Social Issues

Race and Ethnicity

  • Kenya
    The Poor State of Kenyan Politics
    Podcast
    In this episode of Africa in Transition, John Campbell speaks with Vincent Makori, host of Africa 54, Voice of America's daily African news show. We discuss the current state of Kenya's politics, focusing primarily on the Kenyatta-Odinga family relationship dating back to Kenyan independence, and the contrasts between how ethnicity is portrayed in everyday life versus how it is portrayed in politics.
  • China
    China’s Heavy Hand in Africa
    Is China’s “charm offensive” losing its charm and becoming just offensive?
  • Sub-Saharan Africa
    African Anger Builds Over President Trump’s Racist Comments
    Far from dissipating, African anger is building over President Donald Trump’s negative characterization of Africa on January 11. African leaders are rejecting President Trump’s denials that he used gutter language, and a media review shows there is an emerging consensus among African opinion leaders that he is a flat-out racist. There is indignation among Africans when Americans seem to tip-toe around what they regard as the overwhelming evidence of his racism. Over the Martin Luther King holiday weekend, Botswana, Ghana, Haiti, Namibia, Senegal, and the African Union have made formal diplomatic protests. Botswana, with among the best social and economic statistics on the continent, has asked the administration “to clarify if Botswana is regarded as a ‘shithole country.’” Cyril Ramaphosa, the new president of South Africa’s governing African National Congress, has characterized the president’s remarks as “really, really derogatory, and highly offensive.” Nigeria’s foreign minister has called in American diplomats to explain the president’s remarks, characterizing them as “deeply hurtful, offensive and unacceptable.” Over the coming days, there are likely to be more official African responses. Nigeria and South Africa are the continent’s economic and political powerhouses. With Botswana, Ghana, Namibia, and Senegal, the five are on a democratic trajectory, albeit at different stages. U.S. cooperation with Nigeria in the fight against terrorism had been growing. While the bilateral relationship with South Africa is no more than “correct,” relations among the other four with Washington have been close—up to now.  According to the New York Times, the State Department has instructed its missions not to deny that the president made the remarks attributed to him, but merely to listen. Given African fury, that approach is wise. In Africa as in the United States, there is skepticism that the president tells the truth, and his denials are discounted. The president’s comments have damaged the interests of the United States in the world’s second largest continent with more than one billion people. The political and security consequences are likely to be negative, especially in multilateral fora such as the United Nations or the World Trade Organization. Alienation of Africans can have consequences on issues where the administration is seeking to rally world opinion, like North Korea, for example. Further, this racist and anti-African rhetoric is likely to strengthen the hand of those in Africa that would see their countries turn away from the West and towards more authoritarian governments, like those of Russia and China. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was expected to travel to Africa sometime in the near future, even though there is still no assistant secretary of state for Africa in place. If he does make the trip soon, his reception is likely to be frosty.
  • South Africa
    Symbols of Race Relations in the United States and South Africa
    South Africa and the United States share certain similarities. Both are non-racial democracies with a history of white exploitation of indigenous and black peoples. The historical symbols related to that exploitation can be both contentious and divisive. For example, student protests in South Africa led to the removal of the statute of British imperialist Cecil Rhodes from the grounds of the University of Cape Town. In the United States, the Confederate battle flag has recently become the symbol of modern white supremacy. What to do about state flags that incorporate Confederate symbols—the flags of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, and Mississippi still do this—and monuments to Confederate heroes erected on public property can become a major issue. In the gubernatorial campaign now underway in Virginia, the issue is statues to Confederate heroes; some Democrats oppose retaining them while most Republicans favor keeping them. President Trump’s chief of staff, John Kelly, has weighed into the debate with a defense of Confederate general Robert E. Lee.  In South Africa, the latest issue is the national flag of the apartheid era. Its alleged appearance at a “Black Monday” demonstration against violent crime and the alleged killing of white farmers by blacks has been condemned by the governing African National Congress (ANC) as “divisive.” (It is not clear whether the demonstrators in fact used the apartheid flag; media photographs of it are, apparently, several years old.)  It is widely believed within the South African white community that white farmers are disproportionately the targets of murder. There is now a “white lives matter” movement that protests the killing of white farmers and it rallies behind apartheid-era symbols. For the ANC, protests focused on the grievances of a racial group is anathema, especially of whites, who remain as a whole multiple times richer than other racial groups in South Africa. ANC spokesmen point out that black farmers as well as white farmers are killed and that the government has a strategy targeted at these crimes. Interestingly, the party has made a point to emphasize that "all lives" matter rather than just white lives, consistent with its stated goal of creating a "non-racial society" following apartheid. Protests focused on white farmers, from the perspective of the ANC, are just more examples of whites demanding privileged treatment.  Changes in the murder rate over time and the racial mix of victims are difficult to ascertain with precision, though some conclusions can still be drawn. A researcher at the credible Institute for Security Studies’ crime and justice hub has concluded that whites as a whole (not just farmers) are less likely to be murdered than blacks or ‘coloureds’—those of mixed heritage who consider themselves a separate race. Further, a study of murder dockets in 2009 showed that the victims were black in 86.9 percent of the cases and white in only 1.8 percent of the cases, though whites made up 8.85 percent of the population at the time. As in the United States, in South Africa contention over flags and statutes will not go away soon, reflecting profound differences over the understandings of the past, as well as the present. Apartheid and Jim Crow, and their antecedents, have much in common and overlapped in various forms for hundreds of years. In both countries, as William Faulkner said, “the past is never dead. It’s not even past.”   
