Politics and Government

State and Local Governments (U.S.)

  • Women and Women's Rights
    Women, Civic Participation, and the Legacy of the Nineteenth Amendment
    Play
    Lucy Gettman, executive director of Women in Government, and Rachel B. Vogelstein, senior fellow and director of the Women and Foreign Policy Program at CFR, discuss the importance of women's contributions to civic engagement and representation in government
  • Public Health Threats and Pandemics
    Resetting Public Health Strategy on COVID-19
    Play
    Jennifer Nuzzo, epidemiologist and senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations, provides an update on the recent increase in coronavirus infections across the ​United States and the world and discusses best practices for developing public health ​strategies at the state, local​, and federal level​s.  FASKIANOS: Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. We're delighted to have participants from fifty-two U.S. states and territories with us today. Thank you for taking the time out of your busy schedules to join us for this discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. CFR is also the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. We're pleased to have with us today Dr. Jennifer Nuzzo. We shared her extensive bio with you so I'll just give you a few highlights. Dr. Nuzzo is a senior fellow for global health at CFR. She is also a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, and an associate professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Her work focuses on global health security, including pandemic preparedness, outbreak detection, health systems and infectious disease diagnostics. Additionally, she directs the outbreak observatory at Johns Hopkins, which conducts research to improve outbreak preparedness and response in partnership with frontline practitioners. So Jennifer thanks very much for being with us today. We are just a week out from Thanksgiving; we have seen an incredible increase in the Coronavirus, virus infections as well as deaths. So can you give us an overview of what needs to be done, public health strategies for addressing this increase right now at the state, local and federal levels? NUZZO: Sure, and thank you so much Irina for the introduction and for inviting me to participate in this. I consider it a real privilege. I started my career in local government, and so I've seen firsthand how much change actually happens at the local level. And I think when it comes to this topic, given what we're potentially looking at in the weeks to come, making change at the state local level is going to be absolutely critical. So very much appreciate the opportunity. So just maybe, I mean, we all know how bad the situation is right now. But just to put it into perspective of where we are now versus where we have been, basically what we are now seeing our historic highs in terms of the number of new cases of COVID-19 being reported in the US each day. Since the beginning of November, we have routinely seen more than 150,000 new cases each day, which is completely historic, in terms of where we've ever been, even, you know, pre shutdown levels in the spring, we were never even remotely close to that. And this situation is you know, I'm sure everybody on the line here is well aware, this is really a fifty-state problem right now, with nearly all states seeing rising case numbers. And even more worrisome, we're seeing historic highs in terms of hospitalizations. And that's particularly troubling because over the summer, we at least had the observation that the percentage of cases that were resulting in hospitalizations and deaths had been declining. But those gains that were made over the summer in terms of possibly improved outcomes from COVID infection are in part contingent on there being adequate capacity in the health system to be able to respond to those cases. And so you know, as we're hearing stories of hospitals being overwhelmed the doctors and nurses being overwhelmed the tricks that they've learned how to manage their patients, it's going to be very difficult for them to apply under circumstances where they're they just are seeing so many patients. So we're in a very worrisome situation. And looking ahead, you know, with the prospect of the holidays coming and people potentially hosting indoor gatherings, seeing people that they haven't seen in a while, traveling potentially, I heard the CDC today just recommended that people do not travel for Thanksgiving. But, you know, we'll see what people choose to do. But the prospect that they could obviously worries us quite a bit in terms of the potential for our epidemic to accelerate even further. We're also entering the winter months and so the likelihood that people can kind of have safer activities outside is decreasing. They're probably going to increasingly take it indoors, which increases the risk of transmission of this virus. And then also everybody is sort of worried about what it could mean with the start of flu season and how much harder things could be. So looking ahead, there is a lot of need to act and to act quickly. I see what we need to do sort of in three areas; the first one is taking immediate action to try to reduce the spread of this virus. The second one is to protect. Continue to protect, but in some cases enhance our protection of vulnerable populations. And the third one is looking at sort of the economic issues. And I'm going to spend some time talking about that, because sometimes it's portrayed as sort of being you either care about the virus or you care about the