our own messaging, we have our own outlets, we have our own publications, we have our newsletters, and I want to see our messaging be different and better and not just rely on huge media outlets that really are defining what to do by profit, despite some of the best reporters I've ever seen in the media. So a whole new generation of reporting has to happen. And I think people have faith have to be part of that, and say, we're going to change the message here. The message here is Jesus says the truth will set you free. And we're in bondage to media that is based on things that just aren't true and making us even not believe there is truth. That's even the deeper problem than the lies. Those who want to say there is no truth, so just trust me. That's what strongmen always do. And that's we're facing again.   FASKIANOS: Well, thank you both, for today's terrific call and to all the rich conversation that was going on in the chat and raised hands. I'm sorry, we couldn't get to all of you. But we'll have to continue the conversation in the wake of the election. So we encourage you to follow Melissa and Jim. You can follow Melissa on Twitter @melissarogers and @jimwallis. So those are their Twitter handles. We put in the chat a link to the report that Melissa and E.J. Dionne co-authored. And we'll share that in a follow up email as well. And please follow our Religion and Foreign Policy program on Twitter @CFR_Religion. We'll be holding more of these webinars in the coming weeks. So again, thank you, Jim and Melissa, for today's discussion. We appreciate it. And everybody, vote. Vote for sure. Stay well and stay safe and we hopefully can preserve unity or encourage unity in the wake of the election, regardless which way it goes.   ROGERS: Thank you, Irina. Thanks, Jim. Thanks, everyone.  
  • Nigeria
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    Samuel Brownback, ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, discusses extremism and the decline of religious freedom in Northern Nigeria. John Campbell, Ralph Bunche senior fellow for Africa policy studies at CFR, moderates.
  • COVID-19
    Senegal Pilgrimage Tests Resistance to COVID-19
    Senegal is a major center of West African Islam, and its imams, mullah, and brotherhoods are influential across the Sahel. The holy city of Touba, 120 miles east of the Senegalese capital of Dakar, is the site of a major, annual pilgrimage called the Magal, which is now underway. While no estimates are yet available as to the number of participants this year, in past years there have been as many as five million. The pilgrimage is organized by the Mourides sect of Islam. The caliph of the sect issued a call for the pilgrimage, and the government of Senegal has not objected. Many government officials will participate. Such is the power of the Mourides sect that any government would be hard-pressed to stop the Magal, perhaps the world's largest gathering thus far during the pandemic. (The Magal commemorates the French exile of the Mourides sect's founder during the colonial period when Senegal was part of the French West Africa empire.) The government of Senegal has received high marks for its efforts to control the pandemic with extensive testing and fast turn-around times. It seems to have worked. For example, on October 6, out of 777 tests, only nineteen were positive. Nevertheless, conventional wisdom would see the Magal as a COVID-19 disaster. Social distancing is impossible; water shortages mean limited opportunities, if any, for handwashing. While some pilgrims are masked, most are not, according to Western media.  If there is no great upsurge in COVID-19 cases as a result of the Magal, that would be further evidence that special factors are at work in West Africa that limit the spread of COVID-19, or at least of the illness and mortality that accompany the virus elsewhere. There are a number of different hypotheses: the World Health Organization estimates that some 80 percent of COVID cases in Africa are asymptomatic. Further, Africans tend to live much of their lives outdoors, and the population is younger than elsewhere in the world, both factors that reduce the severity of the illness. The Senegal minister of health says that he has deployed five thousand monitors to Touba, and Senegal's statistics—while not perfect—are better than elsewhere in Africa. Hence, the likelihood is better than elsewhere that the incidence of COVID-19 during the pilgrimage will become known.
  • Local and Traditional Leadership
    Sharia Punishments Embarrass Nigeria
    Inhumane sharia punishments, including flogging, amputations, and stoning, have long embarrassed the federal government of Nigeria. That is happening now, with the 120-month prison sentence handed down by a Kano sharia court to a thirteen-year-old boy, Omar Farouq, and the death sentence handed down by the same court, again for blasphemy, on a twenty-two-year-old musician, Yahaya Sharif, for a song he shared on social media. A third, Mubarak Bala, a self-proclaimed atheist, has disappeared in police custody. These cases have attracted attention in the international press and in Nigeria. The director of the Auschwitz-Birkenau holocaust museum, Piotr Cywinski, has appealed to President Buhari to secure the boy's release, and has recruited 119 volunteers worldwide, each of whom is willing to serve one month of the boy's sentence. (President Buhari has visited Auschwitz.) With respect to musician Yahaya Sharif, eighty-five thousand have signed a petition to save his life. Those signatories presumably are mostly Nigerian.  Thus far, there has been no comment from President Buhari's office, while the Kano governor's office has said, "the position of Kano state government remains the decision of the sharia court," according to Western media. According to the constitution, Nigeria is a secular state with guarantees of freedom of religion and free speech. But in twelve predominately Muslim states in the north of the country, Islamic law, sharia, operates in the criminal as well as the religious domain, though only Muslims are supposed to be subject to it. Sharia is not uniform and varies from state to state, though blasphemy appears to be a capital crime in all of them.  Under Nigeria's constitution, federal law is superior to state law including sharia. Federal authorities prevent the implementation of inhumane sharia sentences and have voided sharia decisions that are contrary to federal law. In fact, a sharia court has carried out only one death sentence since 1999, as far as is publicly known. However, for the federal authorities to intervene they must know about the case. If the defendant has a lawyer or access to the media, that happens. If, however, the defendant cannot afford a lawyer and has no media access, his fate may well be determined by the full rigor of sharia. Sharia and its punishments often command popular support: a mob burned down the house of musician Yahaya Sharif after his arrest, with no consequences. However, there are Nigerian qadis (sharia court judges) that are seeking to reform sharia punishments, arguing the most inhumane are imported from the Middle East and are not congruent with true Islam.   The context of these accelerating episodes involving sharia is the declining power of the federal government and the concomitant growth in the authority of governors and local rulers. For example, the police are supposed to be national, but formal and informal militias are becoming increasingly powerful. Sharif was arrested by what the media describes as "Islamic police." It is likely that he was arrested by the Hisbah, a vigilante force that enforces sharia regulation, especially with respect to dress. The Hisbah often has recognition from the state in which it operates, but not the federal government.
  • China
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  • Religion
    Comparing Models of Advancing Religious Freedom Abroad
    Play
    Knox Thames, senior fellow at the Institute for Global Engagement, Ahmed Shaheed, U.N. special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, and Liv Kvanvig, coordinator for the International Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religion or Belief, discuss models from around the world for advancing freedom of religion. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program.   FASKIANOS: Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. As a reminder, today's webinar is on the record. The video and transcript will be available on our website CFR.org and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. So, we're delighted to have with us today Liv Kvanvig, Ahmed Shaheed, and Knox Thames to lead today's discussion.   Liv Kvanvig is the director for the International Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religions or Belief and the head of Freedom of Religion or Belief section within the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. She joined the NHC after having worked for the Norwegian Human Rights Fund. There, she was responsible for support to local human rights organizations in countries such as India, Indonesia, Thailand, and Liberia. She was also employed by the Norwegian Center for Human Rights and the Norwegian Immigration Appeals Board.   Ahmed Shaheed assumed his mandate as Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief in 2016. He is also deputy director of the Essex Human Rights Center. He was the first Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran since the termination of the previous Commission on Human Rights mandate in 2002. A career diplomat, Dr. Shaheed has twice held the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs of Maldives. He led Maldives' effort to embrace international human rights standards between 2003 and 2011. He's won numerous awards, including in 2015, the UN Foundation Leo Nevas Human Rights Award, and in 2009, he was recognized as the Muslim Democrat of the Year by the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy.   And Knox Thames is a senior fellow at the Institute for Global Engagement. He also serves as a visiting expert at the U.S. Institute of Peace with the Middle East and Religion Inclusive Societies teams. Previously, Mr. James worked at the State Department and two different U.S. government foreign policy commissions. He served across two administrations as a special advisor for religious minorities in the Near East and South and Central Asia at the State Department. He received a civil service appointment in September 2015 to lead the State Department's efforts to address the situation of religious minorities in these regions. And he's also served as the U.S. Commission for International Religious Freedom, and the U.S. Army War College as an adjunct research professor. So, welcome all, thanks for being with us today. Knox, let's begin with you to give us an overview of the current U.S. government initiatives to advance religious freedom abroad.   THAMES: Sure thing, thank you Irina. And, you know to start with an interesting idea that the Uniform Code of Military Justice specifies a court martial if any officer sends her soldiers into battle without a weapon. And I think there ought to be a similar protection for advocates who are trying to do religious freedom work or trying to convey an impression and who aren't equipped with the knowledge to succeed. So I want to thank you, Irina, and I want to thank the Council on Foreign Relations for providing this opportunity where we can talk with two great colleagues of ours who are real advocates in this space and get questions from your unique network to talk about how can we effectively confront persecution and push for greater space for freedom of belief around the world.   The need for more training became apparent as soon as I started this work about twenty years ago. At that time, I was focusing on the former Soviet Union, and we'd get a lot of reports out of Russia and Central Asia about persecution. But they would come in the most unhelpful form possible. It would be single spaced, sometimes handwritten reports in Russian, which I don't read. And they were basically unusable for policymakers who are busy, who are juggling lots of things. You know, you need a concise, bulleted—who, what, when, where, and why—with some action requests to really move the needle. In contrast, the Jehovah's Witnesses were the pros, they would send their attorneys from Brooklyn out into the field, they would participate in the trials of their brethren who were being prosecuted for improper proselytization or something. Then they'd come back to Washington with a two-pager with it to clear requests. And it really made our job easier. And thankfully, in a certain sense, when the Jehovah's Witnesses are facing problems, we knew others were, too, and fixing their problems would really create space for everyone. But it was that sort of need that led Chris Seiple and I to write our book on advocacy—a handbook that broke down at various international systems, giving some tips for how to do this work to equip our colleagues in the field to give them that weapon of knowledge to effectively know how to engage. But since then, since 9/11, since the advent of the ISIS genocide against Yazidis and Christians, I think the field has really evolved, and evolved in positive ways. There's now a strong recognition that, while of course you want to advocate for your own, that's a good thing, that's a natural thing, to see lasting success. There needs to be religious freedom for everyone. And so, we're seeing a movement of NGO's, governments, parliamentarians, and religious leaders all coming together around religious freedom for everyone.   And I like to say that effective religious freedom advocacy will work if it's based on a four-legged stool, and it is bringing those four groups together. Governments and international organizations, civil society, parliamentarians and religious leaders. And if the four of them can be harnessed and brought in the same direction, we know that we can start to see lasting change—and the problem's big. Everyone on the call probably knows about the Pew Forum studies that cite 84 percent of the global community live in countries with higher, very high restrictions on the practice of faith. That doesn't mean everyone's persecuted. But there are only very narrow, permissible lanes of religious activity that they can operate within, and if they step outside of those lanes, they're going to be in a world of hurt. And so, for the one leg of the stool I'm going to talk about this morning, and in a couple of minutes I have left, is the government leg. This is where my time at the State Department working with the great team at the religious freedom office, both with Ambassador Brownback and before with Ambassador Saperstein, we really made an effort to create a multilateral network bringing like-minded countries together around religious freedom for all as defined by Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. So, we avoided the approach of some, like Hungary, with a specific focus on Christian persecution, or the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation with their focus on Muslim persecution. We focused on the right and creating the right and we saw some real movements made with the two ministerials, with our partnership with the Canadians, with the contact group. And then most recently, with the Alliance for International Religious Freedom that brought together the most like-minded countries and was searching for ways to move the needle. So, I think overall, we're seeing positive movement, we're seeing governments find ways to cooperate. We're finding more political leadership, requiring, or creating positions for religious freedom ambassadors. These are all going to be helpful things. Problem's big, but I think working together we can start to move the needle. So, with that, I'll stop and I'm happy to answer any questions after our other colleagues.   FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thanks, Knox. Let's go to you Ahmed, to talk about the UN's current mechanisms for proliferating religious freedom abroad.   SHAHEED: Thank you very much. Good afternoon, all. I'm glad to join this seminar. And thank you for inviting me to this important discussion. As UN's special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, my own mandate is by the Emirates Council, to advance the adoption of measures that promote freedom of religion or belief for all, and focus on the duty bearers, states as duty bearers, to identify and report on existing and emerging challenges to the enjoyment of religious freedom by all and to explore and report to the Council on the gendered aspects of this right. It is international human rights legal framework that underpins my work. In particular, I work to implement Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as Article 18 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In addition, I use the 1981 UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief.   As the world bears witness to the proliferation of violence in the name of religion or belief, and the manipulation of religion in the interest of political ideologies in many parts of the world, it is vital to underline the urgent need for states to implement the internal commitments to respect religious freedom, is the right that only protects the dignity of all human beings, but also is closely linked to sustaining peace, security, and human development. As the primary UN mechanism to advance this right in cutting off my mandate, my working methods include transmitting urgent appeals and allegation letters to governments with regard to cases that require the attention of the government and the international community with regard to either imminent white-rights violations or to have occurred without remedy or address to the victims of such violations. I intake country fact finding missions, detailing engagement with the federal government in a country, to map the issues that are there to work with the UN mechanisms on the ground, and maybe other states as well, to see how that country can move forward in regard to respecting that right for all individuals. I submit a thematic report to the Human Rights Council under assembly up to a year on various trends and challenges that are emerging globally in regard to the enjoyment of this right. In the past three years that I have been working on this mandate, I have written an agenda on what I call implementing the rights safeguarded by the mandate, so an implementation agenda. And like Knox alluded to earlier, it relies on mobilizing a range of international, national, and regional actors on what is sometimes rightly called human rights diplomacy. One of the most basic obstacles for our implementation, that the mandate encounters, is widespread misunderstanding of what this would actually entail, what's  Knox referred to as lack of literacy or not having the right tools to address this subject. Misconceptions abound, that freedom of religion or belief actually is absolute is sometimes argued, that the right can serve majoritarian privilege, rather than a universal human right. Again, that's an argument I hear from many parts of the world. And that this freedom takes precedence over other human rights, including those linked to nondiscrimination, again, a debate that occurs in many parts of the world. Other misconceptions include, as to how, when, and to what extent, this right can be limited when it's very cluttered with other rights in the Human Rights Framework. So, given this misconception in debates, I of course work very closely with other UN mechanisms that are related to my work. So other mandate holders, on say, women's rights, on LGBT+ person's rights, on freedom of expression, on assembly association, we work together to look at a holistic approach to doing this. And of course, in all this work, I do a lot of time on promoting what I call “literacy in freedom of religion or belief,” with the considerable effort invested in highlighting that the law protects individuals with exercising individually or as a group, rather than a religion or belief, per se.   So, I have given a lot of time the past three years, to issues linked to blasphemy laws, or advising governments on legal instrument reform, and working with faith-based groups taking that multi-stakeholder approach that Knox highlighted. My thematic reports have covered in the past three years issues ranging from how counterterrorism measures impact on religious freedom, the nature of the link between state and religion, how that impacts on various rights, anti-hate speech and anti-blasphemy legislation, anti-Semitism, and of course, my most recent report on gender equality. Although I have not hesitated to criticize governments when they fail to protect rights, I also look for opportunities to work with governments, as that has more impact, where there is a political will on the part of the government to work with you on mandates. I've also found that mobilizing international support is important for attaining impact, especially a growing community of envoys and diplomats working in this field, too, as well as Knox himself in his previous time at the State Department. The advantage when the UN flag also has considerable convening capacity, and I use that to engage with a variety of multiple stakeholders to list that Knox mentioned, I would add the media and social media and tech companies and other business as well, to ensure that they all can contribute to addressing the concerns that we all share. I believe that the growing community of diplomats in this area presents both opportunities and challenges to my work. So, I try to mitigate those challenges and maximize opportunities by engaging as widely as possible. My one buzzword is looking for synergies that enables me to work with everybody. And then I’ll respond to any questions you may have. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Ahmed. And Liv, let's talk about your work at the Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religion or Belief to advance freedom of religion.   KVANVIG: Thank you so much, Irina, for inviting me to this seminar and thank you Knox and Ahmed for your introductions. Yes, so my name is Liv Kvanvig and I'm director of the International Panel of Parliamentarians for Freedom of Religion or Belief. I assume that many participants might not know what the IPPFoRB, which is the short version of our long name, stands for maybe or does. So, as a quick introduction, the IPPFoRB was initiated by a small handful of parliamentarians from different countries back in 2014. And Knox Thames has been sort of involved from the beginning of that in his previous capacity. Today, the network consists of more than three hundred current and former parliamentarians from around ninety countries across the globe. The network is committed to advancing and promoting Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, addressing freedom of religion and belief within a human rights context. We have a secretariat that is based in Oslo. We are not parliamentarians, we are full-time staff, running all the operations for the network.   We also have an International Steering Group, which today consists of parliamentarians, current and former ones, from Bolivia, Canada, Malaysia, and Turkey. We engage in capacity building for parliamentarians. The issue of obstacles and misunderstandings related to freedom of religion and belief was just mentioned by the Special Rapporteur. And indeed, when it comes to tools, we try to provide parliamentarians with the right tools to actually be able to tackle challenging issues connected to freedom of religion and belief, not just abroad, but also at home. In order to do that, we engage in everything from regional consultations to more sort of academic closed group discussions over a few days, to organizing local conferences. The last global conference saw 120 parliamentarians and other stakeholders gathered together in Singapore, where 75 parliamentarians from different countries signed what we call the Singapore Declaration, confirming their commitment to advancing freedom of religion or belief for all everywhere as a human right.   In terms of advocacy initiatives, we can do this in various forms. Sometimes we respond to initiatives that some of our parliamentarians themselves want us to help them with. Other times we collaborate, for instance, with USCIRF (United States Commission on International Religious Freedom) in the U.S., or other institutions, to write letters on precarious situations in various countries. In 2020, we have sent letters from the network on Cuba, on the situation for particularly Muslims in India, we have addressed the situation in Pakistan, and we've also most recently sent a letter on the situation for religious minorities in Vietnam. That last letter actually saw the signature of sixty-six parliamentarians from very many countries, including neighboring countries in the region. So, we have various ways of engaging, both trying to build capacity of our parliamentarians, but also providing network and platforms where they can engage with each other, but also with other relevant actors. Going back to the four-legged stool that Knox talked about in the beginning, we do try to connect the parliamentarians with civil society actors, with relevant government institutions, and also with the UN system. We engage quite actively with the current and former UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion and belief and invite both UN mandate holders and academics and experts on the issue into our trainings to provide a platform for engagement, for parliamentarians also, sort of outside the network. I think I'll stop there. And then I'll be open for questions in the next round. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Let's now go to all of you for your questions and comments. You can raise your hand, if you look down on the bottom of your screen, click on the participants icon. And if you're on an e-tablet, click on the “More” button and you will see the raise hand icon there. And please say who you are, so that it gives our speakers context, and if you want to address your question to a specific person, that would be good. So, we get as many questions as possible. So, we'll go first to Liberato Bautista, and excuse me if I botched your pronunciation, correct me please.   BAUTISTA: Good morning. Thanks again for a very timely conversation. My name is Liberato Bautista, I'm the main representative at the United Nations for the General Board of Church and Society of the United Methodist Church. Question for the Special Rapporteur, Mr. Shaheed. Have you received any information about the enjoyment of freedom of religion or belief under COVID conditions? If there are, have you responded? And what does that response look like? You may prefer not to respond to the second one, for the interest of time, but I'd be interested as well, if sometime in the future, you will write a report looking at the intersections of racism, and the deployment of religious language and religious text in the furtherance of racism and racial discrimination.   SHAHEED: May I respond?   FASKIANOS: Yes, Ahmed go ahead.   SHAHEED: Thank you very much, very good question. Yes, I understood correctly that you said about COVID and then about race, if I heard it correctly? Yes. In the COVID case, yes, I have received specific complaints about specific countries about specific measures taken. But the patterns have a common, if you like, common theme, that is, governments using heavy-handed measures to suppress rights of this minority state, typically using the COVID as a sort of excuse for doing that. And the responses that I have issued, some have been public, or some will become public after a window of a couple of months. But they all point out and remind states that, in fact, that the human rights work, the human rights framework supports and guides government actions, even in the present time, and that any restriction must meet certain criteria. In more general terms, I have expressed concern about the use or the accompaniment of the pandemic with hate speech. So, I showed a couple of public statements back in April. So, there's a concern about the scapegoating of Jewish communities followed by other communities, really showing a very disturbing trend at the time. And then one specifically on anti-Semitism because I found the trends really, really disturbing. But overall, the problem has been that in many countries, ongoing challenges were magnified by the pandemic, but in also a positive trend was almost all over the world, faith-based groups responded very positively in supporting positive measures to make communities safe in social distancing in their worship activities, personal care, humanitarian care. The response was quite heartwarming. In terms of racism and my mandate, I have been very keen on that overlap. I issued a report last year on anti-Semitism, the first UN report to look at global anti-Semitism and looking at the lens of anti-Semitism as a racial issue and an issue that also undermines the rights of Jewish communities exercising their religious freedom rights. I am currently working on a report on anti-Muslim and intra-Muslim hatred, again, overlap of racism and religion. I'm looking at other aspects of hate that uses, if you like, you know, critical race theory as a way to look at how that impacts upon others' religious freedom. And all of this will become public, when they're ready to be made public. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, Ahmed. I want to just ask Liv, with your two comments in the chat just to clarify, by parliamentarians, do you mean members of parliaments in the various countries? And what is the view of African parliamentarians on the subject of advancing religious freedom? So, if you could just do that, and I'll go back to the queue, but wanted to clarify through your remarks.   KVANVIG: Okay, thank you. Yes, by parliamentarians, we mean elected parliamentarians in their country. They might not necessarily sit in the national parliaments. We also have parliamentarians who represent parliaments at the more provincial level, depending on the parliamentary structure of that country. So I hope that clarifies it. And the views of African parliamentarians on freedom of religion and belief, I think I will not be able to make a general—I can't speak in general about all parliamentarians in our network from the African region, their views on this, but I can say that we do have a very active regional network that we collaborate with in the African region, that has grown in recent years. We have a range of committed parliamentarians across increasingly many countries, men and women from various religious backgrounds, who are also all committed to promoting and working for freedom of religion or belief. So, in general, I think we've seen a positive response in our engagements on that continent. And we aim to sort of strengthen that relationship in the years to come as well. So, it's inspiring to see actually. Thanks.   FASKIANOS: Wonderful. All right, let's go to Andrew Baker. And accept the unmute prompt, please.   BAKER: So, I'm Rabbi Andrew Baker. I'm the director of international Jewish affairs at the American Jewish Committee. And I also serve as the personal representative of the OSCE, a chairperson-in-office on combating anti-Semitism. Thank you, Irina, for organizing this. It's nice to see, at least virtually, old friends like Ahmed and Knox here and to meet Liv, as well. My question is, perhaps, at least geographically centered, less than the location that I think has been part of the conversation. In other words, it is not so much addressing repressive regimes, and how does one generate genuine support for religious freedom. But frankly, in countries that have a high regard for human rights, we in this case, the Jewish community, is confronting something that it really never had to address literally, I want to say for centuries, and this I speak of efforts to ban the practice of ritual circumcision, which is something that for Jews, it is an elemental obligation that dates really, for millennia. Most recently, efforts in Denmark, to call for a ban approach, even a vote in Parliament in the coming months. And it appears that this is viewed as a clash between children's rights and the right of religious practice and religious freedom. The community itself, and it's not unique to Denmark, we see it elsewhere, will say, well, this is a matter that religious freedom is considered secondary to other rights, even if they are really misunderstanding the procedure of circumcision itself, it's genuine value, it's minimal dangers, and so on. But it's an uphill fight in each of these countries. And, it's not something that's popularly well understood. But it genuinely threatens the continued future of these communities. If ban on the practice is actually implemented, and in these countries, Denmark being one, there's rather popular support for such things. So, it's an issue perhaps of medicine, but it's an issue of elemental Jewish practice. And it's an issue of religious freedom. And I know Ahmed raised this issue in his own report a year ago. I've tried to take it up at different times. I know Knox and the State Department has long also addressed this, but the reality is, it's not going away. And if anything, I feel like the challenges have even increased, even when political leaders will say we support it, it's quite evident that it lacks popular support, or popular understanding. Thank you.     SHAHEED: Yes. Rabbi Baker, very good to see you on this webinar. Yes, I did write about it in my report. And I've also engaged with governments where this debate has been spotted by me. And I have taken a very clear line on this. And of course, I reject the argument that any right is secondary unto another right. All rights are interdependent, interrelated, and there's no hierarchy amongst rights. And the position I've taken is that our set of questions, first of all, these people who call for the banning of men circumcision, you know, what is the context of that call? Have they actually engaged with the relevant stakeholders in this? Have they really heard the concerns that have been expressed by these communities? And of course, have they really applied the limitations regime that the human rights framework provides, which cause for very narrow restrictions are only to the extent that is proportionate to the total estimate need? And also, in a manner that is neither discriminatory, nor, destroys the right itself. So from the Jewish practice, in banning male circumcision, would amount to actually the destruction of a core part of their practice or belief, and I've been engaging with governments to look for ensuring that they attach the proper weight to be given to this burden they impose in the Jewish communities, compared to any other concerns that may have been raised on this subject. So, I have been very clear that I have not found an argument, whether it's based on children's rights or health, or whichever that can result in a total ban of male circumcision. I haven't seen that argument. And I've been asked in states that, you know, they have to make this case. And for me, it's very clear that, as Rabbi Baker, you know said, if these countries persisted in this ban, then they are risk total loss of the Jewish community from their countries. So, the proportionality test is not met in my view. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Bani Dugal, next.   DUGAL: Thank you very much, hello to everyone. I joined this call a little late. So, my apologies if this was already covered. But my question is for any of the three of you, but particularly, Ahmed and Knox because you've been working with member states on this issue? I'd like to know what signs of hope you are saying. I mean, what examples of reflection on the part of member states, can you share that has led to positive change, and whether these examples could be used to encourage other member states to promote freedom of religion or belief within their own countries?   THAMES: I would say just a couple of words that came to mind, and Bani, it's always good to hear your voice. I think, from an advocacy perspective, it's been very positive to see more countries get in the game to set aside resources, either by identifying particular offices or naming diplomats to play an envoy role. It used to be just the United States by ourselves with our ambassador-at-large, and now there's probably twelve or thirteen special envoys of different natures from around the world, both, of course in North America and Europe, as you'd expect. We've seen them in Taiwan and Mongolia, demonstrating this isn't a Western issue, but really a global issue that touches on every community around the world. As far as reforms, there's not a lot of good to point to, when we've seen countries release prisoners of conscience, that's always a win. You get asked, like, how do you know if you're making progress in this space, and it's very hard to measure. But seeing individuals released from jail is a concrete thing that, well, maybe not changing an oppressive legal system means the world to that person's family and can be an encouraging sign to a community. And we've seen releases happen in countries like Pakistan and Eritrea. But the two real areas of reform we've seen is Sudan and Uzbekistan. Both where, Ahmed and I have been engaged in our different capacities. And those are very much bright spots, those need to be encouraged. And it's a great example of proactive diplomacy with the United States and our partners with Ahmed in the UN system working together to encourage and bolster those reformers to do the right thing and really start to transform their societies.   SHAHEED: If I might just add something to that, I fully endorse everything that Knox has said about this. The key thing that I observe is that because there are now so many envoys, and so many governments give this weight a priority. When things promise something positive to happen, we have people who can come and help them. So, Uzbekistan is a case in point—a change in government of little opening and provided the space for the U.S. in particular in this case, and also the UN to come in and push things forward a little bit. Sudan is a case in point, it's a domestic change. But now we have people in available and women travel to push it forward in terms of support the government build capacity. In challenging countries, like even Pakistan, the number of actors in this field mean that we can no longer treat Pakistan as a black box, it is a number of actors there. There are no actors outside, so there are multiple linkages that we can develop that can sometimes work. In terms of looking at, what is, you know, what is more? I mean, we have very disturbing situations, look at China. I mean, how to count global burden of this, what's happening to the legal committee and elsewhere in China is a very serious concern. It's of a scale that has not been seen in a long time. And there are other similar instances as well. But at the same time, we now have a far higher number of actors working this field pushing things forward. And an example of course is the social media space. It's very difficult space, many actors there, the online hate is rising. But we see that tech companies also are engaging on human rights. So, it is a drip feed. But I think because a number of factors in the space, we can push things forward. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Fantastic. I'm going to go now to David Saperstein who was the U.S. ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom for his comments.   SAPERSTEIN: Well, delighted to do it—a great presentation so far. In many countries, there are perceived or real security threats that are responded to in ways that lead to repression of religious life. Do we need to rethink the strategies we use to work with national security officials, as well as justice officials in religious affairs, and find ways using influentials in the countries more effectively to try and put pressure on the strategical argument—the internal strategic argument that often drives some of the repressive steps that are taken, just in looking into approaches? I'd be curious to hear your take on them.   FASKIANOS: So, who would like to take that? Knox, do you have any initial thoughts? Having been now out for a bit?   THAMES: Now I can say what I think.   FASKIANOS: (Laughs.)   THAMES: Great to hear David's voice and great question. And it is sort of the question, how do you motivate an authoritarian system to become more open, when the time horizon for the person in charge isn't next year or next month, it's “I want to be alive and in charge when I wake up tomorrow morning.” And so convincing them of the relevance of religious freedom with arguments of your country over the long term will be in a better place, I think, oftentimes falls on deaf ears because they're not thinking about the long term they're thinking about “I want to be alive and in charge tomorrow morning.” That being said, I think the example of Uzbekistan and Sudan, when you had new leadership come in, there has been a wrestling with the old security establishment. But that was really when I felt like those arguments were being heard when the new leadership wanted to turn the page and understood that creating a freer space for peaceful religious practice is actually a good for their society in a number of different levels that we've all talked about. So, I think it's really about that argument to most effectives about timing, it's about audience, and seeing the opportunity to deploy it effectively.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Mohamed Elsanousi.   