  • Kurds
    Video: The Time of the Kurds
    Play
    Kurds have become critical players amid domestic upheaval and political changes throughout the Middle East. Explore the history of the Kurdish people and why some Kurds may be on the verge of achieving their century-old quest for independence.
  • United States
    Why Battles Over Memory Rage On
    Protests over the removal of Confederate monuments show that the U.S. Civil War’s emancipatory purpose remains contested a century and a half later.
  • Religion
    The Rise of Ethnonationalism and the Future of Liberal Democracy
    I recently moderated a panel for the 2017 CFR Religion and Foreign Policy Workshop. The panel featured Jocelyne Cesari, Jack A. Goldstone, and Pankaj Mishra, and together we discussed the rise of ethnonationalism and the future of liberal democracy.  You can check out the video of our discussion below or on CFR's event page.
  • Religion
    Pluralism, Polarization, and the Common Good
    Play
    Suhail Khan, David Kyuman Kim, and Jack Moline discuss advancing the common good amid moral and political polarization.
  • Religion
    The Rise of Ethnonationalism and the Future of Liberal Democracy
    Play
    Jocelyne Cesari, Jack A. Goldstone, and Pankaj Mishra discuss the rise of ethnonationalism and the future of liberal democracy.
  • Global
    The Changing Role of Media
    Play
    Experts discuss the changing role of the media within this administration and beyond and how the media should proceed to cover the Trump presidency. 
  • Global
    Keynote: 2017 Conference on Diversity in International Affairs
    Play
    Following a welcome message by James Lindsay, Calvin Sims, in conversation with Mira Patel, launch the 2017 Conference on Diversity in International Affairs with a keynote address about leadership, mentorship, and diversity in international affairs.
  • Religion
    The Role of Religion in Indonesian Democracy
    Jakob Tobing, Alwi Shihab, Azyumardi Azra, and Amin Abdullah discuss the role of religion in Indonesian democracy. 
  • Education
    Race, Gender, Region: Understanding the Decline in U.S. Life Expectancy
    This is a guest post by Thomas J. Bollyky, senior fellow for global health, economics, and development at the Council on Foreign Relations.  Last week, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), part of the U.S. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention, released its 2015 mortality statistics, which showed U.S. life expectancy fell from 78.9 to 78.8 years over the prior year.  This means roughly 86,000 more deaths last year in the United States than in 2014, a 1.2 percent jump in the U.S. death rate.  These startling results generated substantial media attention, building on the election-year narrative of the declining fortunes of Americans, especially working class white men. As the chief of the Mortality Statistics Branch at the NCHS has pointed out, no one really knows what led to the downward turn in U.S. mortality in 2015 or if that trend will continue (the preliminary results from 2016 apparently suggest otherwise).  So it is worth putting these results in the context of long-term trends in U.S. life expectancy and comparing them to other nations. Three lessons emerge when you do. 1. U.S. life expectancy hasn’t gotten worse as much as it stopped getting better Death rates have been declining for decades in the United States as a result of improvements in health care, disease management, and medical technology.  A recent study in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that between 1969 and 2013, U.S. death rates fell 43 percent with declines in the mortality rates for the following ailments: 77 percent for stroke; 68 percent for heart disease; 18 percent for cancers; and 17 percent for diabetes. But the study also found those gains were not spread evenly throughout that 44-year period and had slowed dramatically in recent years. More recent data from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME), shown in the figure below, demonstrate how the changes in U.S. life expectancy since 2010 differ from the previous two decades and the contribution that different diseases have made to that change. The improvement in U.S. life expectancy was roughly two years in each of the previous two decades. The reason for that improvement was that the significant declines in U.S. mortality rates for cardiovascular diseases, cancers, and HIV/AIDS exceeded the more modest rise in the death rates for diabetes, substance abuse, and those associated with mental illnesses. Since 2010, the gains in U.S. life expectancy have been a more modest 0.3 years. There have been no increases in the mortality rates of major diseases over the last five years that have been big enough to affect life expectancy nationally, but the large improvements in cardiovascular and cancer rates have tapered off.  