economy. I argue you have to care about both at the same time if we want to get out of this situation that we're in. So in terms of reducing spread, we know what we need to do. I will tell you, as an epidemiologist, I am personally much more interested in having the capacity to implement targeted interventions. These are the things you've heard about testing, contact tracing, isolation, and quarantine, those measures that go after individual infections, we know that those work quite well. Other countries have used those almost entirely in order to keep their epidemics from accelerating, and they have avoided shutdowns. However, as much as I greatly prefer those measures, because they are, like I said, targeted to what we are trying to achieve, and they carry fewer harms than broader population based measures like shutdowns, it is incredibly difficult to do those in the face of the case numbers that we are now seeing. And so I think, unfortunately, in a lot of places, we have probably likely exceeded our capacity to rely solely on those measures. And in places like that, we are probably on a path to further shutdowns. Now, my hope is that if there are shutdowns, they can be, we could try more targeted approaches, not you know, an entire statewide lockdown, but hopefully, more targeted closures that are aimed at those venues where we think the virus is likely spreading. You've probably heard a lot in the news about family gatherings as being important for transmitting this infection. And it absolutely stands to reason that if I were infected and didn't know it and showed up at a family gathering, there's a good likelihood I would infect, a number of people at that gathering. But if we only talk about family gatherings, which are incredibly hard to stop, we may not get where we need to be. And so what I think we need to do is figure out in the scenario I just gave you, where did I get infected in the first place? And if we can figure out those places, those places in the community that are starting these clusters of cases, in family gatherings, I think we'll have a better shot of getting ahead of this virus. Now, we don't have great data on that. But chances are it's the places that we have worried about in the past, which is indoor dining, places like gyms where the transmission risk is quite high, those indoor environments where it's hard to wear a mask, it’s hard to maintain the ventilation that you need, and it's hard to keep the physical distance between people. Arizona, I don't know if anybody's online from Arizona, there's sort of an inspiring story in terms of what happened over the summer, in the first two weeks of June, they saw 150% increase in their cases, and through a statewide mask mandate and targeting some restaurants and gyms and other things, they brought their cases down quite considerably. And so I think that at least raises the prospect that if states do have to implement new restrictions, that they don't have to do everything like we did back in the spring, at least, that's my hope. So first priority is doing what we need to do right now to get our case numbers back under control and that hopefully we can then start again, using those targeted interventions going forward. I personally think it's incredibly important that we prioritize schools. And, you know, as a mom of two kids, when I see many places in the community open, and yet my kids are able to go to school, I question those priorities, because our children are really suffering under that.   The next area is on protecting the vulnerable populations. And you know, in the spring, we saw really deadly outbreaks associated with long-term care facilities. And I am still worried about these places going into the fall, in part because though we've gotten better at protecting them, when the rates of infection in the surrounding community increase, there is the great likelihood that the virus will find its way into these facilities and again cause deadly outbreaks. In the spring, about half of the US deaths were attributed to these facilities. And so it's really critical that we make sure we do everything possible to protect them so that we don't have surging death numbers yet again. The federal government has provided some tools in terms of testing supplies, but I worry about the ultimate availability of these going into the fall. We could once again see testing shortages and also shortages of personal protective equipment. And it will be really critical that these facilities have priority access to those supplies if they become in short. If there are shortages again. We also know that not everybody has the same has been if not all parts of our community have been affected equally by this virus. And so we know that African American and Latino populations are disproportionately represented among our COVID case numbers, our hospitalizations, and our deaths. And so when we think about protecting vulnerable communities, I think we have to prioritize those communities that have been hit hardest and figure out whether they have enough access to the resources that are important for protecting themselves. One thing that I personally have been digging into is testing access. And there is some evidence to suggest that testing isn't as well distributed in the U.S. as it needs to be. And in particular, if we're relying on sort of, you know, chain stores, pharmacies and things to provide a lot of our testing, we just know that they don't typically exist in underserved populations. And so we need to kind of make sure that the resources that are being offered are meeting the needs of the