ELSANOUSI: Thank you so much, Irina. It is so wonderful to see friends, Knox and Ahmed and Liv—really, it's wonderful to see everyone. I just wanted to highlight a couple of things here. And my question really related to religion and the role of religious leaders. And I know that the discussion more focused on multilateral governments and parliamentarians and all of that. But really, I think, and you both know, all of you know, that the role of religion and religious leaders is really underutilized when it comes to this area, and the potential is actually is not realized here in terms of advancing religious freedom or belief. For instance, as you both know, that there have been critical documents that were issued by religious bodies to support religious freedom or belief—the Marrakesh Declaration, the documents from the Vatican II talking about human rights and religious liberty, and all of these important documents. So, my question to you, I mean, how we can further really mobilize the interreligious community to support, knowing that, you know, 80-plus percent of the people in this planet believe somehow religion or custom or tradition? So if there is any, if that model is successful, and I know both of you, Ahmed and Knox, in particular, you have been working with religious communities, but my question is there any successful example that you can highlight to us, number one, and second, what needs to be done to better mobilize religious communities to further the, you know, to adapt and support for as the foundation for prosperity in other aspects of life? So, that would be my couple of questions, but thank you very much.     SHAHEED: Mohamed, very good question and good to see you again. Well, examples can be cited in specific country contexts or specific instances. In my visit to the Netherlands, I came across a number of initiatives by civil society leaders the rabbis and Muslim imams working together showing to the community that they got on well, and really demonstrating the spirit of acceptance amongst these communities, and therefore having a very positive impact. But more than that, them engaging and teaching young people about tolerance, acceptance and living in, if you like, in a modern society. They're examples of faith-based actors, religious leaders very bravely put themselves in front of danger to stop angry mobs or to create a counter-narrative for narratives of hatred, sometimes based on this argument. And of course, the people best placed to counter that narrative, essentially, are these religious leaders. And we've seen many examples of that. In the UN context, there have been two initiatives. One is one which, you involved yourself Mohamed, the action plan coming out of Fez, are looking at the role of religious leaders in responding to incitement that can lead to mass atrocities. Again, a whole range of activities are being carried out under this rubric to ensure that people of all faiths and none can come together to build societal resilience. We have what is called the Faithful Rights Initiative at the UN system, whereby be relied on faith actors of all faiths and none, again to come forward and demonstrate how from their different religious perspectives, they all arrive at a common point about rights for everybody, and again, using that to advance understanding. So, I still agree it's an untapped area with a lot of potential for use and I think Knox in this time doing that, I've been pursuing that. And we all need to really tap into the very positive energies that we can gain from engaging with faith-based actors.   THAMES: I would just make a quick addition. When I use the model of the four-legged stool, I think the weakest leg right now is the religious leader leg. And Mohamed, you're actually right to identify as a space where we need to do more. I think the Marrakesh Declaration was a breakthrough. But, the issues of the full understanding of religious freedom, the question of conversion, the questions of free speech,  they're going to be more conservative groups that are going to be hesitant about that. So, it's going to take a lot of conversations and engagement. But I think, if we can bring influential religious leaders alongside the work of religious freedom advocacy, it's a game changer, because it actually gives political leaders the cover they need to make the hard decisions on reforming a blasphemy law or letting people out of jail if they have that, you know, religious endorsement, so I'm very encouraged by what Religions for Peace is doing. They've created a new subcommittee on religious freedom, and I'm hoping that it'll really start to bear fruit.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Paul de Vries.   DE VRIES: Thank you, thank you. I'm Paul de Vries with New York Divinity School and evangelical administer training program in New York City. And my question is, to get your reflection on three different lines of advancing religious liberty. I was part of the founding of Advocates International, which was founded, now about twenty years ago or more, maybe twenty-five years ago, and literally was founded in my office in New York. But it's 99 percent of the people in Advocates International are attorneys, and they're in a hundred different countries. And one of their priorities is to advocate for religious liberty. It's a Christian movement, and they in different countries advocate for religious liberty for Muslims, for Falun Gong, and for others, and it can be costly. They advocate for liberty because they believe God wants people to be free. And, and as a result, sometimes they are put in prison. Several have been put in prison in People's Republic of China, for example, for standing up for liberty for non-Christians, as well as for Christians. And so that's one route the local people in the country where there's a big issue about religious liberty. Secondly, private citizens—I'm one of the founders, also of the Evangelical-Jewish Roundtable in New York. And together, Jewish and evangelical leaders have gone to the Pakistan Embassy in New York, gone to Iraqi Embassy in New York, with our [inaudible] major incidents, to speak up for liberty for their people. And we've always been welcomed. The curious thing is the very fact that we're evangelical and Jewish together. Each time, the ambassadors would say, you know, "Wow, you guys can work together. Why can't everybody work together?" Yet, why can't this be a model? So, by modeling it together as Christians and Jewish leaders, I think we've seen some movement, and especially I feel in the Pakistan leadership. And the entire recording of two or three of our meetings was sent to Pakistan as well, not just some record that we did meet, but the embassy actually literally recorded the whole meetings each time. And of course, the third is, governments are—American government sometimes pressures other countries. I've heard that the latest peace agreement for the Middle East that the Trump administration helped to negotiate includes more religious liberty in the United Arab Emirates, where they will now allow churches to be formed in ways that they hadn't before. But this was part of international negotiation. So I'd like to quickly remind you, the local people in the country where there's a crisis of religious liberty, private citizens expressing their concerns in other countries but going to the embassies of the countries where there are issues, and United States or any other country using religious liberty as a point of reference for negotiation of peace.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, Paul.   DE VRIES: Is there a priority there that works? What do you recommend?   THAMES: I'll just say a word about U.S. government engagement. I think U.S. pressure can be instrumental and bringing countries to change. We've seen this, we have a special list the "country of particular concern" list, which is a process the State Department goes through to identify the worst violators of religious freedom. And by putting countries on this list and starting a diplomatic process, we've seen changes, we've seen tough decisions made that wouldn't have been taken otherwise, but for them being on that list. I think it's a great reflection of American values and a great use of American influence to push for this right. And I think there is a question though with for other countries who are smaller, the balance for how to engage changes. China is, as Ahmed said, the worst of the worst right now. And they are a bully—they will threaten. And so, there is a question about how much do we value our values? Religious freedom advocacy is not as easy as it used to be in the sense that countries are pushing back.   FASKIANOS: Great. Liv, I know you have some responses to that, too. And there is a question in the chat about whether the international panel is able to coordinate extensively with parliamentarians, you know, I see nations and with the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights. And it also talks about the Uighur and the Rohingyas. So, if you can address the former question and what was in the chat from Adem Carroll, the Burma Task Force, that would be great.   KVANVIG: Thank you. Yes, I saw the question and wanted to respond. I have to say that although we strive to be a global network, with the secretary to free people, obviously, there's a limit to how thorough engagement we manage in every single country of the world. We at the time—but I wanted to say that we have extensive collaboration with the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights in particular. We have a regional coordinator who works for ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights based in Jakarta, but she also collaborates with us. And in a sense, we see the regional work taking place on freedom of religion or belief in the context of [inaudible] as Parliamentarians for Human Rights as closely connected to IPPFoRB because we collaborate on action plans and activities throughout the year. So that's a very exciting development for us. I also just wanted to comment very briefly on the question of engagement of religious leaders, which I also find very interesting and very important, and the question that we also ponder within the panel that I had. Our target group, our mandate, and our funding is directed towards engaging parliamentarians. But obviously, we see that in many contexts, engagement with civil society and religious leaders, is also very important to sort of create proper context for the discussions. IPPFoRB is now part of a consortium, which will from 2021 actually start to develop a FoRB [inaudible] Leadership Network that not only consists of parliamentarians, but also brings in religious leaders in a selection of countries in the African region, and also parts of Asia. So, this is still a project in its very beginnings. But I'm quite excited and hope that these new platforms will create that discussion among these different groups, and that bringing the perspectives of religious leaders is important in this discussion on freedom of religion or belief in various contexts. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. And we have so many hands up, we're definitely not going to get to everybody. So, if you could keep your question short, that would be great. I'm going to Syed Sayeed next.   SAYEED: Okay. I just wanted to say one thing, as far as Islam is concerned, the sacred book of Islam, within code, makes it very clear that all human beings are the children of Adam and Eve, so in terms of the humanity as a whole, we have no basis to discriminate against each other. Now, in terms of religious preferences, the Quran once again makes that each one of you is absolutely free to believe in what you think is the truth. The Quran presents its own method, but it respects the perspectives of others. So, I'm sure that other sacred books have messages like that in their holy scriptures. So, it might be good that we bring out those teachings from the holy books, so that people know that we are not in any way allowed to discriminate against each other. So, I just wanted to make that point. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Jeremy Barker.   BARKER: Hello, this is Jeremy Barker from the Religious Freedom Institute in Washington. Good to see a number of friends on here as well. I had a question to pick up on some of the themes that have come up related to kind of the growth in organizations, countries working on this issue, particularly within the diplomatic and human rights space, but something the U.S. has talked about, but even the UN with the SDGs [Sustainable Development Goals], of how to integrate understandings, issues of freedom of religion or belief into development activities into even defense and security questions. So, kind of to all three of the panelists, what are some of maybe the most promising practices you've seen of integration beyond just diplomacy, but how religious freedom is informing some of these other areas of activity?   THAMES: I can jump in and name a couple. One, when we were at State Department, we had a lot of success in bridging the gap between the religious freedom community and religious minorities with the cultural heritage preservation world, like UNESCO, the Smithsonian. That's a space where they welcomed our creating the connections with the communities that generate these world heritage sites and bringing them into preservation efforts. We've also seen a lot of progress with engaging the U.S. military chaplaincy corps, they have an assignment to go outside the wire, so to speak, and understand the religious terrain. So, working to equip them with the tools and perspectives they need so they can be effective diplomats, with their fellow men of the cloth, oftentimes in these places like Iraq and Afghanistan. So those are two that popped to mind. And I saw Ahmed had a couple thoughts as well.   SHAHEED: Thank you, I was going to say that actually the tagline "leave no one behind" attached to the SDGs is a great way of making sure that governments actually implement these rights for all. My next report out in about a fortnight, just shows how this can be done, how important it is. And I'm proposing a set of indicators to be added to the SDG sets of indicators out there to track governments' efforts to ensure that all the right side, are actually exercised by all equal. In other words, SDGs are rolled out in a way that all can enjoy those sites with equal access to this. I also want to point out that there's been a [inaudible] U.S. and also part of the European Union, I think it is. Religion society approach, the idea that, in addition to focusing on the legal framework, look at how people actually exercise their rights in society. In other words, building societal resilience, are building social capital, build a social trust, as a way to ensure that they mitigate the fractures, if you like, tenants in the community, and then create the ground to build communities, but back better. In many cases, when Indonesia and elsewhere, we see examples, communities are asked to come together to build a school for all, which means they're all invested in this and for the access to the service hours are guaranteed for all. So, there have been efforts made to integrate the SDG development work into a framework that respects rights for everybody, including religious freedom rights. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you, we have several hands raised, and several questions in the chat. And I'm just thinking to wrap up. There a couple—how do you work around the reality that most of the religious leaders are men, women may have less officially official leadership roles? And then another question is the current use approach to religious freedom? There are legitimate concerns about the threat to Christian minorities, but as the focus on this proportionate, would a disproportionate approach put other persecuted minorities at risk. So those are the last two, I'll let each of you take a round, a couple minutes just to answer that or any other thoughts you want to leave us with, and my apologies to all of you that not being able to get to your good questions and comments in the chat and in the function. So, Liv, do you want to start on the—and we'll go round robin.   KVANVIG: Addressing the issue of focusing on Christian minorities, whether that's disproportionate to other minorities, I have to say, in the work of IPPFoRB, we do not have a specific focus on the persecution of Christians. We address issues of freedom of religion and belief in general. We try to have somewhat of a balanced approach when we do advocacy work, so it will not just be on persecuted Christian minorities. If we address the situation of a particular religious minority in a given country, very often we see that that context as it's difficult for many belief communities, and so we try to use that as an entry point to address issues of freedom of religion or belief in general. So, I mean, I fully agree attention should be given to all communities, there are also people who do not believe in a god who also are persecuted around the world. So, when we talk about freedom of religion or belief, we actually talked about that for everyone, everywhere. So that would be my response to that. I agree that we should have a broad focus. But obviously, sometimes an advocacy initiative needs to be tailored so that it addresses a specific situation. Maybe I'll just stop and leave the last few minutes to Knox and Ahmed as well. Thanks.   FASKIANOS: Great, Ahmed.   SHAHEED: Thank you. Great question. In regard to the male dominance, of course, it is a concern. My last report to the UN in March this year, I address gender equality, in the context of promoting this freedom. But I want to stress that in my work, which took me around some ten countries for various workshops, I came across, obviously, very active women religious leaders. Imams, [inaudible] for example, initiative working in Mali, in demonstrating how, in this case, the Muslim context, can support girls' education, girls, and women's and so on. Even in the UN's "faith first initiative," we were very concerned to measures all-inclusive meaning men, women, people of all faiths, and none were represented. And the way you do this by promoting what Knox said at the beginning, given the tool for people to work with, that tool is [inaudible], and belief is a human right, that applies to everybody, equally, men, women all have equal rights. And it is when we protect the capacity for them to exercise their rights equally, we actually have a situation, where everybody can enjoy their rights. I think, while that traditional dominance is there, I think, we have increasingly, one more voice coming in that show that women have equal rights, equal space, an equal stake in this process. Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Knox, over to you for the final word.   THAMES: Great discussion. Thank you, Irina, again for convening this on religious leaders. I think we should think about engagement with religious actors. So, it's not just the men with the tall hats, but it's people who are living out their beliefs, there's the folks that we want to engage and be of assistance to. On the potential for over representation on Christian persecution concerns, I've always advocated for a holistic approach, that we advocate for the right for everybody. But we are specific in our actions. So, if we hear of Christians being persecuted, of course, we should be speaking out on that. Now if we hear Muslims being persecuted or atheists or whomever, we speak out, but we're fighting for the right to have freedom of conscience for everyone to believe or not to believe, and that's going to be approached, that's durable. That's going to avoid some of the pitfalls of the singular approaches we've seen other countries take. And I think it’s also going to meet the challenge of the new types of persecution we're seeing. Now there's an interesting confluence of victims that are all suffer the same, they don't usually talk to each other. If you think about converts, atheists, and LGBTI community and a lot of conservative societies, they are all suffering the same types of pressures in both legal and societal. Can we build new alliances to address all of their concerns that we can walk forward together, promoting an openness where people are free to explore their beliefs, however they wish? I think we're seeing some positive things, and Ahmed is a great advocate. He can take complaints and act on them, lead the whole movement of IPPFoRB, three hundred parliamentarians around the world, that's an encouragement. So, I think we're starting to meet the challenge of global persecution we're seeing globally, but there's a whole lot more we can do. And I'm glad we've had the chance to talk today about that.   FASKIANOS: Well, thank you all and we'll have to devote future sessions to continue this conversation and dig deep on some of the other questions that were raised in the chat. So, it's going to be a source of programming ideas for us. So, thank you all. So, I want to encourage you all to follow the speakers' work on Twitter—@KnoxThames, @ahmedshaheed, and @LKvanvig, for Liv.   KVANVIG: Follow @IPP_FoRB, then me.   FASKIANOS: Okay, @IPPFoRB. There you go. So, we'll follow the institution. Thank you.   KVANVIG: Yes, please. Thanks.   FASKIANOS: But it's great to have you all with us. Thank you very much. We appreciate it. I hope you'll also follow the Religion and Foreign Policy Program on Twitter @CFR_Religion. And we will be sharing information there, as well as standing up more of these wonderful webinar discussions. So, thank you all again and look forward to reconvening in the near future.
  • Nigeria
    Nigerian Atheist Arrested and Disappeared
    The arrest and subsequent disappearance of Mubarak Bala, an avowed atheist from a prominent Muslim family in Kano and an engineer by profession, illustrates the fragility of human rights and the rule of law when an individual directly challenges the norms of conservative society in Nigeria. Bala says he rejected Islam and embraced atheism following exposure to a video of the beheading of a Christian woman in 2013 "by boys about my age and speaking my language." The immediate cause of his arrest was his Facebook post calling the Prophet Mohammed a terrorist; a group of lawyers in private practice complained about it to the police. According to Bala's wife, following his arrest four months ago, he has been denied access to a lawyer, contrary to a court order. She has been unable to contact him, and the authorities have refused to respond to inquiries about him. Now she is asking for "proof of life," implying the possibility that he has been extrajudicially murdered. The response of Bala's father and older brother to his 2013 profession of atheism was to have him committed to a mental hospital where, he says, he was beaten, sedated, and threatened with death. Under a northern Nigeria version of sharia (Islamic law), blasphemy is a capital crime, though execution is rarely carried out. Under nation-wide, secular law, the penalty is two years imprisonment. Assuming Bala is still alive, the disposition of his case may depend on the legal system under which he is tried. Nigeria's federal constitution explicitly guarantees absolute freedom of religion; yet, in a seeming contradiction, blasphemy (of which Bala's Facebook post would seem to be a clear example) is a crime, though lesser than under sharia. If Bala is dead, it should not be assumed that it was necessarily at the hands of the security services. Conditions of incarceration promote disease, especially when prisoners are denied access to their families, as Bala has been. It is also possible that fanatics have taken justice into their own hands and murdered him, perhaps in an "honor killing." Nigeria, alas, has a culture of impunity; if Bala died under embarrassing circumstances, authorities at any level might successfully cover it up. The Bala case raises multiple hot-button issues. His public embrace of atheism is a direct challenge to the patriarchal authority of his father, his elder brother, and, indeed, his entire distinguished Islamic family. His profession of atheism is a direct assault on traditional, northern Islamic society when it is under siege from the radical Islam of Boko Haram, but also (perhaps more assiduously) secularism and Christianity in the more advanced southern part of the country. Blasphemy is viewed as warranting death in other conservative Islamic societies, such as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, as well as among northern Nigeria's Muslims. Bala's lack of access to a lawyer despite a court order highlights the weakness of the rule of law. Atheism is seen as an assault by both Christian and Muslim Nigerians, even if the focus of the two is often different. Popular reaction to atheism is reminiscent to that of homosexuality. The draconian laws against the latter, including the possibility of the death penalty, were equally supported by Christians and Muslims during a particularly intense period of religious rivalry. Atheism, blasphemy, and homosexuality are perceived as, somehow, assaults on the family. Yet, as governance at all levels deteriorates, it is the family that provides the context and the safety net in which Nigerians live out their lives. 
  • Religion
    The Reconversion of the Hagia Sophia
    Play
    Steven A. Cook, the Eni Enrico Mattei senior fellow for Middle East and Africa Studies and director of the International Affairs Fellowship for Tenured International Relations Scholars at CFR, Azza Karam, secretary general of Religions for Peace International, and Elizabeth H. Prodromou, visiting associate professor of conflict resolution at Tufts University's Fletcher School, discuss the conversion of the Hagia Sophia back to a mosque. Mark D. W. Edington, bishop in charge of the convocation of Episcopal Churches in Europe, moderates. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS:   Good morning to all of you. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series. I'm Irina Faskianos, Vice President of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. As a reminder, today's discussion will be on the record. The audio, video, and transcript will be available on our website at CFR.org and on our iTunes podcast channel” Religion and Foreign Policy.” So we have a distinguished panel today to talk about the reconversion of the Hagia Sophia and I am pleased to introduce our moderator, Bishop Mark Edington of the diocese in Massachusetts. He is the bishop in charge of the convocation of Episcopal Churches in Europe. Prior to this position, he was rector of St. John's Episcopal Church in Newtonville, Massachusetts and Director of the Amherst College Press. Bishop Edington worked both as an ordained Episcopal priest, a higher education executive, social entrepreneur, writer, and editor. He served as a senior executive officer of the inter-disciplinarian research centers at Harvard, including the Center for the Study of World Religions and the Harvard Decision Science Laboratory. So I'm going to turn it now to Bishop Edington to introduce our distinguished panelists. So, over to you.   EDINGTON: Thank you, Irina. Thank you so much. Good morning, everybody. And good evening from Paris. It's my great pleasure to welcome you to this conversation about Hagia Sophia and to be honored as the moderator of this conversation. Everybody on this call knows that we're gathered to discuss a cultural institution of enormous significance for at least two cultures and two of the world's great religions. Justinian I, the Emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire began building the third building for worship on this site, the current Hagia Sophia, in the middle of the sixth century. And that means when ground was broken for what we here in France regard as our oldest cathedrals, Hagia Sophia was already 500 years old. It was a Christian church until 1453, with a small hiatus from its experience as the center spiritually and administratively of Orthodox Christianity in the early thirteenth century, when as a result of, we might say, the excesses of the Fourth Crusade, it served for sixty years as a Roman Catholic Cathedral. In 1453, Hagia Sofia became a mosque, and it served in that capacity until 1931. Four years later, in 1935, it was established as a museum, a status that it had until just recently this summer. How we got here, and what it means, is the focus of our conversation today.   I am honored to be joined for our conversation by Professor Elizabeth Prodromou, who is visiting associate professor of conflict resolution at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, where she also directs Fletcher's initiative on Religion, Law, and Diplomacy., an initiative I can say, without fear of contradiction, did not exist when I was a student at the Fletcher School. Elizabeth, we're glad to have you. We're also joined by Steven Cook, who's the Eni Enrico Mattei senior fellow at the Council for Middle East and Africa studies, and also serves as the Council's director of the International Affairs Fellowship for tenured international relations scholars. And we're very honored to be joined by Azza Karam, who is, I think, just finishing her first year as Secretary General of Religions for Peace. If I may, Elizabeth, I want to start with you. Can I ask you to help us situate how this, all that has happened and this year, is, we can place it within the cultural heritage policy of the Turkish government and of President Erdoğan.   PRODROMOU:  Of course. Thank you, Mark. And thank you also Irina for the fantastic Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series of CFR. And it's great to be together with Steven and Azza on this panel and again, thank you, Mark. I wanted to say a little bit about the intersection of why the Hagia Sophia matters as a kind of reflection of the intersection of Turkey's cultural heritage policy and its geopolitical ambitions and objectives. A lot has been said in the last month and a half about the decision. The July 10decision by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to reactivate the Hagia Sophia as a mosque and a lot of the coverage, media, blog, policy coverage, treated that decision as kind of a surprise. And so I would like to suggest that there's ample evidence to show that the Hagia Sophia decision was a long time coming, and if we fit it in the context of Turkey's cultural heritage policy, no one should have been surprised by it. But I think you know, there should be concerned about how it happened, why it happened, and the implications.   So just a couple of words on Turkey's cultural heritage policy in general. That more recent cultural heritage policy, how the Turkish state manners manages its cultural and religious heritage, religious heritage falls in cultural heritage, really draws from the deep wellsprings of the founding of the Turkish republic in 1923. And it was with the founding and the establishment of the new state that Mustafa Kemal Ataturk actually mobilized academics and practitioners, professional experts on cultural and religious heritage, to develop a new identity for Turkey. And so the management of the country's cultural heritage became central to the growth and the consolidation of what it means to be Turkish, Turkish nationalism. And within that context, the decision about Hagia Sophia is simply the latest chapter in a cultural heritage policy, which, whose core markers have really been the acquisition, the repackaging, the repurposing, and that has meant in many cases, the destruction and the erasure of the cultural and religious heritage of the core faith communities: Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic Orthodox, and Syriac Orthodox, Christian communities who inhabited Asia Minor before the arrival of the Ottoman Turks, and the Seljuk Turks. So there's a long historical context for this. And the way in which the Turkish state has managed cultural heritage has been through three main state institutions; through the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Diyanet, as well as the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. And it's interesting that under the Erdoğan regime, there has been a deliberate and purposeful shift of management of cultural heritage to the Diyanet at the Ministry of Religious Affairs.   And so the grand Hagia Sophia decision was preceded by the reactivation of three other Hagia Sophias, what I've called in my writing the Hagia Sophia fetish in Turkey, in Adana, Adrianople, and Izmir Smyrna, and in Nicaea, into active mosques. And also in November of last year, the Turkish High Courts decided to reactivate the beautiful Chora Church that had also been made into a mosque and then a museum again. Cultural heritage is universal heritage as a mosque as well. And I say all this because there's a long set of signifiers that should have made recent decision quite, not a surprise, but disturbing. And the disturbing part comes for the use of civilizational dialogue that presents Christians, Muslims, Jews, non-conforming Muslims in Turkey as hostile to one another. The use of cultural heritage policy that means the potential death of the very small Greek Orthodox minority community belonging to the Ecumenical Patriarch of Turkey, and also for Turkey's geopolitical ambitions. Cultural heritage policy has been the soft power tool used for Turkey's revisionism in the Middle East and in the Mediterranean and beyond. And that figures into this kind of Neo-Ottoman foreign policy, where Turkey positions itself as both the leader of the Muslim, if not Sunni Muslim world, the Muslim world more generally, and also in redrawing the boundaries in the three continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia, to reconfigure Turkey with its Ottoman territorial space. And that bodes very poorly for peace in those three continents for NATO and its sustainability as we know it. And I think I'll close here: Erdoğan's comment from Andalusia, Spain to Bukhara, Uzbekistan—now Hagia Sophia, tomorrow Al Aqsa, speaks to his use of cultural heritage policy as a soft power tool for geopolitical ambitions. And one that bodes very poorly for interfaith cooperation and collaboration and survival inside Turkey.   EDINGTON: Steven Cook, talk to us a little bit about what this says about the domestic situation in Turkey and Turkey’s ambitions in the region.   COOK: Thanks Mark. I think, really that is the question. Erdoğan's objectives here both domestically and around the region is really the heart of the matter when it comes to the recent change in status of Hagia Sophia. But let me step back for a second and kind of put it in a broader context about the use of religion on the part of politicians and political entrepreneurs. And I did once get in trouble with some version of this group, and Irina may remember it, when I suggested at a seminar, not a webinar, an actual seminar, that politicians and political entrepreneurs tend to leverage religion for their parochial interests, and then in turn, how they define national interests. Again, before I get in trouble, this is not a Middle Eastern or Islamic phenomenon. No need to look any further than political discourse in the United States or in Europe; in the United States about Judeo-Christian values, in Europe particularly among the rise of the right and Neo-Nazis about saving Western or Christian civilization. And the other caveat is, I'm not suggesting that leaders who invoke religion to advance their political agenda don't necessarily believe it. Some men, I think that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, certainly does. He's known to be personally pious, but certainly, their followers do believe it and that's what makes religious appears so politically appealing and so politically potent.   Okay, now onto the Hagia Sophia. This is a long way of saying that the transformation from a museum to a mosque is all about Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's domestic politics and his geopolitical objectives. But let me also say it's not just about power politics, it's not untethered from Turkish nationalism, from Turkish identity, from collective memory, all of which are, again, extremely potent in any society, and Erdoğan is playing on these things in order to advance his agenda. Then, when you situate all this within the Justice and Development party's worldview, it makes a tremendous amount of sense that Erdoğan has taken this step in the reconversion from a museum to a mosque. I, for one, and I don't know really know anybody in the Turkey-watching community, the serious Turkey-watching community, who woke up one morning and were surprised by this announcement, but let's explore for a second that Justice and Development Party's worldview. Turkish Islamists tend to see the establishment of the republic in October 1923 as an interruption of society's natural development. The republic has been discriminatory against pious Muslims and Kurds, an older generation of Turkish Islamists, from which Erdoğan and the AKP have obviously come from, used to rail against Turkey's western orientation. Being that, that western orientation was something that had been imposed from without. Everyone in his reformers in 2000, 2001, sort of set aside that rhetoric to advance their agenda, but now they've come full circle in the same kind of distrust, mistrust of the West and by many of the things that they've been doing. And Elizabeth pointed out the railing against a Lausanne Treaty and the Lausanne borders. This is all part of a hole in which Erdoğan is signaling. He is delving into the AKP worldview. That the Republic, the Kemalist reforms that came in the years after the establishment of the republic, which includes the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a museum. The whole set of ideas and things that came in early years of the Republic were imposed by an elite, a westernized elite and imposed by force and supported by and supported by the West, in a way in which, if you listen very carefully to what Erdoğan and other AKP leaders are saying, is that Turkey actually as a result of the Lausanne Treaty, and all of these things, wasn't ever actually fully sovereign. And the reconversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque is a statement about Turkey's sovereignty.   This clearly, clearly, clearly, clearly is a benefit domestically for Erdoğan. He's dealing with a flagging economy, all kinds of problems. Recent polling suggests that even younger conservatives are kind of losing their yen for the Justice and Development Party, yet the reconversion of Hagia Sophia has been generally popular in Turkey, not just within the core constituency of the AKP. Also, let's be clear that President Erdoğan envisions, and this is also part of the AKP's vision, is that Turkey is not just a regional power, not just a country that is important in its region, but a leader of the Muslim world. And by reestablishing Turkish sovereignty over the Hagia Sophia, he is making a claim to be a leader of the Muslim world, given this the importance of this. And you can see how all of these things intersect with these ideas of nationalism, obviously religion, Turkish sovereignty, and how these, all of it comes together. It's all part of one narrative that Turkish Islamists have been talking about for a long time that finally breaks the institutional bonds of the Republic, which has been a long term goal. I'll stop there.   EDINGTON: Okay. Azza Karam, I'm a bishop in Europe. I'm a bishop in a place that's just radically secularized and I have a seat in a cathedral here in Paris. We love it when visitors come to visit us. Not long ago, I had a little time off and I went to Chartres Cathedral, also a UNESCO World Heritage Site. I was able to walk in, I observed a service taking place in the evening and I also observed women as part of families in that space who were wearing hijabs. Shouldn't I be glad that this formerly secularized building has been returned to religious use?   KARAM: That is a very loaded question, Bishop Mark. In principle, I think all of us should be glad that we can access any space that we wish to access, that is either considered sacred to some or to many. The issue here is precisely that, amongst many issues that have been very eloquently articulated by Elizabeth and Steven, that there's a there's a use of sacred in order to justify the political, in which in my opinion, is the profane. But before I say anything else, I do need to clarify one thing. I am not speaking as the Secretary General of Religions for Peace. It is one of the hats I wear, but I cannot afford to speak on behalf of all the world's religious communities which this organization represents. I wouldn't do that. But what I would do is I'd speak on behalf of, or wearing the hat of the professorship that I hold at the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam on Religion and Development. So please listen and hear me from that vantage point, so I do not get into any hot soup with a different religious communities that my organization legitimately represents, as the only inter-religious organization that actually has all the religious institutions on its board. So it's the UN of the religions. And as you will know, even when I was in the UN for 20 years, I would begin by saying, I'm not speaking on behalf of the UN. It's just as I'm speaking here as a scholar. So that qualification, I think, is very valuable.   