One theory, advanced by David Cutler, is that previous improvements in U.S. life expectancy were driven by more people taking the current generation of lifesaving medicines like statins for high cholesterol levels. But that effect may have reached its limit. Without new treatments and still too few Americans adopting healthier lifestyles, the improvement in U.S. life expectancy has ground to a near halt. 2. The United States has fallen behind its peers, but that shortfall is not new The United States is not alone in experiencing more modest gains in life expectancy rates in recent years. According to IHME data, Australia and Italy have likewise added only 0.3 years to their average life expectancy since 2010 and the gains in Japan, France, and Canada have not been much better (0.4-0.5 years) over that time. The difference is that these other nations already had longer average life expectancies than the United States and enjoyed greater improvements in their mortality rates over the last two decades. This is particularly true for cardiovascular disease, the leading cause of death in most wealthy countries. The declining death rates for cardiovascular disease in other wealthy nations far outpaced the improvements enjoyed by Americans. 3. Region, not race and women more than men Many of the factors behind the difference in the life expectancy of Americans relative to their peers in other wealthy countries are well-known. Despite spending the highest amount of any nation on healthcare, the United States has, as demonstrated in the figure below, staggering and growing disparities in life expectancy.  Those disparities are now greater across regions than between races. In the highest-performing regions, life expectancy rivals countries with the highest life expectancy in the world, such as Switzerland and Japan. But the life expectancy in the lowest-performing regions, particularly in parts of the Southeastern United States, is lower than it is in Bangladesh. For all the recent focus on men, it is women in half of the counties in the United States who have experienced no real gains in life expectancy since 1985. The same is true for men in only 3 percent of U.S. counties. Thousands of lives could be saved in the United States, especially among women, with healthier diets, higher levels of physical activity, and better blood pressure management. The United States is devoting more resources to tackling these concerns and, while U.S. obesity rates remain among the highest in the world, the rate of increases has slowed in recent years. The same cannot be said internationally, however. The United States is an early adopter of unhealthy diet and lifestyles, but it is not alone.  Obesity rates in Mexico match those in the United States and, as the figure below shows, are rising throughout Latin America, North Africa, and the Middle East. As poor diets and unhealthy lifestyles spread to poorer nations without the same health care resources as the United States, rates of cardiovascular and other chronic diseases are increasing much faster in much younger populations than in the United States. Change is afoot, with the expected repeal of the Affordable Care Act and the future of international aid programs uncertain in the incoming Trump administration. The trends underlying stagnating U.S. life expectancy rates are cause for concern and a signal to guide future investment. We should listen and act accordingly to redress U.S. regional health disparities, facilitate better lifestyle choices, and confront the rising threats to global health.
  • Religion
    Race, Religion, and Partisanship in the United States
    Podcast
    Robert P. Jones discusses race, religion, and partisanship in the United States in the wake of the 2016 presidential election.
  • Thailand
    A New Approach to Thailand's Insurgency
    Overview The three southernmost provinces of Thailand, near the Malaysian border, have been battered by an insurgency dating, in its current iteration, to 2001. More than 6,500 people have died as the insurgents' actions have become increasingly brutal: setting off bombs near hospitals, beheading victims, and murdering families and children. Since August 2016, the Thai insurgents also have apparently begun trying to strike with bombing attacks nationwide, threatening a large-scale civil conflict in the kingdom. Making matters worse, a risk exists that the insurgency will be infiltrated by foreign militants, particularly from the self-proclaimed Islamic State. As this Discussion Paper by Joshua Kurlantzick shows, successive Thai governments have compounded the problem in the south. The Thai military has used brutal tactics, further alienating many southerners. These tactics have not only helped fuel the insurgency, but they have also fostered a mindset of impunity within the entire culture of the Royal Thai Army. Units from the south have subsequently deployed in Bangkok and other parts of the country where their members have committed abuses. Torture and arbitrary detention, practiced in the south for more than a decade, have become common strategies in dealing with antigovernment protestors nationwide. Thai generals who played a major part in developing the southern policy have risen to top command posts and were leaders of the 2014 coup.