communities that most need them. So that's on the protecting the vulnerable. And then the third one is on the economic side. And I will tell you, I think we have absolutely fought for a false battle between economy and public health. They're deeply -- they're both dependent on each other. And one of the ways I think our public health response has been hobbled is because we have failed to address the economic disincentives to comply with public health orders. And in particular, there have been some reports of decreasing use of tests. And, you know, just kind of put yourself in this scenario, if you are someone who feels fine, but may have been exposed to COVID, or hearing about the importance of being tested. You feel fine, but know that if you do test positive, you may be not able to report to work for close to two weeks. That's a potentially enormous disincentive. Similarly, if you test positive, you might have to, you know, be out and lose your income or tell about the people that you've come in contact with during that time, who then may also have to stay home under quarantine. And so there is enormous disincentives, which, in the field of global health, we have already learned that it's important to remove disincentives and to, you know, to address disincentives to remove barriers, to get people to comply with public health interventions. And we, for some reason, have absolutely failed to do that in this country. Other countries haven't other countries pay people to stay home, if they test positive. They shouldn't have to choose between, you know, earning an income and  not spreading the virus. And so that's an area where I think we need a lot more attention. And it's not just, you know, paycheck, it's also other support, something in public health are called wraparound services, some people need help to stay home. They may have family responsibilities, they may not have a safe place to actually stay home without infecting others, or they may need you know, meal help or things like that, that require additional social services. Those wraparound services are also I think a missing piece of our response. And if we don't remove the barriers, it's going to be very hard to make sure that everyone is able to comply.   One other aspect of the kind of economic situation that I want to address is just looking forward. And maybe we could barely kind of see this through the fog of the war that we're in right now. But I am deeply worried about the economic harms of the virus and our response to it and what it's going to mean for state and local budgets in the future. And in particular, I'm worried about this because of what happened in 2008. And the global recession that we saw, you know, everybody had to kind of tighten their belts, and there was cuts in federal funds for certain programs. And, you know, this had enormous consequences for public health programs. And in my view was possibly one of the single most damaging event in terms of our overall preparedness for events like COVID-19, there was a study that said that the job losses that followed the public health job losses that followed 2008, possibly eroded about a fifth of the public health workforce. And the truth is a number of the things that we're struggling to do right now, like contact tracing, in part, the reason why we're struggling to do it is because we haven't been doing it in recent years, because we haven't had enough people working in health departments to do it. So as we start to come out of this, and at least going forward, this is not the place to cut. One, because this unfortunately is not going to be the last or possibly the worst event like this that the country will face. And so I want to kind of put in that early plug to say, you know, we can't get again entering a phase of neglect. We will really suffer for it if we don't. And then the last thing I'll just say is there's been some good news as of late with respect to the vaccines being developed. And I think we all deserve some reason to feel optimistic. And I think the scientific results regarding the vaccines are certainly reasons to feel optimistic. So that is good news. But it's not as you probably all are aware, a vaccine that saves lives, it's a vaccination and making sure we can link, what are probably initially going to be very limited supplies of vaccines to the people to whom they are supposed to go, is going to be the work of state and state and local governments. And in my view, they have not, you have not gotten enough support. In order to do that. There have been some estimates of you know, the resource requirements or, you know, possibly up to, you know, $8 billion, there have been requests to the stimulus for this money, but my understanding is to date, I think state, local governments have only gotten about 200 million. And so this is an important piece of advocacy, because if we want to make best use of these vaccines, we need to make sure that we can get them to the people who need them as quickly as possible. And that is a whole level of difficulty and logistics that requires planning and requires planning now, and unfortunately, will require resources, including for the fact that one of these vaccines needs specialized freezers that, you know, don't routinely exist in the usual healthcare infrastructure. So anyway, I think there is reason to be hopeful for the future. And I think that the task ahead is absolutely one that we can meet. But it's going to require a lot of work. And I'm very grateful to all of the work that state and local governments have done I mean, really, in the what was basically been a leadership vacuum, you know, we have seen states really rise to the occasion in order to protect their constituents. And that has been very inspiring to me. And I just, I'm really so grateful for all of your effort to save lives, and to help try to lead the country out of this. So thank you so much. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. That was terrific. Let's go now to all of you for your questions. And, you know, we also ask -- want you to share best practices use this form to share best practices, so that you're supporting each other. So if you want to click on the Participants icon in the bottom of your screen and raise your hand there, or if you're on an e-tablet, you can click on the More button on the upper right hand corner and raise your hand there. And please say who you are, and what state you are from. That gives us context and helps Dr. Nuzzo answer your question. Okay, so the first question goes to Janice Wiener. And, yes, you unmuted yourself. Fantastic, we can hear you. Q: My name is Janice Weiner, and I'm on the city council in Iowa City, Iowa. We have enormous challenges here in Iowa. Our governor has finally put in place a partial mask mandate that's more confusing than anything else. One of the biggest challenges we face since the beginning is figuring out how to do anything locally, because the governor has an emergency proclamation in place. Sorry, my granddaughter's in the background, has an emergency proclamation in place, which occupies the legal field and limits our ability to put local measures in place. We have put in both that as a city and as our county face covering mandates. But that is about all that we can legally do. So do you have any suggestions on, first of all, how to get beyond the political polarization of this, because this is a blue area in a very red and what's really a very red state now. And secondly, how we at the local area in the local area can put in place something in addition to what we've already done in the public messaging we're doing to try and get this message across. Because as you may have also seen on the news, our health care facilities, including the biggest in the state, here, University of Iowa clinics, are really getting close to being overrun. Thank you very much. NUZZO: Gosh, this is you're not the only locality that has been in a situation where your hands are a little bit tied. I don't know, obviously, what the legal options are. I will just say it's incredibly difficult situation to be in and I guess masks are just one piece of it. I think it's a very important piece of it. But we also have to just look at the other gatherings that are happening. And you know, sometimes it could be less about restrictions and more about offering alternatives to allow people to do things in a safer way. I know that's incredibly difficult. And it's also resource intensive. I will say I think on the communications challenge, particularly given how politicized something as simple as masks has become diversifying the spokespeople might, I'm sure you're probably already doing this, but working with trusted local leaders to take the message forward. Perhaps that will land better than having it seem as a as a government initiative. I have been quite impressed by the leadership of businesses in order to kind of enforce requirements where government has failed. And that's possibly another option. I mean, this is really in their economic best interest. This is one of our, I mean, this isn't this isn't hurting our, the measures that we're taking to make ourselves safer isn't what's hurting our economy, it's trying to get ourselves as we get this virus contained as quickly as possible so that we can go back to some level of, economic, you know, growth and recovery. And so I don't I unfortunately don't have great solutions for you, other than trying to enlist local leaders. And you know, I think this is also a time when data and facts are called into question. The counter is not more data and more facts, but more stories from people who have gone through these experiences themselves and letting the stories lead and kind of appeal to people's kind of sense of, you know, humanity versus statistics. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Gary Scarpello. Q: Gary Scarpello, Commissioner in Upper Dublin Township. You know, a lot of what we try to do, of course, we're hamstrung by both federal level and state level politics, both in the distribution of the Corps’ aid and all of that, and what may or may not happen down the road. But really, you know, you make a lot of sense. We've all been saying that too here locally, that we have to keep the economy going. But we have to do it safely. In order to do that, we need to tackle the virus. And we do have to do it all together can't be one at the expense of the other, it needs to be holistic. But really, the bottom line problem has and continues to be the right wing talking points that are just permeating society from every which way. From social media to regular media to locally here when you know, you try to talk to local people in our community and, and they're up in arms, and they're ready with their pitchforks to, to go after anybody that talks about any of the things that actually do work in controlling the pandemic. So if we're going to really make a difference, we need adults in the room, the Republican Party needs to stand up, and the dialogue nationally needs to change. How can we get this done? What can you do on your level? What can we do on our level? It's got to change. NUZZO: I agree and I don't have a solution. I will just say