It's helpful to, to have seen the narrative from the perspective of the cultural politics, actually, as Elizabeth very articulately mentioned, but also from the perspective of the intersection of Erdoğan and AKP in their own evolution and their own intention. I would like to take us back to where Steven started, which is the view from above. And the view from above, as far as I have been able to tell is that, indeed, as much as we would look at all these different buildings that you see from when you're in an airplane, and you look and you see the entire landscape, I guess if he has one, or is he is one of those things where you're actually being, it's being moved in a straightforward but nevertheless, very complex chessboard. Where the Queen and the King in this case is the authority the legitimacy of the governing institution, or party, in this case. So how do we move so that we protect and affirm the legitimacy of that particular political authority? To be very honest with you,, the whole Hagia Sophia thing is for me, and not just that it's not a surprise, but actually, it's not a surprise globally because we were seeing, we have been living and images not so far away from where we are based here, of president crossing dispersing demonstrators to hold the Bible in front of a church. I'm sorry, that sounds to be pretty similar to the use of the religious sites and symbols for very clearly political affirmation and legitimacy. So, this normalization has happened already, the use of religion today and religious leaders, religious institutions, religious sites, religious NGOs have been part and many of us who've been in the space of have been saying, can we please be aware of the fact that, while we're very happy to know that religion is now a mainstream part of public discourse and action, there is also a very strong element of instrumentalization of the religious that is taking place. This Hagia Sophia is a very, one of many, I think, clear instances of that kind of instrumentalization of sacred sites to affirm certain or to legitimize indeed what may be questionable about the political authority in a country and it's not surprising that it happens now because yes, AKP has re-established its dominance of the electoral space. But let's not forget that there was also tremendous mobilization, and protests against the election and the electoral outcomes, and so on and so forth.   So actually, no regime in today's world is that stable. Frankly, there are very few that are that stable, and some of the most stable political regimes are being significantly threatened by a nationalist right agenda, even in the heart of the so called democracy of the world. I want to point out the fact that one is this issue of the normalization of the instrumentalization of religious sites, spaces, discourse for the political which our colleagues have mentioned. But I also I want to point to something else that's taking place that, I think, and this is why it's important for me to speak with my professor’s hat, this is a very significant deepening of the rifts between Muslim and Christian communities worldwide. Because of what we've heard before, there are, there are many who actually are from the Muslim community who are quite happy with this decision of converting reconverting Hagia Sophia back into a mosque. There are many who are very happy. There are many who are extraordinarily unhappy from the Muslim side as well. So there's been a deepening of the rift a little bit between Muslims and Christians. And those are the two largest religious communities of the world. I think it's important to think in numbers terms as well, that on the whole, in spite of all the differences between them, Christians and Muslims are the two largest religious groups in the world and that's a significant number of people. And deepening a rift between them is never going to be a very good idea. Especially not when it is used on the symbols or it uses symbols which have a deep significance that goes all the way back in our historical memory of dignity or indignity from to the years of the Crusade, and the legacy that that has left inside so many nations and countries, which nobody wants to talk about, because it's politically incorrect. But it is a legacy of historical memory that is there. And unfortunately, Hagia Sophia has symbolized so significantly that shift that have happened with, as a result of some of those, the crusade experience.   So there's a deepening of a rift potential between these two communities. But there's also a deepening in Trump community within the Christian community writ large. There are different positions and opinions even though, on the whole, one can say that there's a deep discontent from the Christian community side writ large. But from the Muslim side, there is a deepening of the rift inside the Muslim communities about this, because there are those who maintain that this is a blatant abuse of religious sites for political purposes and that should not happen with with our religious sites as Muslims. But there are those who are also, as I said earlier, quite happy. So there's a tension, very clear and dissonance within the Muslim community about the Hagia Sophia listed to be understood that everybody's deeply happy. No, everybody's not deeply happy, the Muslim community is split upon itself. And quite frankly, given everything that's been going on with Sunni, Shia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, hullabaloo, this was about the last thing that anyone needed from that particular space. And we are living that rift, which is deeply, deeply problematic. I think it's also important to realize that the position of the Orthodox Church, and this is something that Elizabeth can elaborate and speak to much better, but the position of the Orthodox Church, that Constantinople space, that is deeply contested in nomenklatura, as well as political power. It has also been in a way, it's a hit against that institution, and those who uphold and try to maintain it. So, on a number of different levels, I think this is this is posing a very, very serious issue in terms of the cohesion and resilience of communities of faith globally. It is, as I said, particularly problematic because it isn't only the Hagia Sophia, but it is the preponderance of that kind of abuse of religious and sacred sites.   What is very noteworthy is how, how the silences that were happening around this, and yet the cries and the screams of indignation, and you can easily see that within the Muslim community, for example, there's a tremendous amount of consternation about saying something or taking a position because there is no unified Muslim position on this. It is very much divided. But, to me, the thing that I find most disturbing is the sense that the tectonic plates between Islam and Christianity shift. With this in the end, it leaves us all in this kind of a space, which I suppose for some regimes around the world, this might well be what they would be comfortable than presiding over. But I do think that it fundamentally weakens the civic cohesion that we require as citizens of the world in a time when democracy itself is deeply under threat, when multilateralism is under threat, to then have the religious play such a, for lack of a better word, an explosive role, is about the last thing that we would sort of need, really. So I'll leave it at that.   EDINGTON:  Oh, boy. Okay. Azza, thank you. On that note, we have, not surprisingly with three such wise people, we have gone considerably past our limit of 20 minutes of conversation. So Irina, I'm going to turn it right over to you to move us into the Q&A from our guests.   FASKIANOS: Wonderful, thank you very much, everybody. Appreciate it. So now we'll go to questions. I see some hands are already raised. So just to review, if you go to the bottom of your screen, you can click on the raise hand icon there. And if you're on a tablet, you look at the upper right hand corner of your tablet, there will be a "more" button and you can raise your hand there. And please say who you are and your affiliation to give the group context for your perspective and your lens. So we'll go first to Felice Gaer.   GAER:  Thank you very much. And thank you for this excellent program on this important issue. I'm Felice Gaer, director of AJC's Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights. It's wonderful to see Elizabeth again. I wanted to ask without making comparisons. Do the speakers think that this action by Erdoğan signals strength, or signals weakness, and what is the signal specifically to Christians in Turkey? And what's the signal given here to the United States? We noticed that President Trump praised Mr. Erdoğan Monday night for being very nice to him. But there was an expression of concern by the U.S. government when this happened. So does this signal strength, or does this signal weakness?   COOK:  I presume that question is most directly related to my area of expertise. So let me just say that domestically, President Erdoğan is in a relatively weaker position than he has been in the past. Turkey has been confronting significant economic problems. If you remember back when it came to the municipal elections, he lost every major metropolitan city in the country, including Ankara, the capital, and Istanbul, Istanbul, which he had said was that if we lose Istanbul, we are clearly losing our footing in all of this. And he has been working assiduously since that time to rebuild his political strength. And there is an ongoing theme in Turkish politics throughout the period of the Republic, of a kind of interesting interrelation between religion and nationalism, and this is the issue that Erdoğan has focused on over the course of the last couple of years, and the reconversion of Hagia Sophia from a museum to a mosque is sort of, a kind of, quintessential move in this religious and nationalist direction. It is an attempt to regain domestic strengthen and domestic initiative, given the fact that, as I said, the AKP is not as popular, it's not as popular with youth. There have been defections from the AKP among a number of notable figures, historic figures within the party.   Regionally, President Erdoğan, again, I'll emphasize just quickly what I said before, is seeking to establish Turkey as a leader in the Muslim world, now because of Atatürk's reforms in the early 1920s, many, many, many, many, the vast majority of Turks really don't have access to their history. And so they've responded to the Justice and Development parties sort of version of Ottoman history, that version of Ottoman history that AKP has brought to the world. The problem is in the region specifically, people understand the history of the Ottoman period much, much differently. So there is significant pushback in the region with regard to this very kind of aggressive position of Turkey as a leader of the Muslim world. If you ask the Egyptians, if you ask the Saudis, they don't accept Turkey as a leader of the Muslim world. Now, when it comes to the United States and Turkey, there is clearly a difference between the White House and the foreign policy bureaucracy. And the State Department, no doubt, I can't remember what the statement was, but issued some statement about concern about what's happened. But what's really important and what's really important to Erdoğan is what comes out of the Oval Office. And it's clear that President Trump and President Erdoğan are fond of each other personally. And that is what matters. If it didn't matter, then Turkey would be under sanctions, under the CAATSA sanctions, and a variety of other things that are important to the professional foreign policy bureaucracy in Washington. Thanks.   PRODROMOU:  Can I add a footnote to that because Felice, I think your question is crucial, and it's great to see you again. I think Steven sort of underscored there's a paradox at work here. On the one hand, it appears that Erdoğan is, reaching the pinnacle of his power, and I use the word power because it's certainly not legitimacy. But at the same time, the Turkish economy's tanking and cratering. Turkey is more isolated in the region now than it's ever been. Really it's only friend in the greater Middle East is Qatar, which itself is isolated from the GCC. Turkey is increasingly isolated and inside the transatlantic alliance, but that isolation, which is a sign of weakness there, but at the same time, there has not emerged any unified opposition to Erdoğan inside Turkey, whether it's, İmamoğlu or Babacan or oxen, or any of those we could mention.   None of the opposition parties have managed either a united front or to reach the kind of threshold that would pose a real challenge electrically to Erdoğan. And then finally, Turkey now occupies three countries in the region. They've occupied Cyprus, Northern Cyprus since 1974. They now occupy northern Syria. And they are and they move, I won't say occupy, they move easily across the border with Iraq at will. And so I think the real question that comes out of your question, Felice, is not whether Erdoğan is strong or weak, but whether the transatlantic alliance is strong or weak. And the absolute failure of the transatlantic alliance to respond to Erdoğan moves, domestic and foreign, signifies the weakness of that alliance to stand up to its norms. Those are NATO's as  a security community of democracies and also in terms of its strategic interests, so that lack of response and the tepid response out of the State Department, Congress's inability to push back against President Trump's violation of U.S. law when it comes to what Steven said, to applying CAATSA sanctions, speaks to a different kind of weakness and that's on the transatlantic side that enables Erdoğan to do what he's doing.   KARAM:  I would just add that it's not just the transatlantic weakness. I think there's a weakness of the multilateral space in general, multilateral institutions in general, and into this void, being either weak entities and institutions that are meant to uphold global human rights and international law into the void of this weakness, a number of different leaders emerge, and all of whom are actually competing with one another globally. So it's not just in their own nation, but to see who's the bigger, more powerful leader quite frankly, that's what we're seeing today, all over the world. I would say that history teaches us, and I am a scholar of religion and politics for the last forty years, and I think one of the key lessons from history, especially looking at where the nexus of religion and politics comes together, is that whenever the political establishment, no matter how it is defined, starts to depend on or use religious symbols, religious institutions, religious language, that is very often a sign of weakness, actually, it's very, very often and very rarely has this been a situation except for in the very beginning of the different religions when, when the prophets or God was supposed to be the savior of the oppressed. But since then, in terms of institutional and social engagement, every time that the religious institutions or language or land and, Felice, you'll know this from the context that you're also very familiar with in the Middle East, in when religion becomes such a hot potato in the political space and gets beat and gets used by different regimes, it is invariably a sign of the weakness of those machines, otherwise they would not need the religious to justify their power, legitimacy, or actions.   FASKIANOS:  Great. So let's go to Whitney Bodman. We have a number of questions, so maybe we can, each of you can answer one and we'll move on and you can add in your answer to if you want to respond to somebody's point. So Whitney Bodman, and be sure to accept the unmute prompt.   BODMAN:  Whit Bodman from Austin Presbyterian Seminary. What do you expect to happen with the religious iconography within Hagia Sophia? And I've also heard some contrast made with the mosque in Cordoba and I was wondering if that becomes part of the polemic.   KARAM:  I'll just do what I, if I may very just to get two points. The first is that it functioned, as I believe the bishop also clarified, it functioned as a mosque from 1453 to 1931. And I don't believe much has happened badly to the iconography it has been covered in some cases. But in that time, in those many centuries, things have stayed within this institution and have been protected to a large extent. The situation in Cordoba was quite different. In this was also mosque transferred into church, so there's it's a slightly different case. It wasn't rendered the museum as such, and the time that it was a museum added to the protectiveness of the authorities, and the responsibility and obligation to look after what was in there, so I don't necessarily see why that would change at the moment.   EDINGTON:  I can just add in, Elizabeth may have something to add to this too. I understand that on the twenty-fourth of July, when the first Friday prayers were offered in the mosque, two of the mosaics were covered over with sheets. One, the Virgin and Child mosaic and the other, a sort of Jesus Pantocrator mosaic. Whether that's going to continue, I don't know. Assurances have been given by the state ministers in Turkey that no harm will come to the existing mosaics but we'll see.   PRODROMOU:  Most of those, most of those images, a lot of the iconography, alas, was covered over. Some was destroyed. Some was covered over during the siege in 1453. And then subsequently, it was plastered over with the removal of the plaster. Some of the iconography now, as Azza said, has been particularly since the site was converted to a museum, protected. But I think it's concerning. I think there's every reason to have grave concern about the Turkish government's commitment to preserving the integrity of that mosque. And those images in the mosque and also, I think the hotter church is going to be the real test of that, because those, the iconography and mosaics, and there are far more extensive, and to cover them over would mean covering over almost all of the visible space in that site. And those contain some of the most magnificent Byzantine frescoes from the Palaeologan Renaissance period. So I think that'll be another big test.   KARAM: I think we just, I would have to disagree a little bit with Elizabeth on this. I don't think that just by virtue of the fact that this this automatic assumption of concern because of damage, that we may well find that the Turkish government sees it in its own interest to be protective, rather than destructive. We're not talking about ISIS here. We're talking about a government that has been, for better or worse, elected by its own people. And that is part of the international fabric of the community and has been working to safeguard what it considers to be also its own part of its cultural heritage. So I think all these things factored into a government's decision.   FASKIANOS:  Let's go next to Farah Pandith.   PANDITH: Good afternoon. It's a pleasure to be with you. I'm Farah Pandith. I'm with the Council on Foreign Relations. And I just have to say since Fletcher was called out, I'm a proud Fletcher alum. I have a question for Steven, he brought up an issue that I think is really critical in the context of the larger landscape. So two aspects to what happened with Hagia Sophia. One is, I'm curious Steven, how you view that in the context of what is happening in India, with the changes from mosques to temples, temples to mosques, and back and forth. And secondly, connected to that, there was a news report a couple weeks ago, where the first lady of Turkey was meeting with a Bollywood actor who had come to Turkey and it's sort of when you talked about, the sort of, the Ottoman reboot and bringing in this idea of Turkey speaking for Muslims. I'm just curious if you saw a connection there with that visit and how you view that. Thank you so much.   COOK:  Thanks, Farah. I just want to point out that I'm a proud CIS grad. My wife, my sister, and my sister in law are all Tufts grads. So, I'm good with this group apparently. With that, go Jumbos. Farah, I think you make a good point in terms of comparison. And that you do have populist leaders around the world who have seized upon religious sentiment of the majority in order to advance their interest. So I would put the reconversion knowing kind of in a theoretical sense, not knowing the details of what's happened in India, I can essentially put Hagia Sophia's reconversion from a museum into a mosque in a similar type of category as what you're seeing in India, with the conversion of mosques into temples.   It's clear that Erdoğan and Modi are of a same, similar type and have signaled to their core constituencies, and beyond, the importance of religion. And let me point out, in Turkey, lest anybody be confused by this, is that this is not something that is just for the AKP's core constituency. This is something that is broadly popular in Turkey for those who are casually supportive of the AKP or not at all supportive of the AKP. This idea, this intertwining of religion and nationalism, motivates and activates different constituencies. So you will find secular nationalists who would regard the conversion of Hagia Sophia as something that's important for Turkey's collective dignity in the world, and I suspect not knowing, having spent three and a half wonderful weeks in India five years ago, but knowing not really following, I would suspect that you would find the same thing among the Hindu population in India. As far as Mrs. Erdoğan's hosting of Bollywood actors or actresses, I think that there is a sense, within the AKP, that for eighty-five years of the Republic, Ankara looked almost exclusively West. Now that's not necessarily true. But that is the perception and that is the signal coming from the Islamist movement. Now, Turkey is a global power. India has the largest population of Muslims in the world, despite being a minority, and that Turkey can speak for Muslims globally. Not just in the Middle East, not just in Africa where Turkey has been active, not just in North Africa, in the horn, as well as now further in South Asia and Southeast Asia. Turkey wants to see itself and wants other Muslims to see it as a defender of the faith. And, if you're on Turkish Twitter, the Indians, the Kashmiris, the Pakistanis, lots of people pop up who want to express their support for president Erdoğan and Turkey. I'll stop there.   FASKIANOS:  Right, let's go to Thomas Zane. And if you could direct your question, that would be great.   ZANE:  45:16 So my question is about Russia's role in all of this and how on the one hand, they're Orthodox country and they would like to see Hagia Sophia protected, on the other hand, they would love to, you know, get a dig up the Patriarch of Constantinople for their actions and Ukraine. And on the third hand, there there's some help facilitating the building of a mini Hagia Sophia and, and Syria and Hama, Syria together with the businessman there. So what do you think their role or position is one way or the other and all of this? Whoever is the best one to answer.   PRODROMOU:  I can jump in. I can start with that. I think the Russia-Turkey relationship, let's call it that, has provided Russia with an opportunity to act as a disrupter inside NATO, and to gradually make inroads using cultural diplomacy and military and energy relationships with Turkey inroads into the greater Middle East. But the history of Russia-Turkey relations in the pre-modern period, I think suggests that this is a momentary relationship of convenience. Again, Russia plays a disruptive role within NATO and Turkey utilizes its relationship with Russia as leverage inside NATO. When it comes to, and I think they asked for hundreds, the purchase of the S-400, the military system by Turkey is the best example of that. But when it comes to the Hagia Sophia, the unfortunate competition within the Orthodox world, if we want to call it that way, Moscow's, the patriarchate of Moscow's pretensions to primacy, those figure quite neatly with the objectives. And I think empirical evidence bears this out. It's not hyperbole to say it, the objectives of the Turkish state since 1923, which is the elimination of any living Greek Orthodox Christians and the elimination of the ecumenical patriarchy. And so this is again, a moment of convenience and a moment where two leaderships in two countries, both of which are non-democratic, highly authoritarian, with totalitarian features, and both utilize and instrumentalize their relationship for micro and macro purposes, religious and geopolitical. And I don't anticipate, in the short term, any shift in that. But I think this is a marriage, a shaky marriage at best, of momentary convenience.   FASKIANOS:  Great. Abbas Barzegar has his hand raised. And he also put his question in the chat. So Abbas, I'm going to, why don't you just unmute and ask it yourself.   BARZEGAR: Okay. Absolutely. Thank you, Irina and thank you, everybody from the Council and hello. It's wonderful to see everybody. Thank you, question is, given the rise of authoritarianism, strongman politics, exemplified in many ways by Erdoğan himself, and the weakening of multilateralism, and the importance of how much we need interreligious dialogue and, not just dialogue, but like interreligious working groups on humanitarian issues and whatnot. What tools do we have available right now for those of us who want to shore up those kind of relationships to push back against this increasing trend? Thank you.   KARAM:  Can I take a stab at that, given that it has to do with interreligious work? And I think I'd love also to hear from Elizabeth, who sits on my board. I would say a couple of things, Abbas. One of the worst things that's been happening in the last few years as we've seen religion move into the mainstream of public life and discourse and unfortunately become instrumentalized left, right and center. One of the things that has happened is that there's been a flourishing, if you will, of the interreligious space and the interreligious discourse that is taking place. And as we've seen in reactions to a pandemic like COVID, we will also see this pandemic of abuse of religion will have two completely polar reactions. One reaction, which is a coming together of communities, of people of discourse for care, for nurture, for resilience, building, etc. And another, completely contradictory trend, which is to dig in and try to rip up even more and create even more divisions, and all in the name of doing good, of course, none of this has ever said very openly to be armed. But I think you will see that what we don't want to have happen is to start recreating and really reinventing the wheel again, in terms of more and more institutions and organizations and networks and whatever trying to deal with interreligious and intercultural. There are so many institutions in our map of the world, in the ecosphere of our human existence, that have been dealing with these issues for a very long time.   I can tell you that from the Religions for Peace perspective, this issue of the Hagia Sophia has been instrumental in bringing together our religious leaders, as diverse as they are, and having them actually debate and discuss with one another and see one another and their respective institutions and roles very well. And I think that this kind of a coming together, even when and about issues that are deeply emotional, and for some people quite divisive, of the religious institutions, this coming together of different religious institutes and religious leaders and religious communities is absolutely important. That is one of the things that we have to be very deliberate in supporting. And to date, we see what governments do is very, very important, which makes a lot of sense. But this is one of those civic arenas that we now have to actively strengthen, actively work together with and build more partnerships with other civil society entities, and there are already mechanisms for this. I would love to see more interest from many of the governmental and non-governmental partners in the work that we're doing with Religions for Peace because this is the space where Elizabeth and the patriarchs, representatives, and the Pope's representatives and the Egyptian, and Turkish, and whatever, all of their representatives come together and this is precisely the space that needs to be nurtured and given voice and platform because they're talking quintessentially about how you heal, rather than how you deepen, the rifts.   COOK: If I could just jump in here very quickly and offer a different perspective about this question. I think now is not a propitious moment for what Azza is suggesting, that there's an intensification of the multireligious, interreligious dialogue, if only because of, precisely your diagnosis about authoritarian strongmen. If you know something about how authoritarian strong men work, and how they use civil society organizations as an outer perimeter defense for their regimes, I can easily imagine how Recep Tayyip Erdoğan would welcome the idea of hosting an interreligious dialogue in Istanbul to talk about everything that the Turkish government is doing to protect the Orthodox Church, Jews, Christians in Istanbul. We've seen this over and over and over again, going back to Erdoğan's sponsorship of the Alliance of Civilizations, being part of a group of democracies, and so on, and so forth. This is something that is playing right into the hands of authoritarians. If you want to have these interreligious dialogues, have them far away from places where, like Istanbul, like Cairo, like Riyadh, like any number of, any number of cities.   EDINGTON:  If I may—   FASKIANOS:  I think Azza disagrees.   EDINGTON:  I don't know if you want to jump in on this, Elizabeth, but I think I'm the only person—   COOK: I can't get through one of these without being a skunk at a party.   EDINGTON:—I think I'm the only—Elizabeth, do you want to jump in?   PRODROMOU: I would just say that, I think, as Azza said, we have the processes and the tools. But I do think that it's important for faith-based leaders to actually be brave. May be easy for me to say that, but I don't think it is. I think faith-based leaders need to be brave. I mean, they have to lean into these issues. And also it's important for people who are looking for them to take the lead and give voice to things to actually do that and realize that oftentimes the most difficult part of interfaith dialogue isn't the interfaith, it's what's happening inside their particular communities because that's their first audience nine out of ten times, and so they will make calculations based on that. But,  I think they just have to be willing to, to be to be brave. And by that, I mean, not only standing up for what their communities claim, , that they all share, but also calling out political leaders who maybe can't be called out by non-faith based civil society groups that are fearful in other ways.   EDINGTON:  So as, as the only person on the panel who can't claim to be a scholar, but can claim to be in that category of faith community leaders, let me just come to Azza's point. I guess I would say, I think now is the time for those of us in these communities who have long been committed to the idea that interfaith conversation is essential, not just for enriching my own faith experience, but for tending our communities and our countries toward more peaceful outcomes. I think now is the time for us to redouble those efforts. But I take Steven's warning and I think it's, I'm happy to take it. I have no interest in irenic conversation with state authority. I don't think that gets us anywhere. I think we really need to go do our own work. But I'll also say, as Azza, I think you will agree, within these faith communities, the people who are really committed to interfaith dialogue are minority and we have to work on that problem too.   KARAM:  I think there's all types and all kinds and it remains important to understand that precisely because religions are being instrumentalized in their discourse, in their sizes, precisely because of this instrumentalization that's taking place by the politicians, it would be a mistake to walk away from the spaces, religious actors and religious leaders and institutions. And the question then becomes, how do you engage within that space to try to nurture and safeguard the resilience, the social cohesion that we require, which tells us that the communities that are religious are the ones who have to be socially cohesive. So I don't think there's a way of getting away from knowing what the problem is and understanding that those who are contributing to that space from a very negative perspective, there are many more who can contribute from an extremely positive perspective and are doing so.   FASKIANOS:  Okay, so I'm sorry, we're not going to get to all the questions. We're going to just have to reconvene and do another conversation. I'm going to go next to Bishop Peter Eaton. And so we can have him ask his question and then there was also a question in the chat. I know that Mark is going to ask for you all to give a summary, wrap up just about how effective are these discussions we're having to being effective to the issues at hand. So, that came from Harry Cavalaris. So, go over to you Bishop Eaton.   EATON:  Thank you, Irina. I'm Peter Eaton. I am a colleague of Bishop Eddington's. I'm the Bishop of the Episcopal Church in Southeast Florida. And I'm very grateful to you all for this extremely thoughtful and engaging conversation. And my question may, in fact, have been answered at least indirectly. And as I'm talking to you, I had before me a book published in 1920 called the Redemption of Saints of Fear when the conversation was in fact about returning the church to Christian use at the fall of the Ottoman Empire. So we've been having conversations about this kind of thing for a very long time. But when I was last in Istanbul several years ago, in conversation with friends and colleagues there, and it was early on in Erdoğan presidency, the phrase I remember was this: that Erdoğan was the best hope among possible leaders of the country, for minorities in the country. Now this was very early on. And so my question is, was that really true? And if it wasn't true then there's no other question, but if it was true, what's happened because, of course, there's still that there was hope about, there are many properties that continued to be closed by the government, the theological school at Halki, a number of other institutions, that the church at least has hoped would be reopened and returned to church use there. So, so, so was Erdoğan really a hope? Or not? And if we was, what's happened?   COOK:  I will take that on. Um, and I'm confused by your Southeast Florida accent. Doesn't, it seems like Southeastern England, but I'll take your word for it.   EATON:  I'll explain it to you offline, Steven. Feel free to be in touch.   COOK:  I mean, it sounds close. Anyway, look, just two quick points before I answer the question specifically about Erdoğan being a hope for minorities. One, just going back to the previous discussion, I think the line between civil society, religious organizations in authoritarian systems has not only been blurred but been obliterated. I don't think you can really talk about independent nongovernmental organizations in a place like Egypt or in Turkey at this point. So if you're going to do interfaith dialogue with civil society, realize you're going to be talking to the government in one way or another. Two, yes, in fact, what are the reasons why Ataturk decided to make Hagia Sophia a museum? Was because he made the arguments, not what he decided, he made the argument that if the Europeans had succeeded, had beaten the nationalist revolution in Turkey, Hagia Sophia would have been made a church. And his goal was to reorient Turkey, the Republic of Turkey, and this was a way of kind of settling everybody's interest.   Now, when your friends in Turkey early on in the AKP period were talking about Erdoğan is a hope, they were talking about ethnic minorities, and they were talking specifically about Kurds, and what are Kurds, and the vast majority of Kurds are Muslims. And what the AKP promised when it came to power, was to loosen the ideas of what it means to be Turkish and Turkishness, which was no longer under, in the AKP's worldview, necessarily ethnic. So the point was that, with the AKP's emphasis on religion, on Islam, 20 percent of the population that had been discriminated against because they were a different ethnicity. They weren't Turks, they might have been mountain Turks, which was the euphemism for Kurds, could be brought in and normalized because everybody would be happy Muslims living within Anatolia, there would be no distinction. And that was something that was actually helpful. And there was a moment where, leading all the way up through 2014, where there was the possibility of settling accounts. How that ended was the hard realities of Turkish nationalism, and Kurdish nationalism. We don't have enough time to go into that, but that would be a great book.   KARAM:  Can I quickly add on to that point, please? Because I think that the question of was it was it for sure, was it for real, was this discourse or narrative for real, is a very valuable question as well. And I think I agree with Steven and so far, as not only the AKP, but many of the religious political parties, when they are trying to get their attention, and assume that they are, and show people that they are indeed respectful, they tend to speak very favorably about human rights issues, minorities the whole time, it's part of the political discourse. And you saw it with the Muslim Brotherhood. They also, by the way, it's not just with religious minorities, they also speak like that about gender and women's rights issues. They're supposedly, extraordinarily caring about these, all the human rights, including those who normally know that they don't really care about those particular rights. It's part of the discourse of politics that we see happening around this everywhere. And I think that was part of that conversation. Now, how serious was he or not? You can see from what has transpired. But that it is part of the political narrative including a political narrative from religious parties? Yes. That always is part of the pitch, if you will, that takes place and then experience shows differently.   PRODROMOU: Just to add on to this, I think that Erdoğan was seen as a hope by the religious communities as well, not only in terms of more inclusiveness when it came to ethnic communities. And I think that their view, if you were to talk to leaders in the ancient Christian communities, or the Jewish community, was that Erdoğan's view about how to organize religion. First of all, he acknowledged the relevance of religion, both for the Muslim majority but also for non-Muslim minorities. What their view was that his was an outright Neo-Ottoman meeting, meil millet model. So that meant that those communities actually would be organized, but as separate and unequal. Under the Kemalis, that's a different kind of nationalism, you know, under the myth of Turkey as a secular democracy, the Kemalists use secular nationalism as a means to create the very architectures that eliminated most of the country's non-Muslim minorities and made life very difficult for the alloyed community, who are considered nonconforming Muslims. So I think that the faith communities in Turkey were quick to understand that they had two options in late 2002, either a secular nationalism that had led to their near erasure, or a religious form of nationalism that would allow them to live as separate and unequal. So for the religious communities, I think that's why they saw Erdoğan as the least worst option, as opposed to all of the CHP and other self styled secular parties that had come before.   EDINGTON:  So it's thirty-six minutes past the hour, we have run way past our time, and I can testify that all three of you missed a great calling as a preacher because you had no difficulty filling up the space. Thank you so much for that. I'm going to give you a chance, remembering that the people on this call are going back to their communities on Friday and Saturday and Sunday to share a message with them. So in thirty seconds. Can you give us some advice about what we should be saying to our communities about this issue and the hope of interfaith dialogue? Thirty seconds, Elizabeth go.   PRODROMOU:  If you want to know why Hagia Sophia matters for your community—one day it's Hagia Sophia, the next day it's your temple, or mosque, or synagogue, or church, or worship space. And so, reflecting on the preservation and respect for sacred space, and its intended use, is something that affects all of your communities. And don't be silent.   EDINGTON:  Steven.   COOK:  Beware political leaders and political entrepreneurs espousing religious values.   EDINGTON:  Azza, last word.   KARAM: And beware of religious actors who try to espouse political positions and values, as well. I think absolutely important to realize that our faith is our backbone for all communities around the world. To have it abused or utilized will hurt everyone, what every single person of faith, it's not just about Muslims, or Christians, or Jews, or Hindus, or Buddhists, or Sikhs. This is about faith, and faith needs to be safeguarded and nurtured. And what better way to do so than to come together as people of faith, as communities of faith, to keep away from the politics, but also to be the mirror of the conscience for all those who claim to represent us. Keep the faith. Stay together.   EDINGTON:  Thank you, everybody. Elizabeth, Steven, Azza. Great conversation. Thank you so much. Irina Faskianos and the Council on Foreign Relations. Thank you so much for sustaining the Religion and Foreign Policy roundtable. I really appreciate it. So many of us do. Thanks for making this conversation possible.  Thanks everyone.   KARAM:  Thank you.   FASKIANOS: Thank you to all of you and just as a footnote, you can follow Steven Cook and Azza Karam's work on Twitter @stevenacook and @Mansoura1968. You can follow Mark Eddington's work at the episcopalchurch.org and Elizabeth Prodromou at fletcher.tufts.edu. I also hope you follow us on our Twitter @CFR_religion, and of course, please send feedback suggestions to us at [email protected]. We appreciate it and thank you for this terrific conversation.