I think one is where the public health messaging has failed to date has just to take an empathetic approach. To recognize that people are so I mean, people are suffering and to acknowledge that the economic suffering. I mean, I think sometimes in a public health messaging world, there's a worry that if you sort of acknowledge that it might not be fun to wear a mask, and people don't like a mask, that that it will give credence to people who don't want to wear one. But I don't think not acknowledging people's feelings about the sacrifices we are all making right now is helping us. We obviously again, this goes back to when people are have their own facts, it's hard to combat that. But I do think that reaching out to people like as connecting to them as humans, and trying the best to say, “Listen, I know I hate wearing a mask, too. It's terrible. But I like less having to stay inside my house. And I like less the fact that my local coffee shop has to close.” So I don't know, I'm sorry, I don't have I don't have great solutions to the state of political affairs that we're in. But I do think that we need to start by acknowledging all of the sacrifices that people are making in this situation. FASKIANOS: Charles Isenhart, wrote, he's a state representative in Iowa, do you worry that we're obviously seeing public health institutions and personnel being ignored discounting, sometimes even attack for intervention efforts, even by elected officials on whom the system relies? How will this all weekend the public health system going forward? NUZZO: I deeply worry about it. I think this the state of our politics right now is completely unnerving and troubling. And it's not just public health, but public health is sort of the latest casualty. I mean, I really think part of the problem is that we all seem to be operating off of our own set of facts. So I do worry about it. The only thing that makes me a bit hopeful is that if even if you don't care about public health or you think it's you know, you're frustrated with the situation that we're in, is that there are reason why these agencies were stood up and created, and that need will not go away. I mean, you know, nobody wants, you know, the harms that are going to come. And so I do think, you know, it'll take time to build back trust. And this is why I think having partnerships with local leaders and just you know, prioritizing those communications and those regular communications, going forward is going to be absolutely essential. And, you know, doing more deliberative approaches, talking to communities about the planned interventions and trying to find out if that works for them, and if not, why, and trying to come up with solutions. I mean, I think part of the problem has been that in the face of this, this emergency, absolute emergency and the urgency of the emergency, we have sometimes taken the expedient route, for the purposes of saving lives. But there are some things that are lost in that. And so if our, if it's easier to say, no, we're going to restrict all of these things, as opposed to say, okay, let's help the community find safe alternatives, so that they continue so that they can continue to do the things that are really important to them. To continue to have worship services during one of the hardest years of probably our recent times. Can we find a way to do that more safely, just so that people don't feel like this whole thing is happening to them, and that they have no input to it?  I really think trying to find ways to have to provide local input to some of the decisions, recognizing that obviously, you know, there still is a need to protect lives and to act expediently. But if we can try to do more of that in the future, I think it'll be helpful. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Sheila Vaughn. Q: Oh, thank you so much. I'm Sheila Vaughn; I am a selectman in Kingston, Massachusetts. And I am also on the school committee in there, too. So I'm sure you're gonna know what I'm going to ask. But, so in our state, you know, we are seeing the numbers climb, but yet, we're asking to open the doors at the schools. And so there is this, this catch-22 of the fact that the schools are saying, you know, are being, what I believe is probably one of the safest places right now. They're doing a great job of keeping the students safe. And there's been a lot of talk of, you know, staying in this hybrid, remote model and not moving towards a full in-person. But how do you go to a full in-person, when your governor is then saying, “We're shutting things down. We're going in these different directions, we're moving. You know, we were red, now we’re green.”? So how do you how do you work with that, when, in one aspect, you're saying the schools are safe putting the kids in, but then on the other hand, you're shutting down other things? And I just feel like it's a little bit of a catch-22. Thanks. NUZZO: So I mean I understand the communication challenges about that. I mean, I do think that those things are not inconsistent with each other. I mean, I would like to see more things shut for the purposes of ensuring that we can reopen or keep open schools. I think that should be a priority, all over. And, you know, there are important considerations. And so like, where I live, they announced in July that they were going to not open schools in person. And then our case, numbers just kept climbing. And then we kept opening things and then come the time when they thought they would start remote learning, by the way, our case numbers were way too high. So there were there may be tradeoffs, I mean, reopening schools is easiest in that prospect in the context of stable or declining case numbers. And if you need to close things in order to get to that point, then I think that's an important priority for communities because it is very difficult for working parents. Remote learning is by no means a substitute for in-person education, particularly for the youngest learners. And I think that's where you're starting to see a number of places like Michigan, for instance, implementing more restrictions, but prioritizing K to eight education, and making sure those kids who are least able to learn online are able to receive in-person classroom education. But I also think it requires a lot of communication and working with the teachers and so that they have input. I know in a lot of places battles with the unions have prevents the schools from reopening. And I can tell you as a mom, I want my kids back in school, I know that they're being in school will only be beneficial if their teachers don't feel like they're there under duress. And so they need to have input and they need to feel comfortable with the protocols. Otherwise, I think some of the benefits of the in-person instruction will have eroded. FASKIANOS: There's a chat about are there specific mitigation measures that you think ought to be in place across the board protect teachers, students and their families in schools? NUZZO: Yeah, so I mean, so far, what the data are showing is that it is possible to reconvene school safely, but there are some requirements. And the first easiest, not easiest, but the first highest impact requirement is having, you know, stable or declining case numbers. So if you're in a place where the case numbers are accelerating, and they're accelerating, you know, possibly beyond control, then that's just going to make it harder. But once you know, you're at that point where the case numbers have stabilized, and again, it may make mean making tradeoffs in the larger society about what will stay open to get it to that point. But once you get to that point, I mean, then it becomes the kind of layered approach that we always described. So masks, physical distance, trying to improve ventilation to the extent possible. And, you know, trying to limit the number of people who are exposed to each other throughout the course of the day or the week. That kind of cohorting helps reduce the chances that if a case did come to school, it kind of caps the total number of people who could be exposed to it. There's not a whole lot of evidence that in the context of safety protocols and schools that we're seeing a lot of spread in schools. We are certainly seeing spread in school populations in extracurricular or social activities around school. So that's another important factor that we need to consider. You know, if they're the sports practices that are going on without protection, or the parties or things like that, then that's really where we've seen a lot of the cases. In the context of like the walls of the school, if we are able to keep masks and keep some level of distance, and reduce the number of students who interact with each other. No, I think there's a reasonable hope that that's a fairly, fairly safe prospect. FASKIANOS: And to that end, would you say that, that closing park playgrounds might help stem it? Because that's sort of an extracurricular. NUZZO: I'm not worried about playgrounds outdoors. It's mostly the indoor environments that we worry about. Yeah, I mean, I think I'm less worried about playgrounds, I think kids need some time to release physically, it's more of the indoor environments. I will tell you one challenge has been schools that are trying to make that like six foot distance between students have sometimes chosen to do hybrid models, whereby they only bring students in for some day of the week, in an attempt to reduce the total number of students. I think it's possibly okay to do that, but the worry that I have is that actually in doing that, you could increase the risk of transmission just because of what the students will be doing when they're not in school. And if it means that they're going elsewhere, and they're exposed to larger networks of people, that could actually increase the risks. So personally, I would, I would compromise on the absolute physical distance. If you were worried that in doing a hybrid model, you were increasing the number of people to whom a student may be exposed on the days that they're not in school. And that's really going to be community dependent. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Patty Bacon. Q: Okay, I'm Patty Bacon. I'm deputy mayor of Brookings, South Dakota, we have a population of about 20 to 25,000, plus another 10,000 college students. We host the largest university in our state. And so that is added distress to our problem solving. But I did want to share because we have had some pretty good success. We were the first community in the state to take any initiative. Right in March, we shut everything down. We did a total shutdown for about six weeks. And then we very gradually reopened the community. And then we saw a spike in August when the students returned. And so we went back to a partial shutdown. But I'm I didn't get the name of the--I think it was the first person who spoke, but as I said that she their community couldn't find a legal way to do this. And I don't know they probably already explored it. But we were able to do it by calling it a public health emergency. And that gave us (the municipality) the power to enforce these initiatives. And the state couldn't override as right as on