  • Religion
    Responding to COVID-19 and Racism: Learning From Faith Communities
    Play
    Rabbi Shoshanah Conover, senior rabbi at Temple Sholom of Chicago, Bishop Michael Curry, the twenty-seventh presiding bishop and primate of the Episcopal Church, and Dr. Mohamed Elsanousi, executive director of the Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers, discuss how faith communities have responded to the crises of COVID-19 and racial unrest, and what we can learn from their experiences. Dr. Charles Robertson, canon to the presiding bishop of the Episcopal Church, moderates. This webinar is part of the Religion and Foreign Policy Program's Social Justice and Foreign Policy series, which explores the relationship between religion and social justice.  Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS:  Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy webinar series. I am Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. Today's webinar is the third in our Social Justice and  Foreign Policy series, which explores the relationship between religion and social justice. As a reminder, the webinar is on the record and the audio video and training script will be made available on our website cfr.org and on our iTunes podcast channel Religion and Foreign Policy Program. To turn today's conversation over to my colleague and friend, Dr. Charles Robertson, canon to the presiding bishop for ministry beyond the Episcopal Church, and he will introduce our speakers and moderate the discussion, and then we will turn to all of you for questions and comments and the latter half of this hour. So Dr. Robertson, over to you. ROBERTSON: Thank you, Irina, very much so. It is wonderful to have all of you on this call today. We welcome you to this special presentation on responding to COVID-19 and racism, and having a view from various panelists from the different faith communities. I am honored and delighted to be able to introduce to you Dr. Mohamed Elsanousi, who is executive director of the Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers, a global network that builds bridges between grassroots peacemakers and the global players. Prior to this position, Dr. Elsanousi, was director of the interfaith and government relations for the Islamic Society of North America, and also recently was selected to join the NGO Working Group on the UN Security Council. Welcome Dr. Elsanousi. I am also pleased to welcome Rabbi Shoshanah Conover of Temple Sholom in Chicago, senior rabbinic fellow of the Shalom Hartman Institute. She serves on the executive committee of the Chicago Board of Rabbis, is a leader of the pioneering work of the Illinois Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, and sits on the board of the Midwest Anti-Defamation League. It is wonderful to have you with us, Rabbi. CONOVER: Thank you. ROBERTSON: And finally, the most Reverend Michael Curry, who is presiding bishop and primate of the Episcopal Church, having previously served for over 15 years as Bishop of the Diocese of North Carolina. Well known to many for his sermon at the Royal Wedding in 2018, Bishop Curry also is an author with a new book coming out, Love Is the Way: Finding Hope in Troubling Times, appropriate for this conversation here. Welcome Bishop Curry. CURRY: Thank you very much. ROBERTSON: Now as we get started, before we turn to our listeners and let them have part of this conversation with us, I'd like to get this conversation started by thinking about this unprecedented time which we find ourselves. We've seen how COVID-19 has impacted every area of American society and indeed, across the globe. With past crises of various types, religion and religious institutions have been able to provide some kind of communal support needed to weather the storms around us. But in some ways, faith communities have been hit particularly hard, particularly because of social distancing, and the need not to be close together. I'd like to see how this has played out from each of your perspectives, how have you seen this going in your various traditions? And why don't we start with you, Rabbi, if you could start us off and then just go from there? CONOVER: Sure, and I'll say that, that firstly, it's an honor to be here. And as I look at the world around us right now, how appropriate that we're having this conversation today, when we are as a Jewish people marking Tisha B'Av, which is a commemoration of the destruction of both the first and second temples in Jerusalem, we mark that on this day, the ninth of the Hebrew month of Av, and I'll say to this is that when we look around, one of the things that we always make sure to chant is from Eicha, from Lamentations, where we say, Eicha yash-va badad ha'ir rabati am, alas, lonely since the city once great with people, and I will say that those words resonate so deeply in this time, because we actually pile on top of the destruction of the temple, so many layers of loneliness and pain. And this notion of looking around, especially in the city of Chicago and around the world, how we sometimes are feeling so lonely in these moment. I'll say that in our congregation, we reach out to so many people, we've reached out, volunteers have reached out to everyone in our community, to have phone calls, to set up weekly calls, to go grocery shopping, to get them up on technology. And there is a loneliness that is pervasive. Some can't remember the last hug that they felt, or the last conversation they had face to face with someone. But I'll also say that, even as we lament the not being able to gather in person and on this day, lamenting the destruction of the temples. We also remember the transformation that can happen even in this time. And that we know that we have wisdom to draw on. In the Talmud, the sages actually quote a verse from Ezekiel, where they're trying to figure out is God with us, even when there are these destructive patterns, even when not only were there once this great temple, but also there were large other places of worship that are open no longer. They quoted Ezekiel, who said “vayehi lahem l'mikdash m'at b'artzot asher ba-usham,” that saying that, even when there are these destructions, I will then be with them as a little sanctuary, wherever they may go in any area they may go, and the sages say that that means in smaller synagogues and study halls. But we also realize that this means that it's happening in people's homes. And I don't know about you, Bishop Curry, or you, Dr. Elsanousi, if you've noticed that what happens when we are able to see into each other's homes. There's an intimacy that's there, that when we see each other and how we are situated in our homes, we do feel like these are smaller sanctuaries, where holiness still resides. And even though it's not the same as being able to be in person and feel that warm embrace, that somehow we're able to still relate so deeply to one another. And thank God I think that that is still being able to carry us through this very difficult time. ROBERTSON: Dr. Elsanousi, Bishop Curry, would you like to either one of you jumped in? ELSANOUSI: I will let Bishop Curry begin because just in the order of the revelations, so we had the Judaism, next and then the final one is Islam. ROBERTSON: What a wonderful idea. Thank you. CURRY: Well said, well said my brother. None of us have been through anything quite like this. There are a few survivors of 1918. But where virtually, if not the whole world, the vast majority of it has been confined to quarters, if you will, by an invisible adversary, who is an equal opportunity employer in the damage that it does. And this has been this has been profound and the impact on human beings on us and human society is we don't know what it will be. It has unveiled wide disparities between rich and poor. Those who have access to effective medical treatment and those who do not. It has been a revelation, of the wide disparities between how just people just here in the United States live that for many, the notion of social distancing is virtually impossible because you have extended families living in small quarters. I mean, and many of us like me, I have a home and it's just me and my wife and her two cats, and our children are grown and they're on their own and they're in their homes. But many people don't have that kind of opportunity and option. It's revealed, deep anxieties that are undergirding and fueling divisions that were already there. It is revealing some of our discontinuity and profound and justices and wrongs that have been there all along, which is why this pandemic is not only biological, but it is sociological, and it is deeply spiritual. It has, from my faith, it has challenged our faith tradition, in some deep ways, almost like the Hebrew psalm, "How should we sing the Lord’s song in a strange land?" And we've had to try to figure out, how do you do that? And even when some churches are able, at places are able to regather in small numbers, the notion of even singing is dangerous for the spread of the virus. So how should we sing the Lord's song in a strange land when we can't even sing it? I'm not sure of anything globally that has quite impacted us this way. And just talking to friends from around the world. It's even more profound. When you travel around the world where healthcare, and access to clean water, and access to clean food is really problematic. This is, as the rabbi said, how lonely sits the city that was once full of people. This is a moment of lamentation. And I'll stop there. But that may be where our deepest religious resources may be able to help us to navigate when the city is lonely, and you can't sing the Lord's song. And yet, somehow, you must taste and see that the Lord is good. Hmm. That that's a profound challenge for all of us. ROBERTSON: Thank you, Bishop, Dr. Elsanousi. What would you add to that? ELSANOUSI: Well, thank you. Thank you so much. Dr. Robertson I'm really honored to be here and thank you, Irina as well for having us, just delighted to be among friends here. There is no doubt we're definitely living in an unprecedented time and with COVID-19 and also other issues of social justice, here. It is completely different. Tomorrow, I will be celebrating Eid al-Adha, the Festival of Sacrifice here at home alone with the family. And this is true for Muslim communities in the United States and around the world as well. And this is for the second day that we are celebrating at home because we cannot gather and we have to observe the social distancing. And also today, we lament on more than 150,000 American lives that passed away because of COVID-19. And almost more than half a million lives from around the world. And there are millions of people who are sick as well. So really, this is an unprecedented time and it has impacted our life in all aspects of life as Bishop just mentioned. But also as a community, it also brought us together in terms of connecting to our families, as well as one of the things that in our communities people say that instead of having 3,000 Muslim imams in the United States, now probably we have hundreds of thousands of imams because we do the collective prayers at home, and, and one person leads that prayer. So basically, that person is an imam. So we have hundreds of thousands of imams. So that's may be the positive aspect of this challenge that we're facing. But around the world also, as we speak right now, the pilgrims in Makkah, it's an unprecedented time, they are now leaving the Mount of Arafat heading to Makkah after basically completing the Hajj. And this is the first time you have only 10,000 pilgrims in Makkah, last year 2.5 million of them. So this pandemic basically impacted our spiritual life, our social life, and all aspects of our lives here and around the world. But here in the United States, the Muslim communities also brought us together in the sense that the Muslim community come together and they created a task force just to respond to COVID-19.  How to provide guidance to communities in terms of worship and practices, in term of social justice, in terms of solidarity with our most vulnerable people in our communities, as well as how to strengthen our inter-religious and interfaith relationships, also. So we're trying to do our best so that we can overcome this hard situation that we're going through. ROBERTSON: Yes, the implications for everyone, including for us in the faith communities is indeed fascinating. I'd like to note by the way that a future issue of the Journal of Religion and Health, which is to be released this fall, is going to have a special section devoted just to what has this meant, this disease in relation to religion, and it's going to be a compilation of articles edited by Curtis Hart and Harold Koenig, it sounds fascinating. I think there are so many implications. But that's not the only problems we're facing right now. All of you alluded to this, and Bishop Curry, in other times, I've heard you quoted as speaking of the twin pandemics that we are facing, not only COVID-19, but also a resurgence of racism, and racialized violence, as we've seen in the tragic deaths of persons of color in Minnesota, Kentucky, Georgia, all over, not to mention anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim hate crimes occurring. How have these parallel crises intersected? And what role do you all see faith communities playing to help make a difference? Bishop, why don't we start with you on that? CURRY: I thought we're going to go in the order of revelation, but okay. Now, the virus was here a long time before we knew it. And we don't know how far back whether December, November or even before we don't know, nobody really knows. But the virus was circulating invisibly, certainly in January in February. And then we became fully aware by March. We didn't know the fullness of its impact. I remember when I was doing planning with our staff, and we were planning for more intense meetings, we planned through the end of April because we figured, well, it will probably be over about then, and then we can go back to normal. We didn't know, we really didn't know that the reality of the pandemic exposed itself later and we saw it. But there was something the virus was there when we didn't know it or didn't acknowledge it. The virus of racism, the virus of anti-Semitism, the virus of bigotry, the virus of hatred, the virus, if you will, of turning on Asian-Americans, just because the virus came from China, similar to calling this flu of 1918 the Spanish Flu when it had nothing to do with Spain, or nothing to do with anybody Spanish, that's a deep virus that reflects a deep fissure that at least in the context of America, has been here since the founding of this republic that I deeply love. But it was conceived in sin, conceived in inequity, conceived in injustice, the forced removal and slaughter of native peoples, of indigenous people, the enslavement of African peoples, and then the prejudice against waves of immigrants coming to this country, the story of Asian Americans, of Japanese Americans. In turn I was just talking to one of our bishops yesterday. He's a bishop of the Episcopal Church, his parents were in an internment camp here in the United States of America. The reactions to Muslims in our communities, attacks on people because of their faith in America. Now, I know America is better than that. I know those ideals are real and strong. I believe it. I know Thomas Jefferson was a hypocrite, but the ideals he wrote about, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men that all folk are created equal," those ideals were true, even if the one who wrote them was a liar. This has been at the heart and soul of America. And indeed, the heart is deceitful above all things as the Prophet. The truth is, it is part of our human dilemma. And so this virus has exposed a deep fissure that was there that is taking many manifestations now. It is the human tendency to divide, to hate, to conquer, to dominate. And that tendency is a self-destructive tendency. Dr. King taught us a long time ago, "We shall either learn to live together as brothers and sisters, or we will perish together as fools." The choice is ours, chaos or community. This virus, this pandemic, is now causing us to figure out, will we live as community wearing facemasks, staying six feet apart from each other, listening to the public health officials? Will we choose community and learn to live by loving our neighbor as ourselves? Or will we submit to the chaos in which nobody is going to win? Our religious faith, all of our faith, say we must choose community. ROBERTSON: Rabbi, Dr. Elsanousi, either jump in. ELSANOUSI: Absolutely. I really agree with Bishop Curry here and, and the pandemic of COVID-19. That's where we're where it is and, and this has been going on for the last, you know, hundreds of years and I think this is something that definitely, we need to look into. And the coronavirus, exposed that and exposed our weaknesses. And we see that,  in our faith communities in our non-faith communities. But to address those issues, we have to have a whole of society approach. This is a time that we need to have a whole of society approach. This is not an issue that could be addressed by a single community, whether it is a religious community or secular communities, or other communities, we need to have a unity of purpose to address the pandemic of COVID-19 and the pandemic of racism. Because all of us, we go back to Adam and Eve, all of us, regardless of our color, or race or language, or any kind of orientation, we go back to Adam and Eve. So if we believe in that, then we are able to address these man-made crises that we're facing today. So that's really that's the bottom line of it, but we need to have the willingness, and the intention, and the sincerity to address that issue. Because all of our scripture, they're talking about this clearly, they're talking about, all men are created equal. All of the scriptures are talking about this, there is no superiority of an Arab above a non-Arab, or a block above a white. And that's the last message that the Prophet of Islam Muhammad, peace be upon him, actually said before he passed. He left it at that. There is no superiority all of us created equal. So what we are facing today is something that could be addressed by all of us, and not only here at home, but it's around the world. It's around the world. Also, we see this aspect of racism. We see human trafficking, we see new slavery going on in the world. So that needs to be addressed. CONOVER: Thank you so much. And I'll say this Dr. Elsanousi, I love that you brought us back to Adam and Eve and this notion of being created, as I would say it, B'tzelem Elohim, all of us created in the image of God. And so and I want to bring us back to that, that in the Garden of Eden with Adam and Eve, and this notion of what kinds of questions do we need to be asking ourselves in this moment? So we started off, I shared that we read Eicha, which is from Lamentations on this day, eicha, that word means how, and I think getting to how, also we ask a question that was asked of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden, which is just a little bit of a changing of that word from eicha to ayekka. The same letters, but just with putting the vowels just so, ayekka which means where. God asks Adam and Eve, just after they had eaten from the forbidden tree, where are you? And here's the question that I think we need to be asking ourselves right now. How is this still happening? And where are we? Where are we as a community? Bishop Curry, I so appreciated what you raised as far as we need to see ourselves as a whole community. And as we see ourselves as a whole community, then we show up for each other. And we are there for each other, as you said, with face masks, social distance, but we're there. We're showing up for one another because we see ourselves as one community. And I'll say something that gives me great hope, is seeing our youth involved across all differences involved in these movements today. That gives me great hope. And I'll say that the word hope, kav, comes from, in Hebrew the word tikvah, it comes from the word kav, which means thread. And I see that actually what we could see ourselves as a whole community is that we are threaded together. As Martin Luther King Jr. said in this shared garment of a shared destiny, that we then are part of this garment all threaded together. And so God willing, what we're seeing today is how we continue to ask ourselves, where are we? Where are we needed, so that we can make sure that we continue the hope in the future of shifting what have been the ills to something where there is great equity and justice for all of us. ELSANOUSI:  I'm glad, Dr. Robertson, I'm glad that you know, Rabbi Conover brought up the critical role of youth. This morning, we hosted youth from Southeast Asia, on Zoom, from the Philippines, from Thailand, from Myanmar, and from Indonesia, talking about COVID, religion, and conflict. And one of the things that the youth have said, they said the COVID crisis provided the opportunity for an intergeneration kind of collaboration within the houses of worship, because the youth are more savvy in terms of technology, and unfortunately, our worship and religious institutions are dominated by, basically, I would say senior citizens or basically, kind of non-youth leadership. So, but this provided an opportunity. So, she was saying that this is now they're coming to help. And that created a level of collaboration, will help also in the transition of leadership. So this point of view is quite critical. ROBERTSON: Indeed, we're going to come to, we're getting ready to take questions from our listeners. But right before we do, let me just ask you to briefly comment. This is a Council on Foreign Relations discussion. I'm curious as to what is the role of religious institutions at this time in terms of international advocacy, international assistance? What is our role to play in these in this area? If I just have a quick something from y'all and then we'll dive into our, our listeners’ questions. CURRY:  I'd like to jump in quickly, please. Because of the pandemic, obviously and some other climactic issues, the United Nations has identified the fact that the danger of global starvation, which will particularly impact children, is now maybe the next pandemic itself. That some of the many of the advances that we made in the Millennium Development Goals and the various strategic initiatives, UN and other governments, may be rolled back, and hunger among children is going to be pandemic. If there's not swift intervention by the international community, I mean, that is a fact. That's just apparently a fact that's right at our door. And there are there going to be other realities like that, that are going to be impacted by this. That's going to increase migrations of people, and issues of immigration, and migration that are not only true here in this country, in the United States, but are true around the world, are going to become more intense, and the need for religious voices to be moral voices of human compassion, and decency and caring for one another, not as I mean, the days of thinking these are soft values, are over. These are hard-headed values that will save that human community. That compassion, and love, and justice are the ways that we as a human community can navigate this. Anyway, that's going to come more to the fore for all of us. I'll stop there. ROBERTSON: Anything you all would like to add about our role within these areas, especially in advocacy? CONOVER: I just want to amplify what Bishop Curry just raised and that is just that if we as people of faith, are not listening to the prophetic call for justice, we're not listening with the right ears, that that is our role. And then we need to work with government officials the world over to make sure that they are enacting what the values are so that people can live better lives. And so I would say that we're called on this sacred partnership, that's not always easy, but it has to be a sacred partnership, so that we can be that moral voice, that prophetic voice that listens to the people who are most hurting. And then we can make sure that we're working carefully with elected officials the world over to make sure that we enact fair laws and then execute them well for justice. ELSANOUSI: There is no doubt the religious institutions really do have an important role to play in terms of advocacy, and. also partnerships with governments, and we have seen that. And unfortunately, Bishop, you mentioned the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Unfortunately now were almost, 10 years from the SDGs. And when you look into the review, most of the countries are behind in terms of meeting the SDGs. So we are also facing a number of challenges. You remember the Secretary General of the UN called for ceasefire during this COVID to provide an opportunity for communities to address issues that you raised, particularly in the conflict areas. But we had to wait three months to have the UN Security Council to issue a resolution agreeing with it with the Secretary General and we did a lot of work on that. We had religious leaders actually wrote to the Security Council, there were letters wrote and signed so that we encourage the Security Council to really, rise above the politics between countries and issue resolution for ceasefire supporting the Secretary General so that we can support those who are the most vulnerable people. So really the religious community, they have a role to play. Just last week, the Muslim World League and the Forum for Promoting Peace, they had a conference in the Muslim world called the Jurisprudence of Emergency because of COVID-19. And how all the 57 Muslim countries can provide directions and collaboration and also with governments. We know religious institutions in the Muslim world are controlled by government. But yet the voices of religious actors and leaders is very important. Because COVID-19 broad challenges, we have to examine our fundamental or pillars of the religion itself, how it could be basically adapted to war with the kind of situation. ROBERTSON: Absolutely, especially since we've heard Dr. King quoted a couple times today, think about his role and the role that religious players played in the Civil Rights Movement. And earlier today, I was on the phone with folks from the Desmond and Leah Tutu Foundation, and remembering the role that Archbishop Desmond Tutu played in ending apartheid there. So indeed, we have we have both a role and I think a challenge to take up that role and figure out how to be those profits. Now I believe we're going to turn to our callers. I've been grateful to see what some people have been writing in the chat room. But we'll now get a chance to hear from some of them as well. Irina?   FASKIANOS: Yes. So everybody, if you're on a computer, click on the participants’ icon, and raise your hand. And if you're on a tablet, click on the more button and you can raise your hand there. And we already have several questions in queue questions and comments. So the first one will go to Salam Al-Marayati. Thank you. AL-MARAYATI: Thank you. It's good to be with you. And good, great panel and really appreciate the conversation. ROBERTSON: Tell us who you're affiliated with as well before you give us your question. AL-MARAYATI: Oh, sure. Salam Al-Marayati, president of the Muslim Public Affairs Council, and Eid Mubarak to Dr. Elsanousi, and it's good to be with all the panelists as well. My question is related to foreign policy and that is we hear a lot about displacement of populations. And we hear about the problem of human trafficking and sex trafficking and, war and refugees. And we kind of look at it as well, that's just part of it collateral damage of the way the world is. And how can we as religious voices change the paradigm in foreign policymaking to make that a priority in our national security agenda? We spend so much money in hardware and surveillance and military, we don't spend enough on human capital. And so how can we as religious voices work towards that and make that a real priority in our policy and not just, well, we'll do it if we have extra money and we end up just getting the crumbs from the budget to deal with these very, very serious issues. And I just wanted to get a response from the panelists. Thank you. Thank you. ROBERTSON: Thank you for that very good question. Who would like to, to dive into that? CURRY: I'll take a quick dive and then let Dr. and Rabbi come in. One of the things that we can do as religious communities, as people of faith, is to advocate with public officials, those who have authority in matters of foreign affairs, but in true in all matters, to make our values valuable. That we must put at the top of the agenda, the maintenance and preservation of human rights and human decency. Those values that are there, if you can bullet underneath those broad categories, which our religious traditions share, and many people who are in public policy, whether foreign or domestic, at least claim to be religious. So, if you claim to be religious, then let us call you to the high calling of your religious faith, whatever it happens to be. And there are values about human brother and sisterhood, about human community, about justice and truth and compassion, and love of neighbor. I mean, we actually share more than we disagree about, and those are the core things and foreign policy must be centered and grounded on the values that we in this country claim are what has made this country great. So if that is the case, then let us make our values valuable by actually living them out in the policies that we execute. Both in terms of budget priorities, and in terms of foreign policy, and how this country acts in the rest of the world. CONOVER: I love that just a few years ago, we had a panel on restorative justice at our synagogue. So on our pulpit on our bema, we had a number of different elected officials, one of whom was State Attorney General Kim Foxx, who said that a budget is a moral document. And I think if we are not reminding people that that is, that where they spend their money actually says worlds, that actually says who we are as a people as a society, if we're not reminding them of that, and then holding them accountable to that because that was another piece that she mentioned, hold me accountable. If we are not holding our elected officials the world over accountable for how we act in this world and how we fund different projects in this world that help the cause of justice. Well, if we're not doing that, again, we are letting ourselves down there by letting down all of those issues that Salam, you mentioned so articulately and thank you for raising those issues. ELSANOUSI: Well, thank you so much Salam, Eid Mubarak to you as well. It's wonderful to hear your voice and the work that you do Salam at the Muslim Public Affairs Council, it's very clear demonstration to the very question that you raised. The better engagement as a religious institutions, that religious leaders we need to have a better engagement with our elected officials and with our branches of government, so that we can really put forward these values that Bishop Curry just mentioned and our own religious virtues. But unfortunately, we see what is happening is that our foreign policy actually guided by interest. That's why we compromise our values. When we are basically talking to global leaders or trying to advance foreign policy, we compromise these values, whether they are religious values, or our own American fundamental values that sometimes we compromise them because of a political interest. So I think we have to have a better engagement for religious leaders, a religious act, or religious institutions, with our elected officials, and from grassroots because really, politics starts local. So we need to encourage our churches and synagogues and mosques, to engage with our elected officials to address these very issues. So our values should come first. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Barbara McGraw. MCGRAW: Hello, thank you for taking my question. I'm the director of the Center for Engaged Religious Pluralism at St. Mary's College of California. And I want to say, first of all, that I am inspired by the beautiful theological vision that all of you are putting forth about, as Bishop Curry said, that we must choose community. Some of you have talked about compassion, love, and justice, and the prophetic voice and so forth. And I want to put what I think is maybe a hard question because I'm hearing this dichotomy religious voices with values and so forth and so on, and our elected officials, and how do we bring this together? I want to ask a question, a theological question, I think. How can you help to oppose those religious forces who interpret COVID-19 through the lens of the battle of good and evil, while they go on to other, other people? And I think it's an important question because this negative theological thread has raised its ugly head throughout history in times of stress, including other pandemics, and its presence in many religious traditions. And so there's a lot of work that needs to be done to bring the rest, that part of the world or that kind of thinking or that kind of theological vision, into the home of the inspirational vision you are all talking about, and how might you help people around the world come in your direction? ROBERTSON: Barbara, an excellent theological question, who would like to to respond first to this? ELSANOUSI: Probably Bishop, the most theologian in the panel. CURRY: But the order of revelation is usually helpful. (Laughs). ROBERTSON: There's also a question though, because we've seen it especially other times we saw with the AIDS crisis in this country. And we saw there a very - it was an immediate and easy jump to the prejudice and hatred that many folks had against gay and lesbian persons in this country. It was an amazing, easy jump that people were making. But we've seen that many ways. And we've seen it, as we already heard, with even now with kind of a tendency towards racism, but there is, you're right, how do we combat that? How do we combat poor theology? With good solid theology? CURRY: Well, I'll take a jump at it. I think we must refuse to swim on the shallows of our faith traditions, and we must go down to the depth of those traditions. Literally as we are sitting here, I think I haven't seen the TV, but I assume the funeral of John Lewis is happening. Part of the reason he is iconic, is that he refused to swim on the shallows of the faith tradition of Christianity, where segregationists long swam - at my grammar is off, but we're swimming, where folks have been swimming and done all sorts of devilment and wrong against all sorts of folk on the face of the earth, and sometimes done it in the name of Christianity. That is the surface but if you go deep into the faith, what are the core values of that faith? If you do the same in Islam, do the same in Judaism, do the same in all of our faith traditions, you will find those values that we're talking about. And we must therefore, I think, challenge in love, challenge, religious and theological voices that are swimming on the surface and will not go down into the depths of the very heart of God. ROBERTSON:  Indeed. CONOVER: Beautiful. So if you will come with me into a scriptural verse that I think is at the very beginning of creation. But I want to try to swim in those depths, if you would have me do that Bishop Curry, that's just a beautiful way of opening. And that is this notion of when God created the first human being, male and female, God created them, and that they were made, Betzelem Elohim, they were made in the image of God. Now, it didn't make sense that a single human being then is referred to them. What does that mean? And so we have Midrash we have commentary that actually says that the first human being was made male and female together back to back. And that actually God passed a deep sleep on that first human being, and then together, then separated them, so that they could actually be in relationship, they could see one another. And that that is actually how creation of humanity happened. And it's all but Betzelem Elohim, in the image of God, that there actually is a plurality in the oneness of God. And the only way for us to conceive of that as human beings is to be in deep relationship with one another to truly see one another. So if we're leaving out a group of people from that essential vision created by God, well, then we're missing something fundamental about not only what it means to be human, but what it means to actually see that each of us is a reflection of the Divinity. And then in treating each other, that's the fundamental that we work from, if we are treating any one group with hate, or saying that God is punishing that people, we're missing the first and most fundamental teaching of our faith. ELSANOUSI: And that is exactly true if we're talking about Islamic scripture. God created every human being in His own image. And just to add here, this situation and the discussion on good and evil. It requires us as religious leaders and religious institutions to have our own interfaith discussion. We have to have a discussion in our own denominations of this question. Because if you don't have that kind of understanding that God is the God of mercy and compassion, so we need to have that. I God's not punishing people because they have done X, Y and Z. But God is always compassionate, always merciful. So we need to have that internal discussion among ourselves to have that kind of an understanding so that we can take it to our people as well. ROBERTSON: So Barbara, I appreciate your original question but I really appreciate what you just wrote in the chat room. And I think that's a question not so much just for our panelists. But I think that's a question for all of the folks who are listening in right now. How can we help spread what we're just hearing right now, what you all are talking about? How do we find a way to spread that to the world and connect it to foreign policy and advocate for this way of understanding and appreciate other human beings and our connectedness and interconnectors? I would rather than make - I don't know if we have an easy answer to that one. But I think that is a question that truly is not simply for the panelists, but really is a question for all who are listening. CONOVER: And also ask that everyone who's listening I'll quote the Hamilton the musical which is, "get us in the room where it happens." Get that, get these voices, not just us but get these religious voices that see this notion of unity, beloved community that get those get us in the room to be able to have these conversations and help to guide policy. ELSANOUSI: And that may be the next theme for the CFR Religion and Foreign Policy Workshop in 2021 pandemic permit. FASKIANOS: God willing. God willing, we'll be able to reconvene by then. Let's, let's keep praying. Let's go next to Steven Gutow. ROBERTSON: Hello, Steve. GUTOW: Hi, it's fascinating to hear five such wonderful people and to realize that I know four of the five and the only person I've never met is you, Rabbi. CONOVER: Pleasure to meet you now. GUTOW: As a rabbi, I just found that funny. I want to take you to where you're going. And then I want you to carry forward this question, why not take this this beautiful moral universe that we're talking about this movement from the best of who we are, and take the world of politics and actually create this new idea, this new world. We can't devote ourselves, just to our theology, and we can't divorce ourselves just to say we shouldn't do it or just the people here should do it. The five of you, and I include you in it because I know you will, should help bring together something we actually - this is a terrible time in the world. We're all living in a trauma. This is a time when we could do something big, something huge, but we have to have our willingness to sit down and decide what that is and then bring faith together from the Philippines to Mauritania. I mean, we have to do something big. And this is a moment and I think that you all are people that could help move in that direction, not just something good, but something good and large an universal. That's my question. ROBERTSON: Wonderful question. It is wonderful to hear your voice, Steve, very much so. Anyone want to respond to the rabbi's question? ELSANOUSI: Rabbi, wonderful to hear your voice just to bring such a pleasure here. But I completely agree we need to find that mechanism that you are calling for, to achieve just what you have said. And I think and that's something that is I know that we gather once a year under the CFR and other places and all of that, but I think it requires us to come up with kind of a very specific solid roadmap, implementable kind of outcomes so that we can try to achieve in our lifetime. And then we'll leave legacy for those who can continue. But it's an important question and important kind of way to find the mechanism to carry that out. ROBERTSON: And forgive me for jumping in here. But I do want to make note of and highlight the really good work that is thankfully going on, behind the scenes. Most of our faith traditions, most of our groups do have offices of government relations, whatever they call them, working on advocacy, some, many of them have UN advocacy arms, and also many of us have even our work with immigration or especially with refugee work. Many of us have refugee resettlement organizations who work, all these working together behind the scenes on a regular basis and advocacy for which we are all very grateful. But I think that you raise the question, how do we how do we use this moment to do something on a large and visible scale? So I appreciate that Rabbi, Bishop, do either of you want to follow in responding to that? CURRY: I think the rabbi's onto something. I'm sitting here and moving on. Yeah, you're right. How? Rabbi Conover earlier said, "How?" There's that word, "how" again. That's worth pondering even as we leave this. ROBERTSON: So Steve, that might be you might have given us something that we need to now work on. So thank you very much so. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Barbara McBee. ROBERTSON: Barbara, please say your affiliation. MCBEE: I'm Barbara McBee, Soka Gakkai. We're Japanese Buddhists. And I see for the first time there are two other women here from my tradition. Nice to meet you. ROBERTSON: Welcome MCBEE: Thank you. I've been here for quite some time. Hi, Irina. But it's the first time that I've seen the other two here. I'm in Chicago. I don't know where they are. Thank you, Dr. Elsanousi, Bishop Curry. Rabbi, I'm in your home. Thank you for what you said about Kim Foxx. And I just had this talk last night with a friend about how all of our great religions, Judaism, Christianity, Buddhism, there's a lot of prose and poetry in our writings and the beauty and the commonality between all of us is, at its depth, that we all wish the very best for each other. However, we know that the shallow is upon us. And so there's two parts to my question. I'm noticing in the media there is a new wave to polarize us at the heart of what we're all trying to do is to maintain unity, whatever our faith tradition is, so that we can support so how do we individually collectively battle the polarization of ethnicity, the “otherizing” of Jews and people of color, which is all garbage? Part one of the question. And we know to Bishop Curry's mention, that it's our youth that are out in the streets now. And it's extraordinary how are we encouraging and supporting them to stay out there and keep this up till we make some changes. Thank you. ROBERTSON: Rabbi? Do you want to dive into that one? I think it was you were raising some of those points earlier? CONOVER: Sure. Well, I'll start with the second part of the question. And then maybe I'll let the rest of our panelists take the first part. But as far as supporting our youth, I think part of supporting our youth is understanding that they might go in directions that we have yet to see. Meaning that the future that they can envision is going to be bigger and broader and better, God willing, than we can even envision at this point. And so that I feel like for us, I'll say, you know, specifically with our, with our own community, where we hear that when we started to have some conversations around racial justice several years ago when we started this work with more depth in our community, our youth wanted to be part of it. And so then they were helping us to find where do we have community partners? How can we get proximate? How can we go out into communities? And then build deep relationships? And how can we support them in doing things where they are bringing us to where we need to go, instead of us saying to them, we're going to lead you where we want you to go. And so by being able to empower the youth to take us in new directions and into new places and new territories, I think we're going to get a better world. However, I also believe, I think that Dr. Elsanousi, you had mentioned about this is a time that is so perfect for intergenerational work, that there is wisdom that we can glean from our youth and that they can also glean from us. And I think by being able to let them lead and we follow and yet as we follow them, we give them the wisdom that we've learned throughout our lives and it is a mutual way of being able to go out into the world where we're most needed. Well, then I think we have the right combination. ROBERTSON: Also, I want to give thanks for not just our panelists out there, but also I've seen some comments. Jane Redmont, who wrote in a comment, said a wonderful word about how long this must happen on the local level. That while even while we do advocacy, and even do we do work on the level we're talking about here, that the difference we can make it and I can't help but think about a meeting I was in a few years ago at Chatham House over in London, where they included religious leaders, they said because we have such reach throughout the globe, but our reach is always local. We are global and we are global because we are local. We get into villages, towns, and cities. Right there we're folks. And so I appreciate the comments I saw by Jane and, and also one by Margaret Rose. My dear friend and colleague, Margaret Rose, who talked about also the need for us to lift up figures like John Lewis, who are figures in our midst that we can support and lift up so that we could just both do things on the local level. But also, who are those elected officials that we can encourage and support without getting into all the craziness of, not endorsement or anything, but how are there ways that we can support folks who are making a difference? So I appreciate all the comments are going and I hope everyone's looking at that section as well. Is there anything you all would like to add, though, before we take, do we have time for a couple more questions? FASKIANOS: Yes, we're going to 2:15 so we have a few more in queue. And I would just add on that in your communities too, you should also maybe be reaching out to the local journalists for them to be covering because the local journalists are in crisis now, but they are the ones who are covering what's going on in the community. So that is another area to deepen connections. So, you raised Jane's great comments and she has actually raised her hand so I'm going to  go next to her. ROBERTSON: Great, Jane, welcome. Say your affiliation for everyone. REDMONT: Thank you so much. I'm Jane Redmont. I serve the Episcopal Diocese of Massachusetts as a congregational consultant and also as, here's a mouthful, co-chair of the Bishops' Commission for Ecumenical and Inter-religious Relations. And I served the Diocese of North Carolina when Bishop Curry was there, as head of the Commission for Racial Justice and Reconciliation. Thank you to all. The question I wanted to raise is about how to think about the micro dimension, even as not instead of, what we, how we think about the macro dimension which you're doing, building coalitions is absolutely crucial on the macro level. But part of our job as religious leaders, local and regional especially, is to help people build not just wisdom from our deep tradition, but practices and habits. And some of that, like all practices takes practice and introduction. So that's the first thing I wanted to say is that this is the thing that is often learned first at the local level. What Rabbi Conover said still applies because the youth are leading us I know in Massachusetts, our youth are pointing the way, and pointing the way inter-generationally. The other thing is that this relates very much to issues of racial justice as well, too. The majority, white folks will say, well how can we bring people of color into etc.? That is not the point. The point is how do we listen to those of us who are majority folk, listen to and go to and follow the leadership of already existing efforts that are often quite politically, and religiously, and spiritually astute from those communities that have in various ways, not been on the side of power? ROBERTSON: Excellent, excellent. Bishop, do you want to start? Or Dr. Elsanousi, were you looking to say something? ELSANOUSI: Yeah, I just want to really build on what is already being said. And these are the issues that I mentioned earlier. We have to have that whole of society approach. I'm really delighted to see the youth are leading at the local level. But we need to bring everyone on board. I mean, no one should be left behind in our efforts to address this systematic racism. The whole of society approach is very critical here. And do this locally. If we're able to do these changes at the local level, it definitely could reflect at the national level as well. So that aspect is very important, and also Jane mentioned a very important word, and that's how we can build coalitions. You know, building coalitions is quite critical as well. Inter-religious coalitions and people of faith or people of no faith. Anyone that can contribute to this should be at the table, no one should be left behind here. So that's really the critical part of it. And we're blessed to have religious institutions that are there, as you mentioned, Dr. Robertson, our religious institutions are there. When you see around the world today, whether the situation in Libya or in Syria, and all of this, or in Africa, you will find when government fails, religious institutions are there doing their jobs. So that is very important role that the religious institutions have played. So that's why there is a capacity to change what is going on. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Thomas Uthup. ROBERTSON: Thomas, tell us who you're affiliated with. UTHUP: Yes, I'm with Friends of the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations. Two very specific questions, but before I do that, I just want to mention that the Berkley Center and our Twitter account @friendsunaoc and Religions for Peace, they are doing work trying to spread the good news of religious organizations and interfaith groups working on both COVID-19 and racism. My first question is specifically to Rabbi Conover and Bishop Curry. And that is the impact, sorry to be very crass, but what is the impact of COVID-19 on faith communities' revenue, on contributions because that is a sizable part of the revenue. And if you don't have revenue, you can't really carry out services, whether it's in your congregation, or whether it's  to serve the larger public to work at food bank or contributions. Have there been studies done on impact and has technology helped? I know in my church I attend technology has been significant in addressing this because people just kind of contribute automatically. So whether they're actually passing out envelopes, it doesn't matter if you're not showing up. So my first question is about the impact of COVID-19 on contributions and whether it's been mitigated by technology. My second question is about the segregation, the continued segregation of faith communities by race. We all recall that the Reverend King said that 11 a.m. on Sunday morning is the most segregated hour in Christian America. It's probably very similar in synagogues, and mosques, whether on Friday or Saturday. So what is the role of clergy in education to address racism and prejudice, particularly using religious texts? Their homilies, sermons. I think that this is an example of something that at a local level, could really be helpful in changing people's minds about bigotry, prejudice, etc. ROBERTSON: Thomas, thank you for both questions. I'm not sure how much we will have to hit both of them. But let's at least to the first question far from press, it's a very practical one. And also it's a value question, as we heard. So Rabbi, would you like to go first on that one? CONOVER: Sure. Sure. Well, I'll just say that at this point, we are you know, we've made a budget for this year thinking that our revenues are going to be less. And I'll also say that as we've done so we've also put out materials to really ask on people who have a little bit more this year, to give a little bit more in order to be able to help those in need in our community. And so because for us where we are, we want to be able to support the needs of our community. Lots of different ways. And we know that there are some people who have the means still to do so. And I'll say that some people are now calling on us, calling us saying, how can we give more we want to be able to help in this in this way. But we also know that right now we're on the tip of this, right, that we've not even going into see how this will - how COVID-19 and the effect on the economy, how that will affect all of us. I think we really are just on the tip of this, even though some people are feeling it so much even in this moment, I'll also say that as far as electronically, and whether that's helped, I think you're onto something here because I do also find the same we just we you know again, this is feels like these are some small details within the larger conversation. But I will say that we just switched over to another, a new way of being able to have a platform for how we communicate with our congregation electronically, and it really has been helpful, but I think that there are other communities that are a little further along than we are in this. And so we're trying to learn our best from all of them. And again, it is an avenue. So say electronically, computer, those things, it's an avenue to get the word out for the good work that can be done in in communities of faith. So I see that as a means to an end. And the more effective we can be in those means, the more effective we can be in our end. ROBERTSON: Bishop? CURRY: Yeah, I think Rabbi Conover really kind of gave you a good picture, I think on the revenue landscape, as far as we know it, but it's early to tell, we're still at the beginning of this. And churches, synagogues, mosques, religious communities are going to reflect the economy. But one slight difference is religious people will probably dig deeper and many are, those who have the capacity to do so. Which will balance it but it's going to reflect it. I think on the other question, I can just say quickly, I really do believe that one of the things that we as religious communities can do is to foster the work of bringing people together across differences for real human relationship. I mean, real human relationship, spending time together, sharing and work together, not just talking, but actually bringing people together across differences, not only of religion, but of ethnicity across racial differences. Here's the dangerous one across political differences. We have got to nurture relationships between people, red and blue and whatever, whatever other colors are on that rainbow. Because the truth is, that will be how we begin to knit together, this democracy and this world and learn to live together. CONOVER: How appropriate that you say that wearing a purple shirt. ROBERTSON: Dr. Elsanousi, since we're coming towards the end here, do you want to add something in that one? ELSANOUSI: Just really quickly,  this is again the time for solidarity in our own Muslim communities in the United States, I have seen Muslim organizations that they get together and to find a way to coordinate their fundraising efforts. So that how we can keep our institutions. We also have seen that, as Bishop Curry was saying, in some communities that revenue actually increased. Sometimes people tend to give more at the time of crisis and things like that. So we have seen that as well. So but it's a coordination. And this brings me to a very important point which is also connected to the issue of segregation that was mentioned by Thomas again. This is another - we have to look into our communities. In the American Muslim community now we are looking into how we can build a stronger relationship between indigenous African American Muslim communities and immigrant communities. Some scholars, they call it between suburban Islam and inner-city Islam, how we can bring and build that bridge between these two communities. So I think that the crisis bring a lot of issues in our community, as we said earlier, and it's an opportunity to address those issues. ROBERTSON: Thank you. Thank you, Thomas. And thank you also for alluding to the good work of Religions for Peace and what they've been doing during this time as well. And a reminder to all of us as we wrap up here, that one great sign of solidarity and of respect and care for one another is indeed the thing we've mentioned several times. That mask is both practical and an incredible symbol of care for one another. Thank you all for being a part of this discussion. Thank you to our panelists, remarkable individuals and friends all. Irina, thank you and certainly to all those who have been listening in. Final words from you Irina. FASKIANOS: I just want to echo your note of thanks, this has been a really rich and insightful conversation. There are many, many thanks in the chatroom there so we appreciate it and again we're here to serve all of you please send us an email with ideas and suggestions for future webinars. ROBERTSON: In closing, Irina, is it also fair to say that that for those who want to make use of this and share this with others, this was on-the-record and so this will be available online and through the podcast, correct? FASKIANOS: Absolutely. And we will be sending, as soon as we post the video and the transcript, we will be sharing out the link and you should feel free to disseminate it in your communities and I know, I for one I'm going to go back and read some of the beautiful words that you all said and the thoughts and how what we all need to do in our own communities to advance. ROBERTSON: Again, thank you to all very much. ELSANOUSI: Thank you so much. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Thank you. CONOVER: Thank you.
  • Religion
    Religion and Anti-Racism
    Play
    Ambassador Reuben E. Brigety, adjunct senior fellow for African peace and security issues at CFR and vice chancellor and president at The University of the South, Rev. Jacqueline J. Lewis, PhD, senior minister for public theology and transformation at Middle Church, and Dr. Simran Jeet Singh, visiting professor at Union Theological Seminary, discuss religion and anti-racism. This webinar is part of the Religion and Foreign Policy Program's Social Justice and Foreign Policy series, which explores the relationship between religion and social justice.  Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy Webinar Series. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Thank you for joining us. Today’s webinar is the second in our Social Justice and Foreign Policy Series, which explores the relationship between religion and social justice. As a reminder, today’s webinar is on the record, and the video and transcript will be made available on our website, CFR.org, and on our iTunes channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. I’m really delighted to have with us today three amazing people: Ambassador Reuben Brigety, Reverend Jacqueline Lewis, and Dr. Simran Jeet Singh. I will go through their bios and then we’ll begin the conversation. Ambassador Reuben Brigety is adjunct senior fellow for African peace and security studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, and he was just named the vice chancellor and president of the University of the South, so congratulations. Ambassador Reuben Brigety was dean of George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs. He also was the appointed representative of the United States to the African Union and permanent representative of the United States to the U.N. Economic Commission of Africa. Prior to these appointments, he served as deputy assistant secretary of state in the Bureau of African Affairs with responsibility for southern African and regional security affairs. Reverend Jacqueline Lewis graduated with an M.Div. from Princeton Theological Seminary and a Ph.D. in psychology and religion from Drew University. She joined the staff of Middle Church in January 2004. And together with her husband, John Janka, Lewis holds annual conferences to train leaders on growing multiracial communities of faith that disrupt racism. She is a womanist whose preaching, teaching, speaking, and activism are aimed at racial equality, gun control, economic justice, and equal rights for all sexual orientations and genders. Reverend Lewis is the author of three books and currently working on a fourth, and she teaches classes on anti-racism. And Dr. Simran Jeet Singh is an educator, writer, activist who works regularly on issues of inclusion and equity. He is currently based at Union Seminary, and he’s the first Sikh wire-service columnist in U.S. history. Dr. Singh is the author of Fauja Singh Keeps Going: The True Story of the Oldest Person to Run a Marathon, which is the first-ever children’s book from a major publisher to center a Sikh story. He is also writing an adult nonfiction book on Sikh wisdom to help navigate today’s—(inaudible, technical difficulties). He is a columnist for Religion News Service and his Spirited podcast, as well as a new Web series called Becoming Less Racist. So tune into that. So thank you all for being with us today. I thought we could begin with you, Ambassador Brigety, to talk about the anti-racism protests we’ve seen in the United States, this incredible moment, and how you see America’s being perceived by the rest of the world and how it affects our foreign policy. BRIGETY: Sure. Well, thank you very much. It’s an honor to be here and part of this very important panel. And let me also commend the Council for convening it, for recognizing the importance of social justice not only for its own sake but also as a—as a core component of our—of our soft power in the world, and therefore as important to our foreign policy. So we are living through an extraordinary moment in American history where, as we all know, the killing of George Floyd at the knee of former Minneapolis police office Derek Chauvin for eight minutes and forty-six seconds, coming during the middle of a pandemic and on the heels of two other African Americans— Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery —they were killed by agents of the state or self-appointed vigilantes of the state in close proximity—touched off a firestorm; not only a firestorm of protests across the United States, but around the world. There is a Black Lives Matter mural in Idlib, Syria, and the Syrians have other things going on right now. There’s a Black Lives Matter protest in Reykjavik. I was having this conversation with a colleague the other day. I literally cannot think of another example of human history where the entire world saw protests linked to a particular event and a particular set of circumstances at the same time. And let me say this as well, because in conversations with a number of friends and colleagues in various circumstances over the years I have often been asked, so, why is it that Black people in America are only upset when they’re killed by White cops and you don’t see the same level of protests when Black people are killing each other in Chicago or New Orleans, anyplace else? And I think it’s actually very important in this forum to address that for two very important reasons. First of all, as we know, most crime is intra-racial, meaning we know that most homicides of African Americans occur at the hands of other African Americans, of White people occur at White people, and every life is precious, and we respect all that. The reason the issue of police brutality and consistent police brutality of people of African descent and also other brown people in America, has been such a flashpoint issue, particularly of late in the era of cellphone cameras and whatnot, so you actually cannot deny the facts of what are happening. It’s because this goes to the foundational question of the republic: What is the relationship between people of African descent and the government of the United States of America? And starting from the first full legal articulation of who we are as a country—you know, of course the famous three-fifths compromise, slavery is allowed in the Constitution, obviously the Civil War, one hundred years of state-sanctioned apartheid principally across the American South only reluctantly fully discharged with the modern civil rights movement—and still we see continued inequities, life and death inequities, of Black people at the hands of the agents of the state. And not only is that, obviously, an existential issue for people of African descent; it is also an existential issue for all of America because it goes—it strikes at the core of who we think we are and who we say we are to the rest of the world. And addressing that and correcting it and being honest about it is not only important for our own—for the sake of those lives that would be saved, it’s important for our own national psyche and it is also important for our ability to claim any level of moral authority when we’re engaging on matters of human rights and other matters in the rest of the world. FASKIANOS: Thank you. We’ll now go to Reverend Lewis. You’ve dedicated much of your career to building faith communities that are inclusive and anti-racist. Can you talk about what you’re doing to bring faith leaders and communities into the movement and what they and their communities can do about this? LEWIS: Oh, I just was saying thank you. Thank you on mute. What a wonderful day it is to share this panel with Ambassador and with my friend Dr. Jeet Singh. I’m glad to be here. Thank you so much for asking me. I think one of the things that I want to say as a starting comment is I’m a Christian pastor. I’ve been a Christian since I was in my mother’s womb. So I didn’t choose Christian; I inherited Christian. And I’m a weird universalist Christian that believes that there’s more than one path to God and that God speaks many languages. I want to say that to say that almost all the world’s major religions share this love-your-neighbor kind of speak. Rabbi Jesus said it because he was a Jew and was really pulling people back into Hebrew scriptures. The place where it is said, I don’t know, sixty-one times—I could have that number wrong—but in the Jewish text, you shall love the stranger because you were once strangers. And so all across the globe where people are doing faith, they are often doing faith in a context of what does it mean to love your neighbor, do unto others, love as a public ethic, a social ethic, an ethic that makes us humanity. The ancient Zulu customs would have said something like sawubonas nkona (ph). And I can’t click, but—(laughs)—but the words there are coming from this Ubuntu principle, which is so beautifully ancient and says: I am who I am because you are who you are. I am human and community. I am human and community. I become a person because I’m in a relationship. So the principle of love your neighbor, the principle of Ubuntu, the shared global sense that we are inextricably connected is the way Dr. King would say it, compels us as people of faith to be political. And what happens in my faith is that there are a lot of Christians who say politics doesn’t belong in faith. And I’m saying, in fact, our mentor, Rabbi Jesus, Yeshua ben Joseph, Joseph’s kid, Mary’s boy, and African-Semitic, brown, poor, itinerant preacher killed by the state for his radical views of love and justice, inspires all of us—should inspire all of us to make anti-racism a part of our political life and a part of our faith life, full stop. That it doesn’t is what’s shocking. That White supremacy is inextricably tied into Christianity in America is shocking. It’s shocking that our framers left religious persecution, left persecution to get on boats, come across the pond, take land from Indigenous people—I will say, because when you look it up you’ll find it my friends, that I am a pastor in the Reformed Church in America and also the United Church of Christ, and I’m also a Presbyterian, so I’m blended—but the Reformed Church in America is the Dutch Reformed Church in America. Yes, those people that came on Dutch ships, and came across the pond, and landed on what was called Turtle Island, and took the land for $27 worth of wampum from the Lenape, and built their church on Manahata, “hilly land,” and built it on stolen land with stolen slave labor. This is the church. This is the church’s legacy, not just mine. So I’m wanting to say this time in our history, as in other times in our history, we’re called to get radical, as in rooted, as in go back to the source. And the source of our faith, again, is an African-Semitic, poor, and once homeless refugee baby only alive because he was taken into Egypt and survived, killed by the state for his acts of sedition. And his acts of sedition were, could we please undo apartheid? Could we please undo state-sanctioned murder? Could we please undo poverty? Could we please undo empire? So I’m in the breaking down empire business as a Christian pastor, and wanting to encourage all of my colleagues of every stripe of Christian—all faith, but let me be particularly Christian for a second—to think if this is the religion we are practicing, then we have to have a hermeneutical suspicion about the way the church is framed by the framers as something for rich White people who own land, as something delivered to enslaved Africans as a way to manage and control them, that the Exodus story is taken out of the slave Bible, and that White supremacy lives inside church even now—even now. When our POTUS pretends to be Christian, and holds up a Bible outside a church, and in the name of God—in the name of Jesus, if you will, in the name of my rabbi—speaks horrible untruth about the intention of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in his speech at Mount Rushmore, the way he kidnapped/hijacked words of King, hijacked words of Frederick Douglass to indicate that faith means being racist and faith means being anti-Semitic and faith means being anti-Islamic and faith means being anti-poor and that social justice is something that he criticizes and says that the, quote, “far left” has bastardized social justice in the name of something I can’t even quote, I’m here to say if we’re not being anti-racist and pro all the people as a part of our life as Christians we’re in the wrong religion. We’re doing something that is not just Christian lite, but something that’s an abomination. That’s an abomination. If we speak hate speech in the name of Jesus, if we speak against Black Lives Matter in the name of Jesus, if we believe that this nation belongs to the rich 1 percent as opposed to all of us, that’s anti-Jesus. If we believe that people who wear turbans and who wear kippahs and who are wearing—who are covered—are somehow not God’s folks like the rest of us, that’s anti-Jesus. That’s anti-Christ. And that’s an abomination. It has to cease. I’m calling on all of my clergy colleagues who claim Christian as a religion to read deeply what our faith calls us to, to not be tricked and fooled by Americana masquerading as Christianity, to have a deep hermeneutic of suspicion and to resist every lie spoken in the name of Christian that smashes women’s rights, that smashes gay rights, that smashes the rights of so-called religious minorities, that cages children on the border, and that executes Black people with impunity—not acceptable. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And now, Simran, let’s go to you to talk about your work against anti-racism and your thoughts on how we’re proceeding. SINGH: Sure. Thank you. And thank you for having me. And thank you, everyone, for being here. I’m going to start by sharing something I’ve been thinking about the past few days. And Jacqui just spoke to this for a moment. Over this past weekend, the Fourth of July weekend, President Trump stoked racial tensions yet again when he held an Independence Day rally in South Dakota. And native leaders called for Trump to cancel the rally. And more than a dozen indigenous activists and allies were arrested for blocking a highway to the event. And yet Trump came, uninvited, to unceded Lakota territory. And he arrived at the Six Grandfathers, known also as the sacred Black Hills, where he paid homage to Mount Rushmore, a national monument that’s carved into the hills by a man with ties to the Ku Klux Klan. And among the detained activists was Nick Tilsen, president of the NDN Collective and a citizen of the Oglala Lakota Nation. And in explaining the religious significance of the site for native communities, Tilsen, in an interview on Democracy Now, stated that more than 50 different indigenous nations actually have origin stories or ties or spiritual connections to the Black Hills and that U.S. law has recognized the Lakota Nation as the rightful caretakers of that land. And so this may seem like a strange perspective. And until this weekend, I, like many of you, perhaps, considered Mount Rushmore as nothing other than a symbol of American patriotism. But in the firestorm that followed Trump’s visit, many have commented on his exceptional insensitivity to indigenous peoples. But the more we see, the more we realize that we’re failing to see that this particular visit is—there’s nothing exceptional about it. There’s nothing exceptional about what he did. It fits right into the long history of racist abuse that arrived with European colonists. And so I want to take us there for a moment as we think about what racism and faith look like when they come together. May 4, 1493, just a year after Columbus’s arrival, Pope Alexander VI issued the papal bull Inter Caetera, which announced that any land not inhabited by Christians was open to be discovered by Christian rulers and that, quote, the Catholic faith and Christian religion be exalted and be everywhere increased and spread, that the health of souls be cared for, and that the barbarous nations be overthrown and brought to faith itself. This document, which would come to be known as the doctrine of discovery, was foundational to the European colonization of the Americas and their presumptive claims of Western expansion, which we have come to term as manifest destiny. So my point is, while some ask what religion might have to do with American racism, attending to its conquest and colonization seriously compels us to ask a different question, and that is, is it even possible to decouple religion from American racism? And for the purposes of this conversation, let’s understand racism through the lens of Ibram Kendi, a leading scholar of race and anti-racism, who describes racism as a marriage of racist policies and racist ideas that produces and normalizes racial inequities. I bring up the doctrine of discovery because I think it offers a helpful example of how racist ideas of supremacy over indigenous peoples included our religious authorities, whose own biases were not used just to justify but also to sanctify the seizure of occupied lands, to physically remove communities to undesirable reservations, and to engage in systematic violence of genocidal proportions. And in case you’re tempted to think of such racist policies and racist ideas as quaint misconceptions of a distant past, let me be the first to tell you that they remain alive and well today. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the doctrine of discovery in Johnson versus McIntosh in 1823, which stands as the basis of international law to this day and of United States Indian law as well. Just fifteen years ago, 2005, it was cited in the case of City of Sherrill versus Oneida Indian Nation of New York, which concerned Oneida’s ability to reacquire reservation land that had been sold in the early nineteenth century. So until very recently, we Americans seemed to think similarly about all our racist structures, as part of a past that no longer pertained. We had ended slavery. We had ended Jim Crow. We had no further need for the Voting Rights Act. And yet there’s nothing past about American racism. This is our present. And it will be our future unless we take radical action to break the cycle of exploitation and violence and lies. We can’t speak of America’s past or its present without attending to our sustained and targeted suppression and oppression of Black people. And here too religion has been a driving force in shaping the two complementary ideas of Whiteness and anti-Blackness. Settler colonialists honed the idea of race on this continent to justify the enslavement and eradication of non-White Christians. This is the underpinning of American racism. And Christianity is at the center of it. Early Christian slaveholders used the Bible to justify the enslavement of darker-skinned people. Vigilante groups terrorized Black Americans as they rode around in white hoods with a Bible in hand. Prominent Evangelical pastors spewed racist hate against America’s first Black president. And so the question is what do we do once we’re armed with the knowledge that religious actors have been complicit in forming and upholding American racism? What might we do to correct for racism? The answer isn’t as intuitive as it might seem because most of us have presumed the solution to be non-racism. By not actively being racist, we figured that we were erasing racism. But what we know now collectively is that when we sit by silently and allow racist ideas and policies to function, we’re complicit in racism. Neutrality is neither the opposite of racism nor its solution. And as Angela Davis told us several years ago, and we’ve heard it repeatedly as of late, in a racist society it’s not enough to be non-racist; we must be anti-racist. To be anti-racist is to proactively fight against racism in all its pernicious forms, from the individual level to the systemic. Religious actors are equipped to engage anti-racism because it calls on us to examine ourselves while also engaging with our own communities. And this is what we’ve seen in some of the greatest anti-racist leaders of the present and the recent past—Assata Shakur, Dr. Martin Luther King, bell hooks, Audre Lorde, Nelson Mandela, Rabbi Heschel, Malcolm X, Michelle Alexander. The question we must ask ourselves is what would it look like to take on the mantle of anti-racism in today’s age. And we can go through a whole list of that, and I’m happy to, but I think once we understand what racist ideas and racist policies look like, an anti-racist, for example, would be moved to action upon learning of Christianity’s central role in birthing American racism, in seizing sacred sites and land from indigenous communities and purposefully breaking a treaty that honored those lands and imposing White Christian nationalism on the American people. For me, sincerely engaging in anti-racism would be a seismic shift from anything that we’ve ever seen in American history, because up until now we’ve been so subsumed by racism and non-racism that we’re only now beginning to broach the topic of anti-racism. And I think this gives us heart, because this is a path towards a better, more humane, and more sustainable way forward. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And now let’s go to all of you for your questions and comments. If you click on the participants icon and raise your hand, I’ll recognize you. And please say who you are to give our distinguished panel a context for what organization you’re with. So we’ll go first to Annie Tinsley. TINSLEY: Hi. I’m Dr. Annie Tinsley, Shaw University Divinity School. I really appreciate the conversation so far. Anyway, I really appreciate what you guys have been saying. I have been very interested in religious freedom for a while. And this era that we’re going through now has really been important to us, because we have been lulled to sleep in a lot of ways. And I just wanted to ask a question. Anyone can answer this. So as we know that Christianity is complicit in way back, religion complicit in the oppression of people way back, but as Black Americans who have adopted Christianity, what do you think we could do or what should we do to help to redirect this conversation so that we’re now—as they say, we’re woke now. What would you suggest would be the best course of action? Thank you. FASKIANOS: Who wants to take that? Jacqui? LEWIS: Sure. Annie, thank you for that question. Thank you for that. We did hear you. I think African-American Christians especially have a really powerful opportunity to use something that’s deeply a part of our culture, which is story. We are proud bearers of narrative as a way that we teach and train our children. We have honored the griots in our past and in our present. And so I think we have to really believe, Annie, that we can change the story. Look, I don’t exactly know why we who were not Christian, who were, you know, captured and brought to this nation in the middle passage and then became Christian, became Christian. Peter Parrish wrote a really great book called African Spirituality many years ago, a couple of decades ago, that sort of tries to explain how Christian cosmology may be mapped onto some of what was already indigenously African. It was a great book to read. But here’s what we are, that is the religion of Jesus, I think, not the religion of Christian. But we are people who center children. We are people who know how to make the margins in the middle. We are people who know how to love our neighbor. We are people who know how to share the goods that we have. There was something in the religion of the African Semitic one that makes sense to us. And I think if we can excavate the stories of how our ancestors made use of this religion, believed in this religion, and teach that to our children, I think we can disrupt this other Christian that is really the religion of empire. So I’m really talking about putting alongside our Bible really strong, great exegetical work that is done by Black leaders like Katie Cannon, like James Cone, just to name two, so to read the Bible along with great exegetes who break down the text and make sure that we strip it of empire; and then, secondly, for us to use other texts alongside the Bible to help us remember what Black folk religion is; so, like, Alice Walker and Toni Morrison have words for us that remind us of what’s good about Christian that we can keep, and we’ve got to be fearless about stripping out what’s broken and let it go. Some of our old Black people will critique us for stripping down the Bible. But I don’t think we can do this work, Annie, if we don’t do it otherwise. That made you smile, right? Ambassador, you know I’m right. (Laughs.) FASKIANOS: Thank you. (Laughs.) Reuben, do you want to add anything, or—(laughs)— BRIGETY: No, I was just thinking about the deacons in my Baptist church growing up. LEWIS: With their white gloves on saying don’t take the Bible. BRIGETY: (Inaudible.) FASKIANOS: All right, let’s go to Dr. Traci Blackmon next. BLACKMON: Thank you. I am really enjoying this conversation. And I have a question. I agree with everything I’ve heard, except I want to talk a little bit about Christianity outside of a White colonized context and acknowledge that Christianity existed before that, right. So there were Ethiopian Christians. There were—my question is about how do we deconstruct or decolonize our Christianity, versus saying that Christianity itself is racist? And maybe that’s too fine of a line to tread, but I’m interested in that. One of the ways that I get at this for myself is to remind myself that the Bible, in its construct, is really a people’s book about their experiences with God versus God’s book about God’s experience with all people, right. And saying that with my congregation allows some space for other stories to also be sacred. So I’m wondering about that in conversation with the doctrine of discovery, which indeed is a papal document with religious roots that continue to poison our soil. Is there anything you can say about that for me? BRIGETY: Sure, if I may take a stab at that. First of all, Dr. Blackmon, it’s a pleasure. Thank you for your question. My wife is Ethiopian, as it happens, and was raised and baptized in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. And you can see I wear a Lion of Judah ring as part of my respect for that side of both my wife and my children’s heritage. You know, I think the direct answer to your question, one of the most important things is for people of faith and for Christians of different traditions to be proactively in dialogue with each other, because once the facts of our history are clear, a reasonable person can then be led to a different set of understandings about their faith and their relationships. But I’ll give you a very basic example, since you raised Ethiopia. So Ethiopia Abyssinia is mentioned something like sixty-one times in the Old Testament, right. One of the first non-Jews—in fact, the first non-Jew—to be converted was an Ethiopian eunuch in the court of Queen Candace. BLACKMON: Yes. BRIGETY: And if you were to go to the north of Ethiopia today, the historical north, and visit the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela, the eighth wonder of the world, which is referred to as the African Jerusalem, it helps—it does two things. First of all, it, for those that are raised and steeped in a Western and American approach to Christianity, helps them to understand that these faith traditions of engagement with our savior long predate organization of Western churches. And if you start with that assumption, then that frankly goes back to the fundamental question of respect for our common humanity, not that Christianity was something that was given to us as a people of African descent. In fact, many of us—many of our brothers and sisters, our ancestors, were there from the beginning, Which leads to—if I can use it to take a moment just to kind of a broader point. I have similarly been moved by what Dr. Lewis and Dr. Singh have been saying, and it leads to a challenging set of questions of where do we go from here because if you start to pull the thread on the nature of the historical record that is at the basis for not only the White supremacy in the United States but also the role of religion in advancing that, it then makes you ask, OK, so what does one do if you take all those things back to their logical conclusion. There is a school of thought that essentially—and certainly with regard to the genocide of native peoples here in North America—if you’re not native or descendant, we all ought to pack up, and go, and just return everything. And from there to something not that, we have to figure out, as a practical matter, how do we live together going forward into the rest of the twenty-first century. I don’t know what the answers are, but I do know it has to start with being fully honest about our shared history and then figuring out ways in which we can do two things simultaneously: one, make redress where possible; certainly show mutual respect in every case; and then, third, create space for all of us, native peoples, people of non-European descent, people of European descent who are being awoken to this nature of this history arguably for the first time, who see themselves as decent people, who see themselves as people of faith, but who also have feelings of filial loyalty to their own ancestors. And how do we figure out a way together through this? Because if we can’t make space for all those things simultaneously, then we condemn ourselves to a future of just more and more recrimination. But we also can’t ignore those questions either—truly not at this historical moment. LEWIS: I can appreciate that question, and I really— FASKIANOS: Go ahead, Jackie. LEWIS: Yeah, just to really quickly say that I just—I don’t think it’s too fine a point, Traci, and the way you are raising that question is really important. I appreciate the ambassador’s response to what you are saying, and I think I would—I just would join in the sense of, again, really taking a compassionate, spiritual, intellectual rigor through the texts, and to look at what is Christian about Christian. What is Christian about Christian? And to help our people feel—I love the way you say it, Traci—this is, you know, our book about God—to help our people to feel like they are theologians and residents in their own lives—and by our people I mean all the people—so that we can look at the texts that point to what Jesus’ ministry was about, that points to what God is calling us to, but also to be able to say, alongside that are these other texts that have been concretized around the scripture that make it a bludgeon to our spirits as opposed to an invitation to walk in a holy way together. I just think that’s ongoing really important work that we need to do in community. SINGH: Right, and if I may jump in—this is simmering here—I think for me this is where the framework of thinking about racism—especially in a foreign policy context—as a marriage of racist ideas and policies. It becomes really helpful because if we accept the premise—and I do—that racist ideas are so deeply entrenched in our society that they are living and breathing within each and every one of us, it becomes a lot easier for us all to accept our complicity in it and to step out, right, rather than pointing the finger at one another and saying, oh, it’s your fault, right. It’s Christianity’s fault—like, I don’t think it’s that. But I think what it allows us to do is to trace back historically where this comes from as a part of the decolonization process, right? So as a historian, I see the function of history or the value of history in this process as essential. We need to understand where these ideas come from so we can work them out. And as a person of faith, the excavation process of going within ourselves and slowly peeling back these layers, it’s incredibly challenging. And I think that’s why we’re so resistant to doing it. But that has to be part of the process before we can even begin addressing what the policies are all around us, right, and then—and then we can start reimagining what this ought to look like. And this is, I think, what Reuben was talking about in terms of what the future might look like, an anti-racist future. I think this is where Jackie’s ideas of bringing in story telling really comes in powerfully; that to tell the same story without that excavation process will only lead us to the same place, and so I think what you are talking about, Jackie, is reimagining what a decolonized, anti-racist future for us looks like, and I think that’s what a lot of us are looking for in this country right now. LEWIS: Amen to that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Thomas Uthup next. UTHUP: All right. My question is for Ambassador Brigety. In your international experience, has the United States, as an idea—example, the Constitution—been far more inspiring than the practice of the United States? And secondly, can you comment on the long history of the struggle for independence and the civil rights struggle being inspired by each other—sometimes by religion? BRIGETY: Sure. It’s a complicated question—the first one is anyway. And I’ll answer it essentially from both sides as I understand it. So first of all, the idea of America is profoundly powerful. It’s powerful to our allies, it’s powerful to our aspirants, and it’s powerful to our enemies. Yet the notion that there is a country where, regardless of your ethnicity, you can be treated equally under the law as a matter of equal dignity and respect based on universal human rights in an environment that also allows you individual freedom to seek your own destiny—is something that is the reason why immigrants have flocked to America for generations. And it is also—when we fail to live up to those ideas—why they are so powerfully damaging to our ability to advocate for ideas or positions that we believe are in our interests or our values abroad. Literally, just in the last month, you have seen the government of China essentially using the Black Lives Matter protests, and the continued issues of police brutality and inequality amongst African Americans, Black Americans in the judicial system, as a means of pushing back even tentative approaches by our government to condemn what is happening in Hong Kong—as an example, right? And during the Cold War, the Soviets were master propagandists in calling attention to the hypocrisy of America in condoning and perpetuating Jim Crowe in the American South even as they tried to, you know—we tried to do battle with them in Africa and other parts of the developing world, which is why it is so important for us to treat these matters of institutional equity as the national security matters of which they are. When I was an ambassador, I would often get asked this question: I mean, how can the United States stand for this, that, and the other thing abroad when they are doing all these sorts of things at home. And what I would often say is that at least we actually have values that are the lodestar against which we measure our own progress. That is not true in a number of other countries in the world; certainly not true among some of our other peer competitors. But that argument only lasts so long as we actually are trying to get there. I wrote an article in Time magazine a couple of weeks ago—it was published on Juneteenth—in which I basically said that this generation into the marching in the streets right now in America is done with progress; they want change because they don’t have a lived framework for understanding any more why there should be continued inequities based on race in America, particularly as it relates to treatment by agents of the state as matters of law. And so we have to fix this, and we have to—it will be hard, and we’ll be imperfect. We actually have to take it on with the clear eye and with the urgency that it deserves. Now secondarily, with regard to—as I understand your second question—the relationship between the civil rights and faith movements, you know, one of things—so here I am sitting as the first African American vice chancellor of the University of the South, a university founded over 160 years ago by Episcopalians who would shortly thereafter become Confederates to withdraw from the Union for the purpose of perpetuating slavery in the states who were doing it. And one of the things that I have been consistently struck by as an amateur student of the modern civil rights movement is how patient Black clergy were in trying to have a conversation with their Christian brothers and sisters who were White in the South, and how resistant so many of them were to seeing the shared humanity of their common brothers and sisters that is articulated in the same book, same Bible that they’re all reading. And what worries me most about that is that I don’t believe that we have left that historical relic behind. I worry that, while the hopefulness of this latest protest movement is that it is truly multicultural and multigenerational, that there are still many who are Christians, who profess the same faith that I profess, who nevertheless they literally psychologically cannot embrace the full shared humanity of their fellow citizens who are also Christians, who nevertheless are being treated so fundamentally differently, consistently over time. And I don’t know how to bridge that gap 160 years after the start of the Civil War, two generations after Brown v. Board of Education. I literally do not know what more has to be done in order to bridge that gap, other than—you know, like the Moses generation that was forced to wander in the wilderness for 40 years before they finally reached their promised land, if we simply just have to have a generational change. But here, I’ll say this—last point I’ll say—here’s the one caution about simply leaving progress to a future generation. If you don’t get the narrative right, you will get the same problems or worse in the future. Dinosaurs don’t die out; you just get young dinosaurs. And that’s why this moment of discussion and reflection is so important for our near-term future. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I stopped my video because I’m freezing, so I’m still here. Let’s go next to Dr. Helen Boursier. BOURSIER: Hello, thank you very much. Thank you all for being here. I am Reverend Dr. Helen Boursier. I do research and writing on immigration and gender studies, and I have been working on a book project right now on overcoming the limitations of religious love for refugee families seeking asylum. And I’ve done a ton of interviews direct on the ground with clergy in greater San Antonio which is on the front line for immigration. And I was just reviewing the feedback over this past weekend, and the consistent themes that come are fear of being fired: I need this job, if I bring this up; apathy: it’s really not my problem; self-absorbed: I’m too busy doing regular church stuff, and I’m busy with my spouse and three children; another seminarian who says that she’s told in seminary to walk the middle road. So how do you, on a very practical basis engage clergy people to lead their people—people of faith—and I will say interreligious on this—so that they are on the ground and they are moving their congregations to action? Thank you. (Pause.) LEWIS: Helen, that’s a great question. It’s good to hear your voice here. Hi. I want to start with what you said about the person learning in seminary to walk the middle ground. I was struck that Reuben started his comments about the kind of global uprising of multiracial, international, we-can’t-live-this-wayness. But the church is an institution that likes to be a church, and so global uprising for an anti-racist world is not going to be the church’s business if the church thinks that the institution will die with the uprising. What I think needs to happen is a theological education needs to shift radically from institution maintenance to prophetic resistance. My friend Michael-Ray Matthews would say, are we priests of the empire or are we prophets of the resistance? Christians Catholic, Christians Ethiopian, Orthodox Christians all over the globe pray this radical prayer that, again, if we look at the texts—and I’m a text girl—what Jesus is saying in the Lord’s prayer is just radical. You know, give me enough bread for today; don’t make me a hoarder—thinking about the manna from heaven story—but especially, your kingdom come on earth as it is in heaven. I’m like, what do we think we’re saying there? It’s a crazy prayer to say make Earth like we think the reign of God is going to be, and make it that way now. Well, that requires a different understanding of what it means to be a clergy, Helen. Are we supposed to pacify people, make them feel good about the little bit they’re doing, be in the middle—which is to say, don’t cause them to break ranks with us or stop paying us, or stop, you know, funding the building, and all that kind of stuff. But if we end up making theological education a project of raising a love army—to quote my friend Valerie Core—a love revolution where we actually are linking arms across institutions with people of other faiths, and people of no faith-humanists, atheists who believe we can save the world—if we stop thinking that our job as clergy is to make sure our church stays alive, but instead, our job as clergy is to save lives and to make life beautiful, thriving, resilience, resplendent, joyful for all of humanity, that is a different job description. That needs a different kind of educational space. SINGH: I’ll offer a remark. As a native San Antonian, I feel moved to respond here. So I think part of what’s happening, and part of what I would recommend to folks just based on observations of what I’m seeing as a professor, is our future is following the young people. Those are the folks who are out on the streets all over the world right now, and those are the folks who are leading us into the conversation around anti-racism. And so the idea here, I think, is we have been so focused on a narrative around neutrality versus racism that we’ve kind of just gotten stuck, right? Our idea of finding a middle path has really been like, OK, let’s not trouble the waters; let’s do nothing. And I think what we’re seeing from young people in the conversation on anti-racism is there is no middle path when it comes to racism versus anti-racism, right? Again, neutrality is complicity. To be silent is to be complicit. And so when you think you are engaging in a middle road, what you are really doing is falling into subservience of the current power dynamics. And so to me, what we really need is to help folks revision this conversation, reframe how we think about oppression in this country. And I think the real opportunity here that’s coming with this pandemic is that we’ve never seen before people feel so viscerally connected to one another in a way that they realize deeply that all of our well-beings are connected to one another’s. And so when we’re seeing that sort of connectivity among folks—this understanding that we all are better when we’re together, and we’re healthy, and we’re safe—I think that’s the kind of intersectional approach that we’re seeing around justice. And so this opportunity to reframe, while people are feeling this emotionally, and deeply, and personally, and spiritually, I think that’s a direction for us to go in this moment. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Reverend Dr. Joan Brown Campbell. (Pause.) PENNYBACKER: Yes, I’m Reverend Dr. Albert Pennybacker. Joan Brown Campbell is my wife. And we’ve been appreciating this together. One of the things I want to say is that it seems to me the religious heritage has the capacity to talk about racism as sin, not as sociological phenomena that’s got to be dealt with. Not only that, but it is truly sinful, as several of you—and I think that I’ll just say a word in favor of the capacity to provide the preaching availability at a pulpit of a preacher who, in the seminary, has been trained to speak to the issue with prophetic clarity. That is an important role; that the gathered congregations across the country have the opportunity to claim. How do you measure that in terms of preparing students for that job? FASKIANOS: Who wants to take that? BRIGETY: You’ve stumped us. (Laughter.) You know—so let me be a bit controversial, what the hell. (Laughter.) SINGH: Go to it. BRIGETY: Yeah. I think you are right—I know you are right about the ability to speak to racism as a matter of sin. I don’t think it matters for those people of faith who still refuse to address it because there are many sins with which we constantly battle—jealousy, sin, avarice, whatever, right? And yet I dare say that there are many who would rather be preached to in the pulpit about the sin of their—pick a thing, right—watching online porn or being too rich—than to talk about their racism because they—I don’t know why. I have my theories. I mean, part because, you know, as Dr. Singh mentioned, it has been so fundamentally ingrained in the structures of American society; in part because it’s not simply about addressing men, but also, in many respect, like generations of lineage, and how do you make sense of that; in part because it can be so painful, so painful to recognize the hurt that one has caused by virtue of holding on to those beliefs and acting on them that it’s psychologically easier to double down or find some other—or assign something else rather than to confront the reality of that. And so while I don’t disagree with you, I do wonder if, psychologically and politically, there are—quite frankly are not other strategies that need to be addressed as a means of—and that’s sort of like what I was trying to talk about before, is that even as we have to be brutally honest about the history of our country as it relates to many aspects of our racism and continued manifestations of that today. The diplomat in me says, you have to give people a way to still have face as you create space for them in the broader beloved community. And so that is the orientation that I tend to take in engaging with students, interlocutors, and others. And yes, it’s a delicate balance, and yeah, but that’s how I think about it. LEWIS: Yeah. SINGH: I would agree with that, and one thing that I would add that I’ve found particularly helpful in opening up conversations like the ones—in opening up space for conversations like the ambassador has referred to has been the practice of modeling. And I think for those on the call, that’s an opportunity we all have. What would it look like for you to speak before your congregations, or your communities, or your students, in a way that’s a bit more vulnerable than we typically do, and to talk about our own process of digging out the racist ideas within us, right? Again, if we accept this premise, that the White supremacist ideas have become a part of our own beings, then there is nothing to be ashamed about, right? These are things we’ve been taught, things we’ve learned over time. But it’s deeply shameful in the way we have set it up in our society where the most offensive thing anyone can ever be called is a racist. And so what would it look like, right? What would it look like to go before people and open up this conversation as these are the struggles that I’ve had; this is how I’m grappling with racism myself personally, and then creating space for other people to do the same and accept these ideas within themselves. I found that incredibly helpful for people and for myself, and I would encourage you all to try it in moments when you can. LEWIS: I really appreciate what Reuben and Simran have said, and I want to add to it this kind of idea of being multi-vocal; like to have a strategy in ourselves, those of us who are doing the work of modeling, of teaching, of training. Like for some people you need to have a language of sin because it will touch their heart in a way that’s different. Jim Wallis did that with White Evangelicals (to target his book ?), you know, America’s Original Sin, right? That’s the audience for whom he wrote that book; to take Evangelicals and say, this is a sinful thing to do. Let’s repent of it. That was a language for that group of people. Awesome. I think some of us are going to have to use psych language. I do a lot of work around racial identity development, and in some ways, we’re therapists, and teachers, and you know, certain groups of people—oh, we have developed, right, a Black identity, or White identity, or Latinx identity in a context where all of race is a social construct. Can we change that identity? Can we develop an anti-racist identity? So that’s a good vocabulary. I think sociology is a good vocabulary, although my mother, Ruby, says to me all the time, don’t forget you’re a theologian, not a sociologist. I think we have to have different languages to use for different people to do anti-racist work by any means necessary. I saw some stuff the other day where some Black scholars were critiquing Ibram Kendi. I’m like, I love that; you know, let’s do that. But his framing is working for a lot of people. Austin Channing Brown’s book, I’m Still Here—it’s kind of light, but it’s working for lots of people. Robin DiAngelo’s book about White fragility—holy cow! That will slap you around a little bit—(laughs)—you know, but it’s working for lots of people. I think we need to have lots of different ways to get at this most horrific—most horrific, foundational wound to the national psyche. It is the problem, the twenty-first century problem for my mind through which all other things go—anti-Semitism, anti-Islamic sentiment, you know, Black trans people getting killed. This is it. This is the thing, people, until whatever it is that gets us up in the morning to say, today I’m going to model, teach, train, exigy (ph), break down, you know, protest. This is it. We cannot survive on the globe without fixing this, and certainly not in this terrified and terrible nation built on this fault line called race. That is a construct for me, but nonetheless kills as racism. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Razi Hashmi. HASHMI: Hi. This is Razi Hashmi. I’m a term member and I work at the State Department’s Office of International Religious Freedom. Ambassador Brigety, Simran, Dr. Lewis, thank you so much again for this conversation. So a lot of what you’ve been talking about is modeling institutions, or at least Simran had mentioned this earlier. If tomorrow, Ambassador Brigety, you were secretary of state, how would a reformed diplomacy, a reformed State Department, look like? Simran, what would a reformed educational institution look like? And then also, Reverend Lewis, what would the faith community really have to change in terms of modeling what’s inherent in every faith tradition, whether it be Dharmic or Abrahamic? Thank you. BRIGETY: Sure. Razi, good to hear you, brother. Hope you are well. From a diplomatic perspective as it relates to the—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—that are—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—us abroad, I mean, look, I could talk all day about this, right. But, I think issue number one—the two big ones—the two really big ones are we have to recruit and retain a diplomatic service that looks like America, right. I mean, we simply have to do dramatically better than we have been doing and the reason is that when you have a diplomatic service that simply that just kind of looks like America but that actually is full of people that hail from a variety of different upbringings and faith traditions and ethnic backgrounds, two things happen. One, you’re actually able to have a more nuanced take on America when you’re trying to explain it to the rest of the world, and the second thing that happens is that you get different approaches to policy development because you’re having different lenses on a particular problem set. So that’s the first one. And then the second thing is we have to have, not so much in the institution of the department but you have to have a set, a policy orientation, that is geared towards closing the gap between America’s interests and its values, particularly as it relates to these questions of persistent structural inequalities. The reason you have to be able to do that is because unless we have a closer approximation of our values and our interests, then America is simply just another power that for today happens to be richer and have a bigger military than others. That is not, ultimately, in my estimation, what gets the rest of the world on our side on things that matter to us. It is the attractiveness of the overall American model. And what the rest of the world is telling us right now is that we have to move beyond these sort of Western poles that around which the foreign policy and international relations had revolved for much of the understanding of the discipline; and we have to be able to figure out how we create not only in our own society but create international structures that are more inviting rather than exclusionary; and that both of those things but especially the latter are a result of politics, meaning that unless you create an overall national political consensus that this is worth doing—so it doesn’t matter which party is in power, more or less, or you say, fine, one party is going to be for this, another party is, at a minimum, not going to care about it, and, therefore, we have electoral results that come out of that. I would argue that that’s what the latest difference between the administration of President Obama and President Trump represents, and I would argue that is not working for us. What we need is a broad bipartisan consensus that we have to close this gap on equality of treatment, of opportunity, in this country, and regardless of who is in power, overall, our country will be better for it if we do. FASKIANOS: Simran, do you want to go next? SINGH: Sure. Thank you, and thanks for the question, Razi. I think what I would want to say is what it would really take to revision what our institutions look like, educational or otherwise, would be to first understand—and in a critical way, not in a superficial way—but in a deep way to understand the ways in which racist ideas have come to form these institutions in ways that continue to produce inequities. And so the two quick examples from education that come to my mind, standardized testing, right, the SATs, relying—its historical roots are based in racist ideas of biology and the ways in which it measures intelligence across the board, we have debunked these ideas. They no longer apply. We don’t believe that this is the way that we measure true intelligence, right. For example, the SATs. The SATs—when I took them, I didn’t have any training. I didn’t know how to take the test. I didn’t do that well. Did it really measure my intelligence? No, because what happened after that is I went to a Princeton review class, learned how to take the test. It’s not that I was any smarter. I just learned how to take the test, right. And so this very simple example of how standardized testing disproportionately excludes or marginalizes people of color, it speaks to the ways in which these structures have continued to perpetuate inequity. Another very clear example that we have good numbers on as well is the ways in which having police officers in schools accelerate the school-to-prison pipeline, particularly and disproportionally affecting Black students. So, like, what would a reformed education system look like? I mean, I think we have to go back and understand all the ways in which our ideas, our racist ideas, have come to be part of our policies and our systems, and then pushed into our realities. And so let me just say one more thing—and I’m a term member at CFR as well—and then I want to speak briefly about this very strange thing that I noticed recently. If you go to Google and you type in foreign policy and racism or international relations and racism, you will be shocked, or at least I was, at how little comes up. And this is true for many of our institutions. I think we are really starting to grapple with the ways in which racism is systemic. This is a conversation that we haven’t really had, collectively, in previous decades. But if you do that search and the first few hits on foreign affairs will be, like, when did racism become solely a domestic issue. Why is mainstream international relations blind to race. Those are two of the headlines that popped up when I was looking. And I think what we are missing here in this conversation in terms of foreign policy is, again, if racist ideas are entrenched within all of our systems in American history and in the American present, then they are also just as present in the way that we deal with the global community. And so the question we have to ask ourselves is, just as we’re asking everything else, is American foreign policy racist, and it can be so tempting to dismiss this question as rhetorical. In our current moment we could say, you know, President Trump’s explicit comments on shithole countries and trace how his xenophobic view is tied to his racist foreign policy, his anti-Muslim animus, and the resulting travel ban, or his anti-Latinx comments and the expansion of inhumane immigration policies. And there are many of these examples. But I think to stop there is to miss the point because the real question underneath this all is in what ways these racist ideas inform our nation’s approach to international relations, right. And so what does it mean when we have a travel ban, for example, that targets people from seven different countries, and if we go back and look at the data we haven’t had any instances of terroristic violence from people of those countries—immigrants from those countries—in about twenty years. Like, the policies are coming out of racist ideas, not out of actual data. It is not making us any safer. And so the process, and many of you here on this call would already be aware of the issues I’m talking about, but I think what I really want to say to you all is the reframing has to get at how these ideas that are racist in their nature because they are coming from—they have racist histories and they have racist effects and they are moved into racist policies, how they continue to perpetuate inequities in which we are engaged in endless wars against people from Middle Eastern countries or Central Asian countries constantly. And so that’s the kind of thing that I think would also have to be examined as we are examining everything else in this country. FASKIANOS: Thank you. And, Jacqui, you get the last word. LEWIS: Well, yeah. Thank you so much, everyone. I know that we’re out of time. What I would say if we’re going to reform religion, and I want to be particular to say, again, that I am a Christian, a Universalist Christian, but that is more my area of expertise. But when I think about psychology of religion, which is something I study a lot, I want to just say something controversial. I’ll follow Reuben into controversy. You know, I believe there is a God but also this ministry that we would call the Holy Other, or God, or love, or whatever we’d call it, we don’t know, and the space where we don’t know we make things up. We do. We make them up. We’ve been making them up as soon as we crawled out of the water and as soon as we crawled out of the cave and we looked over there and saw the fire and went, oh my God, how did that happen? Thank you. When the crops didn’t grow, we theologized about our lives, and we theologize about our lives at least to a Bible or at least to a Quran or at least to a Bhagavad Gita, the holy books that are our attempt to understand the mystery. And, therefore, even our holiest of holy books can have our own biases in them. Our own biases are in them. The human being biases are in them. Y’all, don’t fire me now. That’s why you have a community. You have a community that reads the texts to say, well, no. Well, have you thought about. That’s why you do it in community so you’re not by yourself up on a mountain someplace having a really racist experience of God and thinking that’s the right one. So even—so if we’re going to reform religion, we have to decenter our preciousness. You know, like, I’ve got it all together and I know all the things, and, therefore, I can’t critique my own stuff. We have to be in a community where we can say to ourselves that we are all trying to understand God, now we see in a mirror dimly and then we’ll see face to face. Can we, therefore, as religious leaders, as people of spirit, engage our religion with hope that it’s got something great for us but also with the suspicion that we’ve inherited something that wasn’t for everyone, and if we want to make it for everyone we have to be comfortable critiquing it and pushing it around. So I want to just encourage people to get a new set of books. If you’ve only read Calvin, get some Tracey West, you know. If you’ve only read White theologians, read some Muhadista (ph) stuff. Like, just think about our faith not as something that is concrete and static and can’t grow, but what might it be for us to have a grownup faith and a grownup God. Because we let God out of the box and maybe we’ll find out that she speaks Sikh and Christian fluently, speaks Islam and Buddhism fluently, and she loves all the people for sure because she made them all in their image. We just have to get God out of the box so we can let religion work for building humanity, not concretizing our racism and our biases, which is what it too often does. Was that controversial good, Reuben? (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: It was great and it was a wonderful way to end this conversation. And I apologize to all that we went over. I broke Council rules. We try to end on time. But I couldn’t stop this conversation, and I’m sorry to all of you that we could not—there were so many raised hands. I apologize that we could not get to your questions. But thank you to Ambassador Reuben Brigety, Reverend Jacqui Lewis, and Dr. Simran Jeet Singh for this wonderful conversation. I encourage you to follow them all on Twitter—at @ReubenBrigety, at @RevJacquiLewis, and at @SikhProf. So those are their Twitter handles. You can also follow us on CFR’s Religion and Foreign Policy Program at CFR_Religion for information and announcements. And thank you all. We will be continuing this series. Stay well, stay safe, and thank you all. LEWIS: Thank you.