that. We've also put together phased protocols. So depending on the number of cases, if they continued, if they rise again, we will go back in in very careful stages to further shut down if necessary. But we've wanted to keep our local businesses open as much as we can. And after that initial shut down, we have. But we were also the first and only community in the State of South Dakota to put a mask initiative. And for those of you in local government understand what it's like to have 250 angry people yelling at you for a couple of hours. And we opened ourselves up to that more than once and let everybody have their say. But we did go ahead and put the mass mandate in place and it is working. We still have one of the lowest rates per capita in our state. So it's been hard, it takes thick skin. But this is an exceptional time when we all have to have a lot of courage to get the job done. NUZZO: Kudos to you. That's really inspiring to hear. Thank you. Thank you for all your hard work. That's really, really fantastic news. FASKIANOS: Let's go next to Ire Bethea. Please excuse my mispronunciation, so you can correct me when you unmute yourself. Q: Ire Bethea. What I have to say most people have already said it. Jennifer, she broke it down very good and a couple of other people. But here in Ocala, Florida. I am a councilman here in Ocala. And we did a mask mandate and we was all overran, bombarded by those that didn't believe in the mask, accelerate cetera, but we, we stood our ground. And I do believe that it’s actually working. You know, a lot of time with the mask mandate, there's not a lot of teeth that you can put in, because you're trying to work with, you know, the small businesses, etc, etc. But I do see in our community, we have about 57,000 people in the city of Ocala and 370,000 in the county of Marion. And I think that is working, but all over Florida right now, you know, we’re seeing rising cases. I am a survivor at this time of COVID. I spent twenty-six days in the hospital. And ma'am, Jennifer, like you said, you know, with your local officials, having people tell you their story. You know, I have shared with many, many groups of people about you know, how COVID affected me I was in hospital twenty-six days, walked out about thirty-five pounds lighter, and was eating every day, three days in three meals a day, you know, etc., etc. But ma'am, we have to come together in this country, we got to work as a unit, we got to do the masks, we need to do the social distancing, and we need to sanitize. Those are basic practices that we can do as a human being, if not for ourselves, for our fellow man. And we just got to do it. This is our season, it's time for us to work together to make to try to rid ourselves of this pandemic. And I don't think this is an overnight process. But we got to take those baby steps and get there. And basically, that's all I have to say, ma’am, because like I said, everybody has kind of shared, but I'm a living witness. You can survive it. If it's caught in time. And you got good doctors and I was just blessed. And I'm doing so much better now. And I'm getting stronger all the time. That's my testimony. FASKIANOS: Thank you. NUZZO: Really moving. I really, really appreciate hearing that and learning from you. FASKIANOS: And there is someone in the chat talking about politicizing this health issue is not helping anything we need to be united together just like we did during, it's very interesting, during the 911 crisis--that we worked across political lines. She says there have been many stories about death certificates that were written to indicate COVID instead of actual cause, as you know, this idea that hospitals are getting money extra money when the cause of death is listed as COVID-19. Maybe you could just dispel that myth. I think it is a myth. NUZZO: So one of the things that I am involved with outside of the Council is the Johns Hopkins COVID Coronavirus Resource Center. So that's the global map that has got billions of eyeballs on it every day. It's what news services used to know how many cases we have. And I also used to be a local epidemiologist. So I can tell you with much certainty that our COVID case numbers and our COVID death numbers represent underestimates of how this virus has affected our communities, gross underestimates. And the reason is in order to be really counted as a case, and to some extent count and counted as a death, confirmed death, you need to have been tested. Now there's some possibility to list as a probable case, or a probable death if you haven't been tested, but not all states actually even report those data. So many states could and don't. And so they're not capturing those deaths. And one of the reasons why we know that COVID is not being overly reported in excess of what we think is actually happening is there's this epidemiologic concept of excess deaths. So often in places of the you know, the world where we don't have great surveillance, one way to tell how an event has affected us is to look at the number of deaths that we see in a time period and to compare that to previous years of the same time period. And what study after study in various environments have shown is that the excess deaths that we are seeing now far exceeds what the COVID reported deaths are meaning that more people have died this time period than in previous years of the same time period. Now, not all of those are going to be direct COVID, but some of them are. And the other ones are probably COVID related, maybe the people who couldn't get to the doctor. I work with a lot of clinicians at Johns