  • Religion
    Religion's Role in Social Change
    Play
    Ruth Messinger, former president and current global ambassador of American Jewish World Service, Reverend Najuma Smith-Pollard, program manager of the University of Southern California’s Cecil Murray Center for Community Engagement, and Ani Zonneveld, founder and president of Muslims for Progressive Values discuss religion’s role in social change. This webinar is part of the Religion and Foreign Policy Program's Social Justice Series, which explores the relationship between religion and social justice.  Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon to you all, and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy Webinar Series. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Thank you for being with us. Today’s webinar is the first in our Social Justice Webinar Series in which we hope to explore the relationship between religion and social justice. As a reminder, the webinar is on the record. The audio, video, and transcript will be made available on our website, CFR.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. I’m really delighted to present to you today Ruth Messinger, Reverend Najuma Smith-Pollard, and Ani Zonneveld, three really terrific women. Ruth Messinger was the president of American Jewish World Service from 1998 to 2016 and is currently the organization’s inaugural global ambassador. She spent twenty years in public service in New York City as a city council member and Manhattan borough president. A tireless advocate and social-change visionary, Ruth mobilizes rabbis and faith-based communities throughout the United States to promote human rights. She previously sat on the State Department’s Religion and Foreign Policy Working Group and is currently a member of the World Bank’s Moral Imperative Working Group on Extreme Poverty. Reverend Najuma Smith-Pollard is program manager for the USC Cecil Murray Center for Community Engagement and executive director for the Southern California School of Ministry. She combines her experience as pastor and expertise as a community leader to run programs that train pastors to take on civic-engagement work. She’s a motivational speaker, author, life coach, radio personality, and community activist. Reverend Najuma was ordained as deacon in 1996 and as an itinerant elder in 2000. And since that time she’s held many positions as pastors at various AME churches. She also was in the ministries at Church Our Redeemer AME, pastor of A.K. Quinn AME Church, and pastor of St. James AME Church. And Ani Zonneveld is a writer, singer-songwriter, and the founder and president of Muslims for Progressive Values. She spearheaded the founding of the Alliance of Inclusive Muslims, whose members span five continents. She’s on the U.N. Interagency Faith Advisory Council, and was recently commissioned by the U.N. Office of Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect to create an anti-hate-speech curriculum for Muslim communities in ten countries. So welcome, all. Thank you very much for being with us. I think we’ll start first with you, Reverend Najuma. SMITH-POLLARD: Good morning. FASKIANOS: In the wake of the tragic murder of George Floyd, can you talk about what role you see the American religion community playing and really bringing about social change, which is very much needed? SMITH-POLLARD: Right. Good morning, Irina, and to everyone else on the panel. Thank you for having me, and I’m really grateful to be in this space, sharing space with you all and looking at how religion plays a role in social change. When we look at the George Floyd murder, his murder is not the first, nor is it unique. We’ve seen this before. And so what I believe religion’s place in this is to help guide communities through looking at the systemic problem from a theological standpoint, because it’s not just about the individual murder. It’s really about the systemic problem and what does, in my case, as a Christian, using the Bible, what does the Bible say about systemic issues that affect the day-to-day lives of individuals? And then what does God say about that so that I’m able to help my community interpret the times and then know how to move forward? So I think also it helps ground people, because this murder, like so many others, it has the ability of really shaking people. And in this particular case, George Floyd’s murder was so otherworldly in the way in which the presentation of a video and the way it came across—and I don’t want to trigger anyone by going into the details—but the way it just came across on camera, it has the ability to really cause people to lose hope, to lose encouragement, to lose grounding. And so the other role that as me as a pastor and the other role that I think religion has is to help people get grounded, to not really walk away from their faith in seeing something that violent. It was just very violent. And so it’s the navigation, but also the grounding. And then there’s the healing, right, because we know that religion has a healing aspect to it. And so, as community members, we have to heal individually, but we have families that we have to help carry through the healing process. And then the truth is America as a country has some healing it has to do. Yeah. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go now to Ruth to tackle the same question. MESSINGER: Thank you, Irina. Thank you to the Council on Foreign Relations. I’m delighted to be on with Najuma and Ani. It seems—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—to me that it’s an all-woman panel. I want to—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—the different roles that Najuma spoke to about healing, stabilizing, and then organizing to make change. But I want to say what I think is painfully obvious, and that is unless we are doing this in every faith community, in every country, and across every possible potential line of racial or religious division, we’re not going to get where we need to get. And so every issue—George Floyd’s one of them, but just one in an unfortunately very long string. Every issue, whoever is targeted and whoever does the targeting or does the attack, if it’s wrong, needs to be seen as wrong by all of us of any faith, and we need to be there to respond. On the broader question, Irina—you know, religion’s role in social change—I need to start by saying that it’s probably impossible to pick a bigger topic than that, but also that there’s none that is more essential right now. We’re in, obviously—Najuma spoke to this—we’re in desperate need of organized efforts for social change. We all on this panel, and hopefully in this audience, know religion as a force in the world and, I want to say carefully a force in the world that we would vastly prefer to have with us than against us, because where religion or religious forces are present, it makes a difference. But it’s not always clear it will be useful, and I think we have to acknowledge that. This is not unique to any religion. All religions have tendencies at various—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—in their history and in their theology to support the status quo, and to be a form of stability, and to kind of not rock the boat. So there is a tendency that I see again and again across all religions to praise the vision of a better world to come, but not necessarily to support the upheaval in the way things are to get us from here to there. So that’s the caution. And on the other side, of course, religions can be extremely useful in mobilizing for social change, precisely because they have this vision of a better world. They talk often about the world to come, using different language and different religious traditions. They can speak to people to convey—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—that a higher force, whatever the higher force is that you believe in, demands action. They have a way of providing people both with the stabilization that Najuma talked to, with the energy and determination to stick with efforts to make change over time. They can make it clear again, whatever their supreme being—God, Jesus, Allah, whatever—that this is a piece of what is expected of each and every adherent is to work toward that vision of a better world to come. So just speaking from my tradition, for the Jewish tradition for a minute, there’s a wonderful rabbinic debate about which is more important, study or action. And the conclusion is study is more important because it leads to action, which is a way of copping out but also saying, like, there’s work to be done, and studying is simply not sufficient. We all, from all religious traditions, have a mandate to pursue justice, something different than a passive state of just waiting for some magic thing to happen that will do the work. And we all have various traditions of prophets and people, again, speaking, on the one hand telling people that what they’re doing is destroying themselves), but again, reminding them that there’s a better way, reminding all of us that we need to go outside ourselves, to be there not only for ourself but for the other, and to act against evil. So I see religion as a potential powerful force, but only if it is willing to step in in all crises, mobilize its adherents, but do that collaboratively with people of other faiths to work for the kinds of changes that all of us want to see. And I think there’s a great deal of text that backs that up. SMITH-POLLARD: Absolutely. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Ruth. And now let’s go to Ani. ZONNEVELD: Hi. I second what Ruth said. It’s ameen to that. In Islam, the concept of justice is fundamental, and it’s mentioned fifty-three times in the Quran. But the mantra that we always hear, Islam is a religion of peace, rings hollow if it’s not being acted upon. And again, going back to what Ruth says, you know, it’s really time to act. And preaching it is just not enough. It’s sort of a copout. And so I think we hear this in the streets, no justice, no peace. It really rings loud and clear. And in the context of Islam as well, it’s quite known that there’s a verse that describes how God breathes soul into the fetus in the womb. And that for me, as a person of faith, is a clear indication that we are all created equal. And so, yes, of course, black lives matter and everyone’s lives matter. But the problem with faith communities is that we tend to behave and only tend to advocate for our personal and our almost tribal rights. So if you’re not black, you’re not going to advocate for an African-American. And if you are LGBT, you’re going to only focus on your LGBT issues, et cetera. So it’s very siloed in our advocacy. And this is the problem with social-justice movements. And I think until we collectively, regardless of what our issues are, we collectively come together and recognize our humanity, then only can we really, truly advance on the intersection of faith and social justice. And I’m really glad, for example, the fact that the Supreme Court made that decision that they did yesterday, a monumental decision on Title VII to defend the civil rights of the LGBT community. That means recognizing that they are also human beings. And the fact that—why their humanity is even asked a question is at the crux of the issue of social justice in the United States and in many other parts of the world, for that matter. So the way religion is used, Sharia law in particular, in the context of Islam and how Sharia law, which is basically 100 percent human-made construct over the centuries, an extrapolation by religious leaders and politicians of their understanding of the Quran with the social norms and culture norms of the day, like child forced marriages, female genital mutilation and cutting. These are social-justice issues that we are battling with even here in the United States, not just in Muslim-majority countries. And the fact that Sharia law and the human-rights abuses justified in the name of Sharia law at the Human Rights Council in the United Nations, it’s really quite appalling. So we have a lot of work to do in the context of faith and social-justice movement in redefining what does faith really mean, and how do we challenge the patriarchy system that has justified a lot of the abuses, human-rights abuses, no matter who that is? FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you all. So that is just the beginning of our discussion. We want to go now to all of you who are on with us for this webinar. If you click on the “participants” icon, you can raise your hand and contribute a comment, a question, so that we can have a very rich discussion. So I’m just going to look now. And, yes, we already have three hands raised. So let’s go first to Helen Boursier. And if you can identify yourself, your affiliation, that would be fantastic. BOURSIER: Hello. I am Reverend Doctor Helen Boursier, and I do research and writing on immigration. I volunteer with refugee families taking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. So with all of the attention that’s been going on this summer, my colleagues, who also are volunteer chaplains in various contexts, have felt like the migrants have gotten lost in the shuffle. And thousands, literally thousands, are suffering at our border. And I’m currently researching a book on overcoming the limitations of religious love for refugees taking asylum. So one of my questions is, what is the culpability that we have for willful ignorance on what is happening in my state—in Texas—the U.S.-Mexico border? And how can the interreligious faith community speak to this, and speak loudly? SMITH-POLLARD: I think something Ani said was very important, is at the base of our faith, I have to see everyone in their humanity first; so where we have a responsibility is to understand that those individuals are as valuable and that cause is as important as any other. But part of it is our faith traditions have to really get back to that core of seeing each other’s humanity above all, above all the different isms and schisms and things that make us different, that those are human beings. And if we claim to be people of faith and people of God and people of justice, then the cause is as important as any other cause. And I think that’s part of the discussion—and I’m so glad Ani brought it up—is that part of what, in the preaching and the teaching, is, like, reorienting communities around humanity, and then from there reorienting our activity to say I’m going to serve. I’m going to work. I’m going to act on behalf of all humanity, as opposed to all that look like me or all that talk like me or all that walk like me. So I think there’s a lot of work. And that’s where religion and faith groups have been culpable and have responsibility, because we have not always taught and preached from a place of humanity, and we’ve allowed our layers to get in the way. I had an experience yesterday. I was invited to be a part of another discussion. And the coordinator asked me, did I have a problem that one of the other guests would be transgender? And I said of course not. I said we’re the cause of justice for everybody. But the fact that he had to ask that question meant that apparently, in his interaction, he had met other pastors or leaders who would have been, like, oh, no, I won’t be on a panel with someone from the trans community. And it was, like, no way; like, who does that? But clearly we know that it has happened. So I would say that one of the things that we have to do is get back to teaching as a starting place about humanity and that our faith is a faith for humanity and not just our personal likes and dislikes. MESSINGER: So I actually want to—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—Dr. Boursier raised two questions. I just want to comment on the second one first, which is that, in this country, at least, America, people have a ridiculously short attention span. And so the children at the border were an issue file that no one paid any attention to. I’m going back about a year and a half. And then there was a picture of a little boy dead on the beach, and all of a sudden it became everybody’s focus and we were able to get out the fact that people were being kept in cages, that this country was violating—our country—violating its own laws on asylum and international law. But I think Dr. Boursier is right to just say that part of the responsibility, then, of thoughtful leaders—I’m going to say both political leaders and religious—is to remind people that at the same time as we’re living through the horror of COVID-19, and at the same time as racism and police violence is exploding across our country, the situation at the border continues. And frankly, out of public view, we have to all assume that it’s worse. But I (inaudible, technical difficulties)—one step further, if I could, and pick up on what Najuma said, because except for the people on this call who are Native American, we are all immigrants or children of immigrants. And I find it staggeringly difficult in my own community to get everyone to understand that virtually everything that’s happening, for example, in Guatemala that makes people flee to the border, it’s happening at the border, it’s happening with confused or destructive or violent U.S. policy against Guatemalan—just using that as an example—immigrants trying to get into this country, is an experience that in different ways, at different points in time each of our families had. If you are person of color here, then you were an immigrant possibly because—or your ancestors were dragged here as slaves, but everybody has a story. And the capacity, I say, in many of our groups and among many of our religious adherents to say, oh, yes, I know that story; but my story is different than the story of the people at the Mexican border, with all due respect, it’s fundamentally not different. You know, it’s really different to have been brought here a slave. It’s really different to have come here under the green card rule, but fundamentally, people should be able to choose where they want to live, to have the right to stay in their own home and countries of origin, and when they need to leave—not because they are being dragged someplace—but when they want to leave to have people pay attention to their situation, their crisis, and not dismiss it as being someone else’s story. So I think we need—and again, faith leaders can do this—to draw some of these connections: how my ancestors, and Ani’s ancestors, and Najuma’s ancestors got to this country. Of course the stories are different, and the stories are powerful, but all involve the question of whether or not people get to choose where they want to live and whether or not people are welcomed when they come to someplace different. And those are teachings in every one of our—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—and we should stop putting people in different boxes. ZONNEVELD: I want to ask people on the call and to also ask their community and institutions to take a pledge, so in our effort to cultivate that culture that is rooted in human rights, we have to overcome our own prejudices, and so we started an initiative called No Hate in My Faith—it’s #nohateinmyfaith—and the pledge is affirming the following: I pledge to refute and combat discrimination against any individual or community, including blacks, the LBGTQ+ community, women, Jews, Shia, Sunni, and Ahmadis Muslims by non-Muslims, atheists, or any other no matter who that other is. I pledge to eradicate all divisive, homophobic, and/or misogynistic teachings in my community and religious institutions I’m affiliated with, and will affirm the dignity of all individuals. What you teach in your religious institutions matter. If you want to address social justice at its core, it has to start with the hearts, and it starts with your own heart. We won’t get anywhere otherwise. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Father Rafael Capo. CAPO: Yes, hello. Thank you, Irina, and to our great panel, as well—great conversation. We have seen recently in the protests and all that’s happening many, many young faces out there, and we also know that many of these young people are unaffiliated, nons that are not connected to institutional religion. Do you have any experiences or thoughts from your religious perspectives on how to accompany those young people and make them realize that their faith gives light to their commitments for social change? ZONNEVELD: If I may something, the youth have given up on religion, and it’s because the religious leaders have failed in addressing social justice issues in the name of religion. As a matter of fact, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act is being used by religious institutions to defend their right to discriminate in the name of religion. So the youth are very smart and up on it, and they’re not going to take it. And so the fact that a lot of the religious leaders are absent in the marches, are not marching with the people is indicative of the problem. And until religious leaders take the leadership, and take ownership and their responsibility, and how they cultivate the culture of discrimination within their religious institutions, the youth are leaving faith in masses. So it’s our responsibility as community leaders and religious leaders to redefine what it means to be a person of faith. SMITH-POLLARD: Right. And I would just add to Ani’s point—and because you asked the question—you used the word how, and so the how to is that we have to be where they are. It was important for me in Los Angeles to be present—I couldn’t attend all the protests. I have small children, and a compromised immune system, but I made it a point that on two occasions I would go and be present. And on one of them I had the opportunity to just share a prayer. And let me say this: when young people see people of faith present and accounted for, but also using their voice—there was no, well, she’s praying, I’m not going to pray; or she’s saying God and Jesus, I’m not. They all participated. And I bring that up because I think part of what happens is that we want young people to be where we are, as the faith leader, but we got to go where they are. So I can’t be on my laptop preaching justice—no justice, no peace—and I don’t get out there with them. And I’m not—and everybody may not be called to protest and march, but you have to be where they are. And sometimes, as religious leaders, we’re guilty of operating in our privilege, or operating in our comfort, and saying, well, I’m going to speak from my comfort zone. I’m not getting out there where they are. And the how to is that—(laughs)—sometimes we have to apply the riskiness of faith, and get where the young people are, and go where they are so they can see our faith in action. And to Ani’s point, they just don’t see it. And don’t see it enough, let me say that—not that no one is doing it, but you don’t see it enough. And so what I would offer to anybody and everybody is if you want to connect with young people, go where they are. If they are protesting, find a space in that protest where you can be available and visible. If they are rallying, find a space in the rally where you can be present and accountable. That’s how it happens. But to remain in our comfort and then say, well, come to me, this is—and right now especially, this is a season now where we have to go to them and show them that we mean what we preach and teach. MESSINGER: So I would say amen to that, but it’s even more dramatic right now because at least in some of our cities, not meeting in physical buildings. And so you can be certain that no young person is going to see her or his religious group, or some other religious group, find them online—forget it. So if they want to be moved by religious—if you want them to be attentive to religion and religion speaking for social justice, you first have to get where they are, you have to make it clear that you are on their side and that you are there for faith reasons, and then slowly, over time, the rest will follow. And I’ll issue a challenge—Irina, I promise to be careful now—(laughter)—but in every one of our cities and where every one of our audience people is, an interfaith effort to support voting in November would have an impact on that same generation of young people because they’re not only turning away from some faith organizations, I’m not sure that elected officials or politics speak to their lives. SMITH-POLLARD: Absolutely. MESSINGER: So the responsibility to vote is, A, a democratic responsibility, and B, entirely non-partisan. And I would love to see, from now to November, in every jurisdiction imam, pastors, priests, rabbis standing up and saying, wherever we find you, whatever your orientation, whatever your interests, if American, you need to go to the polling place and put your beliefs into action. And if that was done by faith leaders, A, I think it would inspire more people to actually go to the polls, and B, it would certainly tell young people that their faith leaders—excuse my language for—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—but are operating on this earth instead of on some cloud. SMITH-POLLARD: Yeah. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Let’s go now to Tereska Lynam. LYNAM: Great. This is Tereska Lynam from the University of Oxford, and I’m attached—well, first of all, I’m from—my hometown is Minneapolis, and I live part-time in Miami, Florida, and part-time in London, but I’m attached to various religious organizations of various faiths throughout mainly the U.S. and Europe, but also a little bit in like Malaysia—and so really interfaith, right? And what—Ruth Messinger talked about this a little bit—what I have noticed is that people have a very short attention span, as she mentioned, and we tend to get really excited about social justice with whatever is in the headlines. I think one of the blessings of COVID-19, if we’re going to call it that, is that people have had more attention to pay into the news, which is what made the—not just George Floyd, but right before that, Amy Cooper. So it really made white people see—and presumably Christian white people—how psychopathic and sociopathic people can be, right? And what does discrimination—how arbitrary it can be, and there was no deserving of it, or anything—you know, like, really hard. But this— even a few weeks later I’m noticing, even in my Minneapolis groups, people—their attention is like, oh, I don’t want to pay attention to that anymore. Now it’s going to get hard, now we have to figure out what’s going to happen with the police. And in Miami, we’ve had what we call the American child hostage crisis going on—now it’s 801 days of the asylum victims being held in concentration camps for kids, right? And so I was just wondering kind of how you guys think we should address the low attention span and really affect change so that we’re not just another part of the flash in the pan? And I just will add that what I have seen work really well is if the religious organizations have specific arms to stay married to a particular justice issue so they have to go and lobby politicians, and work to get the legal stuff to really help it and keep that sustained attention. So thank you for allowing me to talk so much, and thank you for this beautiful presentation, and I look forward to hearing your thoughts. MESSINGER: So just very quickly, I suspect we might all agree on this, but I think this is another example, as you said, of like attention span or doing the easy thing. And Najuma when she spoke, I think, in the first round, used the word privilege, and this is the part of the issue is that to make the social changes that are needed, everyone is going to have to examine our own privilege and what we’re willing to put on the line to create societies that are more equitable and just. And so it’s one thing to gasp in horror at the murder of Floyd, and another thing to sit down and debate the intricacies of the Minneapolis police department budget and what kinds of changes should be made. And some faith leaders for sure are going to say, I can support these changes—and I think you should all be supporting them—but I can’t support—and then some people will be angry. That’s the process of American democracy. We don’t all agree on every next step, but we have to be willing to hear each other’s point of view, and the message has to go out just—now forget the kids on the border because there is now police violence—you can’t solve police violence by going to a demonstration or holding up a powerful sign that says, “black lives matter.” And for some people, that’s called crossing a huge bridge, as it were, in their minds to say, yes, black lives matter and I understand black lives are under attack. And then the question is, OK, what are you going to do about it? What are we going to do in New York to—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—alterations in our police department budget so that—small example—we cut the police budget enough so that we fund summer youth employment, which otherwise has no money whatsoever in the budget coming—(inaudible, technical difficulties)? But that’s something again that faith leaders—and this raises the issue that I was skirting around before, but speaking out on issues and speaking out on voting is part of how you help a congregation or a community take concrete steps toward justice. It is not partisan activity. There is a difference between political activity and partisan activity, and working to make social change is likely only going to work if it involves some politics and some political effort. That’s allowed. That’s allowed by clergy, it’s allowed by religious organizations. And then I want to say one thing, Tereska—and I don’t want to start a firestorm—but I do know a lot of people in New York who hated watching George Floyd be murdered. They watched that eight-and-a-half-minute video longer than they watched the issue in Central Park because the issue in Central Park is so much more close to home and so much more a question of like, my god, that’s a woman that looks just like me. How could she have done that? Have I ever done that? And so even there I want to say that it’s hard to bring these issues right up for people to look at them, and I actually would urge people that are doing social and racial justice teaching, look at those two minutes and have an honest conversation about what was going on in that woman’s mind, and how dangerous it was, and how likely it is that those who are never going to kneel on someone’s jugular could be in a situation like that and act incorrectly. SMITH-POLLARD: Thank you, Ruth. That was beautiful. And I would just add social change is like—what’s the race where they pass the baton? What’s it called? MESSINGER: Relay. Relay. Relay. SMITH-POLLARD: Relay. Thank you. Relay. And I would say social change is like a very long relay race, and everybody has got their leg. And I think protesters kind of like are that first leg; they give you that first burst, and you get out there, you get ahead of it. And then it’s passed to the next leg, which is those who are going to do the organizing. Now they’re going to organize meetings and conversations. The next leg is those who are going—to Ruth’s point—to have the meetings with the politicians and the electeds and, you know, the stakeholders. And so there’s a leg that’s passed, and then it’s finally passed to the next leg which is now the legislative leg where people who know how to write laws—because most protesters don’t know how to write legislation so that baton has to get passed to the person who knows how to then take the cry of BLM, defund the police, and now write that as legislation, and then lobby for it. But that leg is like two or three legs down, and then it makes it to the courts, and then it becomes policy change. And so I think that’s what we have to all—and I think what’s important is all of us have to identify what leg am I on. What leg do I run the best in? Because I may protest, but strongest run might be in the legislative piece where I’m helping now to take the cry to a legislative bill, to write it up and to submit it, and all that—you know, all that kind of good stuff. That’s—clearly that’s not my leg. (Laughs.) And so I think that’s how it happens, and for those of us that are in those spaces, what we can do is help people identify what leg that they’re strongest in. But social change is long, it’s hard, and no one person, no one group can do it all, so that’s where come back to the interfaith piece is that all of us have to come and be part of this relay race and then pass the baton to the next leg, and the next leg until we get all the way around and win the race. But it takes a long time. And Pastor Murray used to say, catch on fire and people watch you burn. And the trick is not just to catch on fire but to stay lit. And so part of that is maintaining our candles, you know, and maintaining the oil so we stay lit. And then they’ll still—as long as you—as long as you’ve got—as long as you’re on fire, somebody can watch you burn. (Laughter.) ZONNEVELD: I’ll do a quick answer so that we can take on more questions— FASKIANOS: And we have a lot. (Laughter.) ZONNEVELD: Plus, I can add, Tereska, I’m originally from Malaysia, so it was interesting. But to stay lit, this is the thing. So I’ve put up on my Facebook page, when the malls are open, the theaters start screening your much-anticipated films, and the concerts are back on, are you still going to be paying attention and going to those marches? I think it is also the responsibility of religious leaders maybe to put down on their calendars every sermon, every khutbahs that they do, religious services, they include a few sentences, a reminder, this is an issue that—social justice issues that we need to address, pay attention. I think the constant reminder every week is necessary by religious leaders. SMITH-POLLARD: Absolutely. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. Let’s go to Besheer Mohamed next. MOHAMED: Sure. My name is Besheer Mohamed. I’m a researcher at the Pew Research Center. So at the beginning of the year, before these protests, the Pew Research Center actually did a survey, and we found that about four in ten white adults said that houses of worship shouldn’t address topics like immigration or race relations. And only about 8 percent of white adults said that it was essential that houses of worship address them. And I’m curious if the panelists think that recent events will change that, will increase the appetite among certain people to hear this in their congregation because before all this happened we were seeing a lot of people saying that, no, we don’t want this in our church. ZONNEVELD: Well, that’s basically what I was saying. I think it is the responsibility of religious leaders—if they claim to be leaders—then step up and do it. And so I don’t think it’s necessarily the congregation. I think there is an awakening moment for many of the congregation members to understand the issue, for example, of anti-blackness. Even with the Muslim societies and communities it’s terrible. And so I think it is the responsibility of religious leaders to take these issues on and to be brave if they are really standing up for—in the Islamic context of justice. So that would be my response to that. MESSINGER: So I do work training rabbis and rabbinical students, and for me—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—critical which applies across all faiths, and Ani really just spoke to it, but I’ll just give it two words—is moral courage, and you need to have moral courage to be a faith-based leader of value. Along the issues that we are talking about, I am sure there is a way—and I’m sure that Pew itself should be— as a person seriously steeped in ritual and going to what Najuma spoke about right at the beginning—able to offer solace, able to be there for people, and able to be a comforting leader. That is a piece of what it means to have faith and be a faith leader. But I think it has always also meant to prophesy, and to go out, and to act in ways that will make a difference toward justice. And we need to educate our future clergy and our current clergy to be able to do that. And just one point I’d make to you is then the clergy need to be clear about that, you know? And a clergy person of any one faith that we’re talking about needs to be able to stand up and say, I’ve been looking at the current crisis of racism in the United States or the current problems of police violence. I am going to be leading this congregation or this community to take stronger steps to remedy these problems. I hope you will all be with me, and I hope you will be with me for the following reasons. And to quote some text, I have a great text that is a Jewish text but it’s not used very often, but it’s in a—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—and it basically says—I’m now paraphrasing—it’s really nice to get (inaudible, technical difficulties)—of being well off and sit back and enjoy things, and it’s comfortable to look out and—what are those people fussing about? And I don’t want anything to do with them. And then the text continues, but of course if you do you contribute to the overthrow of the world, and it really does say that, so people not hide behind what is comfortable in their faith community. If they are serious, if they are leading faith communities, they have to stand for justice, and that’s not always comfortable. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Mark Fowler next. FOWLER: So I’m the CEO at the Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding, and I thank you all so much for your comments so far. I wonder if you could speak to—so one thing is trauma because, there was a conversation a little bit earlier about tribalism, and I actually have difficulty with that word because people have lived in isolation and segregation so the result of that would be tending to one’s own or tending to one’s self. And I wondered if you could all speak to the work of working around trauma, not just for religious communities, but also religious leaders because the calls I think are important in terms of the role that religious leaders can play, but we’re also—to Ruth’s point—talking about human beings, people who have calls and visions on their life that may not actually, in their own mind, spirit and heart, jibe with what’s being called for today. And also, if you could address the idea of what does the end of white supremacy look like because we’ve talked about—I’ve heard the word patriarchy, and I think there was a mention of the word white supremacy before, but religion’s intricate role, and not just Christianity, and throughout time, the idea of the passing back and forth of power between religious institutions and political institutions, and then societal institutions—but really what does the end of white supremacy look like and what is religion’s role in that? Because I do feel that there is— we often lean into the ways in which we are the same, and the ways in which our traditions call for love, and peace, et cetera—leaving out the whole rest of those sacred texts and experiences where war is justified, rape is justified—like there are any number of human rights violations—which we would call them today—that are justified within our sacred texts and within our teachings. And I would love to have you all speak to what are the—I guess what would be the curriculum, if you will—not in its totality obviously, but what would be the curriculum that we would need to begin to fashion or give more time, attention and money to—of existing programs and policies that are really getting to those questions because we’ve got a fingerprint on all of this, and without a kind of declaration of this is where we—this is where we contributed to the events we see today; this is what we are prepared to do about it now. And we’re going to support clergy, and lay people, and congregants, and members otherwise to enact that change. And we also want to hear how difficult that’s going to be for you to change your heart and mind from where it’s at right now. So if you can all address my mad ramblings to the degree that you feel comfortable, I’d appreciate it. (Laughter.) SMITH-POLLARD: That was great, Mark. So if I heard you correct, the first part was about trauma, what does the end of white supremacy look like, and what does a potential curriculum look like. So I’ll go in that order and just answer what I can. And I’m going to tie this to a little bit to what Besheer had mentioned about congregations that didn’t want to hear sermons around these social justice issues, and part of that is because it is traumatizing. It is traumatizing to talk about a man losing his breath, or an individual—an unarmed person being shot. All that is traumatizing. As one who lost her son—my son was murdered, and I remember sharing that in a space, and somebody came up to me, and they were like, well, maybe you should give trigger warnings before you share that because that’s traumatizing for the listener. And I thought, that’s interesting because sometimes we’re more concerned about those who don’t want to be traumatized than those who have been traumatized. And so part of what this retraining looks like is saying to those who don’t want to hear about trauma, to say, but consider the children at the border who are being traumatized; like, I know you don’t want to be discomforted to hear about my trauma, but imagine what the trauma is doing to me. And so when we talk about religious leaders, I think what—especially in this season, what a lot of religious leaders have to work through is their issues with trauma, you know, and realizing that, if I’m going to live into my faith—I’m going to really live into my faith, it’s not enough for me to just deal with the parts of my faith that are non-traumatizing. If you read the Bible from beginning to end, there are texts that are traumatizing, but the only way that my faith informs me to see about your issue is I’ve got to be willing to step into your trauma, even if it makes me uncomfortable. And I think that’s where a lot of clergy may have to do some work, is wrestling with how they manage trauma, and maybe even go through some informed training around trauma. But to say, I don’t want to hear it because it’s too traumatizing—well, what about the person that’s being traumatized? The second thing about what does the end of white supremacy look like, it’s not just shared power. It’s giving power, right? I remember being in a practical kind of practicum where they shifted the room around, and they put those who were in the front, white, and those who were in the way, way back last row, black. And we were asked some questions. And the reality is it’s not that you share power; it’s actually that you give power, right? And so I think what the end of white supremacy looks like is individuals willing to give up power. That’s the only way that that happens. Part of why there is such a protection—people are trying to protect their power, which also has a lot of psychological stuff attached to that. And then a curriculum, I don’t know if you can retrain—I don’t know if you can—because that’s a part of heart matter. It’s also a heart and mind matter. I don’t know if there is a diversity training for white supremacy. I don’t know if that exists yet. Yeah, I don’t know. Maybe Ruth or Ani has that answer. (Laughs.) MESSINGER: Ani, go ahead. ZONNEVELD: So I’m going to touch on the trauma of faith leaders and the trigger issues that Najuma addressed. I think it’s really important, when we address a lot of the social justice issues, we also include maybe counselors. And I think this is an issue that’s often—these individuals, these experts are oftentimes left out of the conversation, which I think would be an important contribution to the discussion and to resolve a lot of the trauma, or trigger points, or what have you. And on curriculum, in my introduction, Irina mentioned that I was commissioned by the United Nations to develop an anti-hate curriculum, and this is in the Islamic context. So the curriculum was basically a workshop on how to retune and how to unwire the prejudices people have towards the other. And so this is on the issue of apostasy and blasphemy laws. But it is really—the structural workshop is basically putting yourself—do unto others as you want others to do unto you. It’s that simple. But then, you really have to actually construct the conversation to question the participants and those whose minds and hearts you need to change to really go through a particular exercise. And the exercises that we have—or that I’ve developed is from the religious and faith context. And so that’s out there. But there’s also ex-KKK members that have come around, so there are programs out there, discussions and forums out there, and there’s also the curriculum that I’ve developed in partnership and with the support of the U.N office. So that’s my two cents. MESSINGER: Just a quick comment. First of all, Mark, congratulations on the ongoing work of the Tanenbaum Center. I think trauma is something you have to acknowledge for everybody, and Najuma talked about it, first of all, the people who are actually traumatized and bringing them front and center through a loving community, but then recognizing that some of these stories are traumatic. I can’t tell you what the end of white supremacy looks like, but I can tell you—and this is the hard thing—that nothing we do in the next three months to change police department budgets, or to control some of the centers of particular race-based violence in our communities right now, is going to end white supremacy because it has been operative in this country for over four hundred years. And so it’s a pretty rough curriculum—to be able to find the right language—I’m not suggesting my language, but the right language to say to people, your ancestors concentrated on brutalizing people; threw the Native Americans off the land that they were farming and stewarding, and that was of religious value to them; transmitted diseases to them that killed them; and then set about systematically bringing people of color over here to be their slaves. Now I am not doing that with my seven-year-old grandson in that language, but I think places like our faiths, and like the Tanenbaum Center, need to think about how do we teach(inaudible, technical difficulties) of our faiths allow, which is a history of error and redemption on some level or another, so how do we say we’ve been wrong on some things and we need basically to reform our ways and the big-picture story. And—the point that each of us has made a little bit—it will involve giving some things up. There are—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—very simple. This probably exists in other cities. There are criteria right now for young people to get into certain specialized schools, and there is evidence—growing statistical evidence that those tests have a race bias that works against people of color. So, obviously, we want to get rid of those things. But if you get rid of those things, you will change the mix of who gets in. Now some of us know that that’s a huge value to the society, but it means that the pie is not infinite. Some people will, quote/unquote—please don’t misquote me on this—“lose” places because we’ve broadened the space for everybody. But where is the greater good, and how do we adjust in our own thinking to accept that? FASKIANOS: We have so many questions and comments. We’re not going to get to them all, so let’s go next to Katherine Marshall. MARSHALL: Hello, and how wonderful it is to see the four of you on the screen. (Laughs.) I’m from Georgetown University, Katherine Marshall. I’m very struck by a number of the comments that you’ve made. Ruth, on the issue of the short attention span, it’s not very long ago that we were struggling with women’s rights and women’s issues, which seem to be completely obscured as well as the refugee issues. And the turning inward in the United States means we’re not looking at so many of the social justice issues in the world that are profoundly affected by the COVID crisis. You have the wonderful metaphor of the relay race. I think we also use the marathon, but I think we need something better, but I’m—maybe in your final comments—because we’re right at the end—you could give us some sense of how we bring these together. How do we overcome the short attention span and the inward obsession—from the religious perspective deal with some of the difficult issues that religious institutions shy away from as we’re looking ahead into the post-COVID dream. MESSINGER: I think we’re almost about out of time, but I’m going to make one counterintuitive comment, Katherine—and thank you for your ongoing work at the Berkley Center. I’m actually going to make two comments. One is we should note that the Berkley Center at Georgetown—Georgetown is the university that has done the most to identify its role in perpetrating slavery and come up with an actual program of reparations. I have no idea how well it’s working, but they are light years ahead of a large number of institutions that a lot of us profess to love. Congratulations. But the second point I’m going to say—the counterintuitive point is we’re going to get there only if we celebrate all the good news. Every time Ani or Najuma’s community somebody stands up for justice, or somebody does something really magnificent, or a young person that some—Father Capo asked about earlier—but a young person that really is there on the front lines doing an act of service, getting recognized. We have to celebrate all of those small victories or we will not be able to sustain the marathon or even bring in the new teams. So I think that’s a piece of the answer. FASKIANOS: OK. Ani, do you want to do next? Because I want to give each of you the opportunity to just wrap up, and then we’ll— ZONNEVELD: Yeah, I think—I’d like to echo, I think, the persistency of religious leaders, community members, institutions—educational institutions like Katherine’s—the one that Katherine is at and others—CFR. I think—I think CFR does a good job about raising issues on social medias through their short forums and also their short summaries of issues that they have their experts write on, for example—and for us to actually share those concerns as well and those issues. And I think the more we work together, regardless of what those issues are collectively, in support of each other’s work, I think that’s the other way to sustain the attention and to also challenge the status quo, that patriarchy, the supremacy ideology, what have you—whatever that supremacy ideology is because it’s not just white supremacy. There’s all kinds of other supremacies, and I think they all need to be challenged. And I think that, at the end of the day, it is how much effort and how are we, particularly the male religious leaders, how comfortable are you at giving up that space or sharing that space with others. And I think this is the challenge, even in the United Nations. Even at the United Nations Faith Advisory Council you have some very patriarchal faith organizations on the committee, and this is a constant challenge that we are chiseling away—(laughs)—let’s put it that way. (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: And Najuma. Go. SMITH-POLLARD: And I will just close with the word accountability. There were a few of us here in Los Angeles who are working together, and what we’ve talked about is if we’re actually going to see the mayor, and the chief, and all these electeds do the things that they have promised in some of these short-spurt meetings up front, you know, doing the urgent things, is that there just has to be a level of accountability. And the only way to see the change is to keep holding people accountable to their words. And one of the things that we’ve asked for is ongoing meetings and conversations because you’re right—and to Ruth’s point about the short attention span, what tends to happen is that everybody swarms in, and then the attention span like a wave just kind of goes back out. But there has to be people, a cohort of people that stay up in it to hold people—themselves—accountable, hold faith groups, hold faith communities, hold electeds, council members, whoever is stakeholders accountable. And so I would offer that everyone maybe try to get with an accountability group, create an accountability group to say we will hold our faith community accountable, or we will hold our electeds accountable, or we’ll hold the police department accountable, or—wherever you are stationed to serve and work, get with an accountability group and make the commitment to hold accountability there. That’s the only way it happens is someone has to do the holding of accountability. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Well, thank you all. We have gone over, and I apologize to everybody who had their virtual hands raised. We obviously should have allotted much more time for this conversation, and we will think about that going forward. But we are going to be continuing the discussion. So a big shout out and thank you to Ruth Messinger, Najuma Smith-Pollard, and Ani Zonneveld for this terrific discussion, and you’ve launched a really great series for us. We encourage you to follow their work on Twitter at @Ruth_Messinger, at @RevJuju, and at @AniZonneveld. And you should also follow us CFR’s Religion and Foreign Policy program on Twitter at @CFR_Religion for announcements and information. Also send us your comments, suggestions to [email protected]. As we start developing this series we’d love to hear from you. So thank you all, stay well, and we will reconvene.
  • COVID-19
    Female Leadership During COVID-19
    Play
    Sandra Pepera, senior associate and director for Gender, Women and Democracy at the National Democratic Institute, discusses female leadership during COVID-19. Learn more about CFR's Religion and Foreign Policy Program. FASKIANOS: Thank you so much, Maureen. And good afternoon to all of you, to our Council on Foreign Relations Religion and Foreign Policy Webinar Series. I am Irina Faskianos, vice president for the national program and outreach here at CFR. As a reminder, today’s discussion is on the record and the video and the transcript will be available on our website, at CFR.org, and on our iTunes podcast channel, Religion and Foreign Policy. We’re delighted to have Sandra Pepera with us today. She is a career diplomat and international development professional. Before joining the National Democratic Institute as its director for gender women and democracy in 2014, she spent thirteen years as a senior office at the U.K.’s Department for International Development, including leading programs in the Caribbean, Rwanda, Burundi, and Sudan. Much of her career has been spent working in or on transitional economies, focusing on building resilient and inclusive institutions. She’s led work on women and politics at the University of Ghana, and in outreach public policy during the country’s period of intense and unstable political transition in the early 1990s. Ms. Pepera has also participated in a program that supported the ANC Women’s League during South Africa’s transition from Apartheid to majority democratic rule in 1993. So, Sandra, thanks very much for being with us today. We wanted to focus on women leaders and how they’re handling the COVID-19 pandemic. There’s been a lot of commentary on this, and extolling what women are doing. Given your work on women and your background, it would be great to hear your thoughts and analysis. PEPERA: Great. Thank you. Thank you very much, Irina. And thank you to the Council on Foreign Relations for inviting me to address this group. It’s a pleasure and privilege to be with you today. Let me just start by acknowledging that at least three of the major religions represented on the call today have just passed through important holy moments. So allow me to wish folks Eid Mubarak, happy Easter—(inaudible)—and happy Passover, at least. So what to say about women’s leadership in the time of COVID-19? Well, first of all, COVID-19 itself is not only a political health crisis, but also a social economic shock for countries and communities around the world. The dual health and economic crises disproportionately impact women, the people, children, people with disabilities, and other marginalized population. At the same time, with more than 80 countries declaring states of emergency, we’ve seen that the pandemic is allowing authoritarians as well to seize more power at home and attack the democratic architecture internationally. At NDI, the National Democratic Institute, where I’m proud to work, they’ve established a biweekly survey of our country directors, and we have offices probably in still about 50 countries around the world, to track COVID-induced trends in physical and civil rights in those countries. And results from the last month include 61 percent noting an increased distrust between citizens since the beginning of the pandemic. This is up sort of 44 percent from the previous month. And 69 percent reported an increase in the government suspension, modification, and/or removal of individual or collective rights and protections in the name of security and crisis response. So women are indeed leading the movement against COVID-19. And I don’t want to kind of go overboard about the ones that we will see in the press. I am excited whenever I listen to the White House as Ambassador Colonel Doctor Deborah Birx, who is assuming some of the challenges of being a leader in a nonpolitical sector, but now sitting in a very highly politicized arena. But we could also speak to those with a lot less resources. For example, the major of Banjul in The Gambia has marshalled a small army of young people as her COVID-19 taskforce, and they’ve spread out across the capital armed with hand sanitizer and vital information on the disease. The Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg, I think she gave the first coronavirus press conference for kids. Everyone’s doing it now, but I think she was the first. And so forth and so on. And, yes, they have all shown individuals strength and capabilities, such as taking initiative, acting with resilience, inspiring and motivating others, bold leadership, and driving for results—all of which are attributes which the Harvard Business Review, that bastion of feminist iconography, scored women between 3.5 and 7 percentage points more highly than men. But I also want us to consider other important issues that support or otherwise marginalize women’s political representation. At NDI, we view the equal and active participation of women as central to democracy. Some of us would even go so far as to suggest that greater inclusion is what will cure illnesses that Democratic governance all over the world is currently facing. Fundamentally, though, at a time when their voices and perspectives are needed most, women came into the pandemic as largely the invisible foot soldiers of our everyday world. This is a global health emergency. So we’ve been reminded of the sometimes dangerous gender gap in the providers of lifesaving health care. The World Health Organization tells us that 70 percent of all paid health care jobs around the world are held by women. And on top of that, 50 percent of women’s contribution to health around the world goes unpaid. It’s also a sobering statistics that of the twenty-nine million papers published on the Zika and Ebola epidemics, both hugely gendered health and social shocks, less than 1 percent of them explored the gendered impact. And three months into the pandemic, only 20 percent of the World Health Organization’s own emergency committee is female. The United Nations assesses that the impacts of the COVID-19 global recession will result in a prolonged dip in women’s incomes and labor participation. And for some women, the layering of multiple identities—for example, being female, and young, and indigenous—compounds a disproportionate impact of many of the changes in the environment which condition their lives that have come about because of COVID-19 and our required, in some instances, response to the health issues. However, these ever-present factors have been given renewed life in the—in the pandemic, and present significant barriers to women’s participation and leadership in the political sphere. In the words of our board chairman, Secretary Madeleine Albright, women in power raise issues others overlook, invest in projects that others dismiss, and seek to end abuses that others don’t. She has also said that anyone who thinks women are angels has forgotten high school. So we’re not about essentializing women at all. Yet, the burden of representation is clearly felt by many who’ve bene called upon. Frances Perkins, the first woman appointed to the U.S. Cabinet, and the architect of much of America’s Social Security system, and a woman of faith, and a member of the congregation at her church on Capitol Hill in D.C., noted, and I quote, “The door might not be opened to a woman again for a long, long time. And I had a kind of duty to other women to walk in and sit down on the chair that was offered, and so establish the right of others long hence and far-distant in geography to sit in the high seats.” In the last twenty years the number of women in parliaments has doubled across the world. This translates to roughly, let’s say, 25 percent of all parliamentarians globally. And many of those have come through a quota system in their parliaments—in their jurisdictions. So of the world’s parliamentarians, let’s say 25 percent are female. This means that 75 percent are male. Of which I think more than 65 percent are over the age of fifty. So we’re talking not only about a gender gap, but also a fault line on the generation. There are currently thirteen women MPs in the 225-seat parliament in Sri Lanka. That’s 6 percent. And in the same chamber there are more men MPs over the years of seventy years than the number of women. Let me quite another woman that I think people will recognize in the history. Shirley Chisholm said, “If they don’t give you a seat at the table, bring a folding chair.” NDI’s assessment is that the shocks, such as pandemics, result in a shrinking political space, which undermines women’s ability to participate in ways that were never fully inclusive in the first place. What is our sort of example for how these shocks act? I think if we look very much, for example, at what happened at times of conflict and crisis, and the shrinking ability of women to engage in their own names an in in their own conscience in things like processes and negotiation, it’s a similar kind of dynamic that happened. We also know that women are more likely to hold leadership positions in public life when they have been granted higher degrees of decision-making ability in their domestic and personal sphere. So if we look at something like the World Bank’s assessment in its women, business, and law publications, those countries with scores on accessing institutions, which is sort of the political piece of that assessment, those countries with scores of a hundred are actually aligned with those countries with national legislatures of 24 percent or—(inaudible). There’s almost a direct correlation. And countries with scores of less than 100 on the accessing institutions scale only hit about 17 percent women in their national parliament. In this current pandemic, NDI’s been very busy helping and supporting partners and institutions around the world to address these issues. So for example, working with parliaments on legislative responses to the crisis in Colombia, Malawi, Myanmar, Nepal, and Tunisia. We’ve been supporting partners to push back on pandemic misinformation in Albania, Ecuador, and Malawi. And training citizens to use online tools to use governments accountable and to fight COVID-19 related corruption in a couple of countries. This is all important to set out because if you accept my premise that with a shrinking political space women are less likely to engage in politics, it does sort of point to at the very moment when their contribution to rebuilding institutions and to strengthening—(inaudible)—including democratic—(inaudible)—is most needed, women’s representation is likely to fall. I have a colleague who has worked a lot on this issue of how do we build the bonds of associational trust across communities, between communities, in communities that stand up resilience for those communities? And time and time again we find that it’s women who are the vectors, if you like, of that associational trust and resilience. And finally, I just want to say a few words really with regards to my final, if you like, quotation. Sorry about that. It keeps popping up there. It does like this—and it’s an unknown quotation, but I think it’s a very apt one for—especially for this group and for this moment. And it says, “When you’re used to privilege, equality feels like oppression.” When you’re used to privilege, equality feels like oppression. I think this understanding for right now of where the different demographic groups sit in hierarchies of power, inequality, discrimination. This is something that because of the work I do I’ve been seized of and passionate about and tried to work on for most of my career. But it is also an issue of the moment, I think, as we look across not only what’s happening here, but what’s happening in other countries, and how some of our important progressive steps have come at the cost of, in global parlance, leading some populations behind. And from my point of view in particular, the issue of gender equality is hugely important. So the Pew Foundation’s 2020 Global Values Survey indicated that 74 percent of respondents stated that gender equality is a very important, in quotations, “democratic principle.” And the majority of countries ranked it as either the first or second most important democratic principle. Somebody has to be last, but I don’t think I’ll call them here. Social norms are rarely chosen by those who are subject to them. So we have a challenge in the implicit bias and perceptions that come without questioning within our communities and our social construct. So let me say again, how can it be out of twenty-nine million papers published on Zika and Ebola less than 1 percent looked at the gendered impacts of those very, very gendered epidemics? Then we have the situation where nearly eight in ten male policymakers believe that men and women in their country are more equal now than five years ago, while only 55 percent of women policymakers agreed that this was the case. This was on the report by Equal Measures 2030. We also know, tragically, that another area of addressing social norms is in the area of gender-based violence. And our own survey, the NDI survey, in their response to our country directors indicate 67 percent of our country directors reported an increase in sexual and gender-based violence as a result of the pandemic, with 14 percent of them noting a significant increase. To end on a more positive note, I’d say that because this pandemic is not only a health emergency but also a profound shock to our society’s economy it does have long-term opportunity for gender equality and women’s political empowerment in its wake: The opportunity to make advances in areas as open to us as the threats to regress and go backwards in areas. So some of the concrete opportunities that we could discuss are around, for example, at this moment closing the digital gender gap. If it is the case that we need, for purposes of health, and response, and hygiene, to move to a more distant engagement, then clearly digital platforms are there. They’re an opportunity. We know that they are, at the moment, if you like, toxically laden with unhealthy and unhelpful attitudes towards women and minorities across the spectrum. But,  can we be brave enough to really look for and promote impactful policies and programs that link women and girls to politicians and policymakers so that they can advocate the need and hold their representatives to account? Llet’s not forget that there are 443 million unconnected women in the world. And that in low- and middle-income countries there’s at least a 10 percent gap in phone ownership. Phone ownership. I’m not even talking about smartphones, but phone ownership, between women and men. Can we also take this moment as an opportunity to review and revisit our social policies and un-stereotype some of the division of responsibility that has women in some places spending ten times more time than men on unpaid care and domestic work? And I the same sort of wheelhouse or the same issue completely, but you do have a situation where 59 percent of the total illiterate—59 percent of the population that is illiterate is young women. Sorry, 59 percent of the youth population is illiterate are young women. So is there something we can do about really taking a hard look at some of these stereotypical care roles and responsibilities and distribution of them going forward. And then finally I would say this is the moment above all moments, perhaps, to identify and support the women—the social activists, the health professionals, and the care professionals, and others that are working in movements, and also the—(inaudible)—representatives. Those at the grassroots and in their community, and representing their community, who are truly managing the COVID-19 response at that level and can become the next wave of political leaders. In a briefing I wrote recently for another purpose, I titled it “COVID-19: No Women, No Response.” And I think we have to accept that if we’re going to bring all our voices to bear on the response and the recovery to COVID-19, this is going to be a much longer and harder slog than it already seems to be shaping up to be. Thank you. My apologies for going slightly over my time. But I hope I’ve set up some questions for you. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much, Sandra. Let’s now go to all of you for your questions and comments. (Gives queuing instructions.) So I’m going to go now to see who wants to start. Again, if you click on the participant’s icon. OK. Thank you. Tom Walsh, we’re going to you first. Please unmute yourself and identify your affiliation. WALSH: OK. Tom Walsh. I’m an NGO, Universal Peace Federation. Am I coming through OK? FASKIANOS: You are. WALSH: OK. Anyway, I love this Zoom format. It’s beautiful to see both of you. And thank you for this presentation. I was aware that during COVID, they say street crime, perhaps until recently in the U.S. was down, but domestic crime had gone up. And I think that means in many cases domestic abuse of women has gone up. So I know you commented on that, but if you want to elaborate. And if I can just throw in an additional comment, whether this is within the purview of what you’re prepared to speak about, but it just struck me. We’re dealing with big issues today of democracy and autocratic or authoritarian systems. You have the models of the U.S., for example, a very liberal, democratic, open society. And some would say countries like Russia, China, are more authoritarian. But it’s—there are also anomalies and unintended consequences of societies. And I’m wondering on what your reflections are on how women fare. Is there a significant difference between—does it make any difference whether it’s relatively more authoritarian or relatively more, let’s call it, liberalized? Anyway, thank you. Thank you, again. Great presentation. PEPERA: Irina, do I answer each individually? FASKIANOS: Yes, individually. PEPERA: OK, great. Thanks very much, Tom. And they are hugely important questions, and not easy about either of them. I am absolutely not going to be able to do them full justice today. But absolutely the uncovering, really, of the preexisting, I would say, global pandemic on violence against women and intimate partner violence, that is a complete global disgrace, has been thrown into sharp relief by the pandemic, not because of the disease necessarily, but because of the policies, and the regulations, and the requirements for restrictions on movement, the lockdowns, shutdowns, people being required to stay home. So when you’re required to stay home, you’re also not able or visible, perhaps, to raising the alarm, whether you’re a child—don’t forget—globally—a lot of our child protection is based on the fact that children, many, many children, the vast majority, leave their homes every day and are seen by other adults. And if those other adults aren’t themselves the predators, then that is a really important element of our global child protection system, the fact that people go out. And similarly for women. The engagement is local shopkeepers, market women, even in the U.K. where I’m coming from, a lot of the day-to-day kind of surveillance comes through the postman. And we still get letters posted through our front doors every day. So when people are in distress or in extremis the post piles up. And the first person to notice that is the postman. So this business about how the response to the actual virus has changed our living situations has definitely increased vulnerability of women and children in the home. And we would say, at NDI that increased levels of violence against women, intimate partner violence, are both a symptom of, but also an indicator of more generalized increases in conflict, tension, and violence in the community. So I don’t do much more to say for that. There are some places where some very innovative kind of ways of trying to invest it have been put forward. But it’s still way behind the pace of the increase that we are seeing. And then to your second question about more liberal, less liberal, I think it’s a question, from our point of view, about what are the institutional underpinnings, largely. What is the institutional underpinning for women’s participation? So for example in some places where you’ve got a quota, you’ve had actually a very big step forward in the number of women who are represented in parliament. Strong—almost from zero to huge numbers, relatively, in a very short space of time. Now, of course, in the United States you have 24 percent, I think, in Congress right now. And most commentators would say that that’s a plateau. But it is a plateau without a quota. And I know that there are very difficult challenges around affirmative action in the United States. So we always try and sort of pull apart a bit more the institutional structure and the institutional part. But one of the reasons why I quoted the reports on things like closing civil space, and increased distrust in countries due to COVID-19, is because those things also do actually impact that ability to participate. And many, many women come into politics through civil society action, through local action. So if you’ve got a closed space for civil society action, you’ve got no robust local government structure, then that does impact the number of women who can be involved in politics. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Amanda Jackson. JACKSON: Hello. My name is Amanda. I’m based in the U.K. And I work with the World Evangelical Alliance. Thank you so much, Sandra, for your insights and all the statistics, and the facts to back it up. It was really helpful. I’m just wondering, as this is a meeting inviting people of faith, what would be your advice to women of faith who are leading other women, and indeed faith leaders—whether they’re men or women—what they should be doing? What should their priorities be to address some of the crucial issues that you’ve talked about? PEPERA: OK, Amanda. Thanks for that. (Laughs.)  I dare not really, you know confuse the privilege of speaking to you all by day and to give advice to people—(inaudible)—some of whom your faith is going to be on much more solid ground than mine. I will admit to be somebody who’s still kind of finding my way. You know, I just try and live my life being a good neighbor and trying to be a good citizen. And I think that’s about all I can really ask of others. People of faith and no faith. If you can be a good neighbor and a good citizen I think you must be following the path that God, your God, my God probably is asking you to do so. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Bruce Knotts. KNOTTS: My name is Bruce Knotts. And I direct the Unitarian Universalist office at the United Nations. And three quick points that I’d like you to address. One, research clearly indicates that decision-making bodies which are pretty much evenly divided between men and women come to far better decisions. And that’s pretty well documented. You’ve mentioned quotas. And I’m an American citizen, so we have a system here without quotas. And until the 2018 election here we didn’t have that many women in government. It was actually strangely the election of Donald Trump which prompted a lot of women to run for office and get elected, particularly in Congress, in 2018. I also was an American diplomat, so nice to talk to another diplomat. And I served in Pakistan, where they do have quotas for women. And I also wondered if that quota system worked very well. So my two questions basically are: What do you think about quotas? Are they helpful or not? And secondly, when it comes to religion, too many religions are still patriarchal. Most of them worship a—what is usually called a male God. And don’t we need to change some of our thinking our religious leaders, because if we see a woman in the pulpit, I think that sends a very strong message to people. And also if we can conceive of God as being as much female or male, that also—I’m looking for ways where women can achieve gender equity. And I’m looking at religion and quotas in government for your comments. PEPERA: Thanks very much, Bruce. So you’re absolutely right. The research shows that any organization—private sector, public sector, government, orchestras—that have a more diverse and equally representative makeup make better music, take better decisions,  have better profits. All of that is—definitely any question is clear. And from my point of view also what I’m trying to do is help the political space to catch up with other spaces that already understood this. The World Economic Forum at Davos actually—the political empowerment gender gap is the biggest gender gap, at 70 percent. And that is aligned with obviously the numbers too. So we know that this is a problem. So I agree with you absolutely. The more diversity, the more inclusion, the better everything tends to be. On the quota point, great question. Yes.  I think probably about 70 percent of legislation now have quotas of one kind or another. But are they working? I don’t know that they are necessarily all working as they should be. The idea of the quota is to give a bump up. It is to catalyze what should then become a self-sustaining dynamic whereby women are more easily able to claim their rightful space in the political institutions that are important to the decision-making that affects all our lives. But there are a number of things wrong with that. Some of them aren’t properly implemented. Some of them are wrongly written. And I would say that if you only put in a quota, you’re going to get a bump up in numbers. That doesn’t mean you’re going to get a bump up in—(inaudible)—you know. It is not for nothing that some of the highest proportion of women in legislatures are in parliaments and legislatures in places we would question the full democratic credentials of. So that is the quota piece. And with regards to religion, again,  I carefully will address the issues of religion and faith. I would say two things. First of all, there’s faith. And faith is one thing. I and, personally, I firmly believe that I am created in the divine image of God. So that’s what I believe. That’s my faith. I have lived long enough to have been raised in churches and in religious institutions that don’t necessarily always reflect my faith. And I think that this—that’s about our—if you like, our temporal and social constructs of the church, which reflect the church, other churches, other faiths, which reflect the predominant gender divide that unfortunately seems to pretty much—even with Iceland and Sweden—pretty much affect all of us the same sort of ways. And that first gender divide, it opens at birth, allows all our social structures and conditions all our social structures along the way too, so then you end up with faith institutions, as with other institutions, which are patriarchal in their investment. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Herb Donovan. DONOVAN: I appreciate this so much. Sandra, I’m old enough that I’ve lived through some pretty grim times. Came through the results of World War I. I was born in 1931, actually. But the economic depression that we went through in the ’30s, World War II, and all that followed. I’m grateful that women time and again have come to the fore. I’m grateful that I had a magnificent mother and great leadership, and wonderful wife who gives very good leadership. I just want to congratulate you, Sandra. And having worked with Irina, the women’s leadership is something that we have not paid enough attention to. It’s been interesting to me that Washington, the Episcopal Church and in the Anglican community now, women bishops have suddenly come to the fore and been given great leadership. I was privileged to be the observer at the United Nations for the Anglican Communion, appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury. One of my close personal friends quickly became Madeleine Albright, who gave wonderful leadership in those days. And I appreciated the honest sharing that I was able to have with her—as I have, Irina, with you, in these latter days. Let’s keep it up. Let’s keep finding ways in which we don’t let this be a sexist world that we live in, but a world where all of us share together and find ways of being there for each other, regardless of what our background is and where we come from. And I find that when we work at the bisexuality, that the best of male and female together, we make a better world for us. And God willing this pandemic will help us—we’ll be the better when it’s all over. We’ll be the better for it. And thank you all very much. Thank you, Irina, for putting this together. Amen. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Herb. Appreciate that. So, Sandra, the New York Times mentioned in a recent article that some countries led by women are using multiple perspectives to create comprehensive strategies to combat COVID-19, such as in Germany, while some of the male-led countries are looking just to epidemiological sources—U.K. and Sweden. Is there any data that you’ve found that women tend to make more, or have a more diverse approach towards crises? PEPERA: I would say it’s necessarily simply about crises, but I think that women lead differently. As I pointed out,  the Harvard Business Report really did some give very clear indications about how the women’s leadership styles around some of the issues perhaps that are most important in a crisis. So for example, taking the initiative. And, for example, building collaborative teams. For example, if you like, not contracting to zero almost the speed of decision—(inaudible)—not contracting to—not speeding up decision-making so fast that nobody can get a look in. I think the idea that you—that women take a much more comprehensive view in general than most male leaders is, again, well understood. There’s a singularity of focus in many male leaders that doesn’t allow for an open dialogue and a useful kind of open space or challenge as well. So I think some of these things are really, again, backed up by research. And I think it’s not only in the COVID space I think that we are increasing understanding. To the point that—the question that Bruce raised about how do we get the best decision makers, how do we get the most equitable development, how do we get the most profitable companies, that is when you have a diversity of voice and inputs into the businesses and the processes of those organizations. And to the extent that women are not present in those—(inaudible)—decision-making is just less optimal. I think that we have to—(inaudible). FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Celene Ibrahim next. IBRAHIM: Good afternoon. Thank you for this really rich conversation. I’m calling in from Groton School. At Groton School, I work with youth who are very empowered, high-powered youth, a lot of them are going to go off to do great things in the world. And one of the things I see is that our educational sphere in terms of the student experience has gotten much better about empowering girls. And I find that how I prepare them to realize that once they go out into the professional world they’re going to start seeing the limits of girl power. And I think of this especially— I don’t want to damper their enthusiasm, but I want to prepare them well for what they might experience  so they’re not shocked, and so they know how to respond. And I don’t want to take off their rose-color glasses about the progress that has been made. So just your thoughts on that, what you see in terms of working with young leaders and preparing them for some of the sexism. And also, intersectionally, I come from a Muslim background. And so I’ve had to dismantle a lot of stereotypes about Muslim women and Muslim girls, and their voice, and their agency. And I wonder, how are you seeing those kind of conversations play out in the international development sphere, and in the political sphere, and the ways in which the—some of the feminism that has lifted up women’s voices hasn’t always done so with an attention to marginal women’s voices. So just your thoughts on those two questions, if you would. PEPERA: Irina, this is the last time I’m coming to you all. You ask way too difficult questions. I can’t be dealing with this. (Laughter.) So, Celene, thank you very much for your questions. And let me say first of all, on your first point, the fact that you’re even thinking about, the fact that you’re even thinking about, OK, this is a very special and protected environment that they’re in now. The world isn’t like that. The fact that you’ve actually identified that and you know it, that’s huge. And I think proceeding from that space. I had exactly the same conversation with a young fellow who’s joined my team for the summer from an all-girls college. And, she’s having great difficulty sitting at home in southern California, not really understanding how her neighborhood has changed, and what’s going on with that. And she was very distressed. And all I could say—because, frankly, Celene, I still have those moment. (Laughs.) So every now and again I think, why hasn’t this changed? And I think what you have to say is just to—not to warn them, but to give them that sort of informed advice that you’re not always going to be working with people who think like you, and appreciate you for your diversity, and your voice, and your agency and, you know, to provide them with those coping skills which, you know, range from being able to, you know, disarm and, you know, redirect an inappropriate remark, a tension, touch, right through to, you know, taking more collective action and solidarity. So thank you for thinking about it. I know that you have the wisdom to support your own—(inaudible). On the other issues, you and I—we probably have similar, if not the same, perspectives on the feminisms of the world, and there are many, and they are varied. And I think what I would hope we all do is speak up in our own voice and encourage others, and if necessary demand that others hear our voice from our perspective, because you’re quite right. We don’t all see the world through the same lenses and the same privileges. And sometimes with the same understandings of what it—what is a privilege and what is not. So we’ll just say that that part of the discourse, that part of the conversation around feminisms, that part of the challenge of those of us who have these multilayered identities are alive and well. And again  clearly have more than the capacity to not only be addressing it yourself personally but lead those conversations. So,  I’m right here behind you. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Our next question goes from Michelle Bentsman. BENTSMAN: Hi, Sandra. Thank you so much for this conversation. I’m a doctoral student at Harvard, and I also work with a few different religious organizations. And I was really struck by your quote that you gave about privilege and being in equality feeling like oppression after coming from a place of privilege. And one thing that I feel like I’ve been struggling with a bit is how to have conversations with organizations where the men in power sort of don’t take women very seriously or think that speaking out is going out of line in some way. So I would love to hear a bit about strategies for being able to engage in those conversations, even when they’re difficult, and even when my positionality makes me not taken seriously in some way. PEPERA: Yeah. Welcome to my world, Michelle, (Laughter.) So, this business about how you start the conversation is so, so key. And everybody always asks: How do you start the conversation? How do you have the conversation? Well, Harvard, like it has done research against its own practices and against its own self, I would put itself back in it. And then really, seriously, I have at least four times mentioned the Harvard Business Review and it scores women’s leadership skills higher than men. I mean, how can the Harvard Business Review—of course, the institution doesn’t have to—does not reflect anything that’s written at the Harvard Business Review. But the point is, it has the information there. This afternoon, when I was preparing to come and talk to you all, I thought: OK, how do I start this conversation? And I might have overplayed my sort of positioning with objective fact and evidence because, this is a sensitive forum, and we come at it in our lives from different faiths and different backgrounds. So, one of the tools I always use is evidence. I’ve found that if you come at it with evidence and data, and really be prepared to argue that, then that is helpful. I fear sometimes, you come down to literally naming and shaming. And, there are—there are mechanisms for that that are more or less polite. One—something like an EDGE certification. I don’t know whether Harvard has joined the EDGE certified group. EDGE being E-D-G-E, and I can’t remember what it stands for. But, it allows a conversation to be had about the level and status for gender equality of an organization. So I think there are many ways but, you know, Michelle, I think I would be doing a disservice to suggest that this wheel is going to turn very completely anytime soon. But it is incumbent on all of us to find a way to have those conversations, and importantly to find the male allies. I mean, I hate this male allies thing on one level, because it allows some men only to become sort of tactically allied to you, to be seen as being  sort of PC, woke, on the right side. But actually, what we need are men who are prepared to cede their privilege and to become transformational agents of change. And that’s why I like quotations like the one I gave you when you’re used to privilege equality feels like an oppression, because there’s going to be some discomfort. I’m not saying it’s a zero-sum game between men and women with regards to political empowerment, but nobody can question the fact that disproportionately there are too many men in the way. Some of them are going to have to clear out because women’s rights are not being fully expressed in the structures of power and the institutions of power—Harvard’s a powerful institution—that we have around the world. FASKIANOS: OK. Yes. Let’s go to Paul de Vries. DE VRIES: This has been very helpful review of these recent events. And it’s exciting to see more and more women stepping forward and opportunities. And what I think is helpful is to use the tool of narrative to really tell the story of exemplary people who have made a difference in this COVID virus, even looking back where there are exemplary stories, even, for example, in the Bible in the gospel according to Luke, half of the stories make women exemplary, half of the stories in Luke men are exemplary. So Luke has this amazing balance that gives life and empowerment more broadly than some of the other biblical authors. But in our own time then, I would—I’d love to see in a year from now books and articles that would tell the story of the women who stepped forward and used these additional gifts that you described in a very effective, very transformational leadership. So encourage all who are listening, and you in particular, Sandra Pepera, to really tell these stories in different ways that we can then share with our daughters and granddaughters, and have models, have exemplars that are inspiring and empowering. That’s my suggestion, and then what do you think of it? PEPERA: No, thanks, Paul. It’s always interesting. I mean, I think it takes me back almost to the question I answered a bit earlier on, which is, despite Luke and his balanced representation, our churches are not. And so it’s not enough to just tell the story. I think somebody once said to me: The stories move me. Data changes me. And I think that that’s why, you know, even as we talk about their inspiring leadership, we have to unpack, what’s—in a way, what’s allowed them to be those leaders in that moment, what are the structures that have been available to them, what is the education that’s been available to them, what are the norms of their societies that have enabled them to step forward? So, I’m all for strong stories, but I do think they have to be backed up by more than just the narrative. FASKIANOS: Sandra, this has been terrific. I just wanted to ask as a closing question, as I said at the outset, you participated in a program that supported the ANC’s Women’s League during South Africa’s transition from Apartheid to majority democratic rule. And I just wondered if there were any lessons that you learned there that could be applied to today with women’s leadership and, indeed, what we’re seeing. PEPERA:  I was young and a lot more optimistic and generally kind of more kind of then. But I think things that I have taken away from that, and hindsight is 2020. But I think the things that I took away from it, it was clear even at that moment that without specific action the ANC was going to be the superpower, the super party. And, , the struggle for Apartheid in South Africa was a struggle that had many different organizations coming together. Some were bigger than others. Without a doubt, the ANC was biggest. But, it was interesting even talking to the women and saying to them: where are your sisters from this organization or that organization? And we weren’t even through that final process to majority democratic rule in South Africa at that point. And those voices were already kind of disappearing from the table. So I think I always say that diversity’s a fact. Inclusion is a choice. We have to do something about it. And I think if I’m thinking of the one thing that I’ve always carried away from that particular experience, that we should not assume that even our most progressive organizations, institutions, campaigns are equally inclusive of voices that should be represented. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you very much for that closing thought. We really appreciate it, and for taking the time to be with us today. We appreciated your analysis, the data, and spending this hour with us. And to all of you on the call—or, on the webinar; we just recently converted from a conference call series to a webinar, so we’re all adjusting—it’s great to have you with us. We encourage you to follow Sandra at @SandraPepera on Twitter, as well as her work with the Gender, Women and Democracy Program at the National Democratic Institute at @NDIWoman. And of course, please do follow us on our Religion and Foreign Policy Program on Twitter at @CFR_Religion for announcements about upcoming events, information about CFR resources. Do send us any suggestions to [email protected] for future calls. And, again, go often to our website, CFR.org, ThinkGlobalHealth.org, and Foreign Affairs.com for information on COVID-19 and other regions and topics. So thank you all. And thank you, Sandra, again, for being with us. PEPERA: Well, thank you for listening. And thank you for inviting me. It’s been a pleasure. FASKIANOS: Likewise.