Hopkins Hospital, and they have told me that the number of heart attack patients that they saw in the spring, dramatically decreased. And they don't think it's because people weren't having heart attacks. They think that people just weren't coming to the hospital because they were scared or didn't think they should, or etc. So the COVID related deaths, which is not directly caused by COVID, that don't show up in our COVID case numbers at all, but do very much go into those excess deaths. I mean, that's also another way that this virus has harmed us. So I can tell you with lots of certainty that the numbers are an underestimate. FASKIANOS: Right. And I, we've so many raised hands up, but there are two that came up in the chat that I think you could, you know, answer pretty quickly. This question to the extent that you know now of the two vaccines that are seem to be going to FDA for approval, do we know how long they will be effective for? And then if you have had COVID, do we know if what the immunity is? Or is that vary from person to person? NUZZO: Yeah, so we don't know. I mean, we do think it is possible to get COVID again, but how frequently that will happen? We don't know, and what that second infection will look like? We also don't know. So I think you should take away from that. That is that if you've had COVID in the past, don't assume that you're safe going forward. I think there is a hope, though, that you'll have some level of immunity. Again, it may depend on how severe your first infection was. But we basically don't know. So people who are saying I know some political leaders right now are saying that like you're immune, you're great, you know, go out and live freely. That is really bad advice, because there's no evidence that that's possible. And it's also no evidence that you won't spread it to somebody else, who could very much have a severe illness. So important, even if you've had it in the past to protect yourself. In terms of the vaccine, I mean, all we know right now about these vaccines, the good news is that they seem to prevent clinical disease and a high percentage of people who received it over 90% for two of the vaccines that have been reported to date, but that's clinical disease, that's symptomatic disease. We don't know if it prevents infection, chances are it won't. So that could still mean that you could get infected and spread it. Which is why people are saying listen, it's good news. Having a tool that could prevent keep people out of the hospital, keep people from dying is a win. But it doesn't mean that it's going to fully protect everybody. We still don't know how it's going to perform in all groups. We don't know how it's going to work in kids. There's just many other unknowns and so cautious good news, but still many, many more things to learn. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Mary Dickinson. Q: All right, great. I'm Mary Dickinson. I'm a brand new city council member. I got on council just in time did not January of this year. 75 years old, and also a retired schoolteacher. So yes, the schools, I feel that very much. So every day I worry about the depression of the kids, and the frustrations and heartbreak of the teachers not being with those kids. This is one of those side effects. But I'm really grateful, by the way, that I'm in Washington state, thank you very much. The beginning of this pandemic was right here in my county, excuse me, no, I'm not sick. Right in my county, and I'm very proud of our governor. But even living on the Puget Sound area of Washington State, there's still pushback on the use of masks, social distancing. And so I start every council meeting that I get to say something, I tell people wear your mask, social distance, wash your hands. And we also have on our council, the CEO of the county health district. So thank you very much for being on our council. We are seeing a spike like everywhere else. And I am so grateful to listen to what's happening across this country. I have a grandson in second grade in Texas, and he is learning virtually, and it's really a struggle for those kids. So anything that can, what I see is that school should be first priority. I take that as my most important message here. And I want to know, how do I make sure my council sees that as first priority and not small businesses, restaurants, bars and gyms? Places like that, of course right now are all shut down by our governor. Thank you. NUZZO: Yeah, it's um, it's it's quite difficult because obviously, the  interim economic harms to the restaurants and bars, gyms are quite obvious, with the long term economic harms of the loss of learning that our children have experienced so far, are really quite staggering. And, you know, there have already been studies suggesting lifelong earning loss as a result of the loss of learning that's occurred today. My son is also in second grade, particularly, it's a terrible time of life to spend your day on a computer. So, you know, it's it is a tough argument, I realized when the benefits of returning kids to school, from an economic standpoint are longer, although, you know, working parents, obviously, are really struggling with these current situations. And I know anytime I talk about schools publicly, I usually get a flurry of emails from deeply worried moms who are not only worried about their own children, but about children who have access to fewer resources than they do. And I too, you know, worry about this. Just seeing how difficult it is to kind of keep our family running in these circumstances and to think about families that don't have the level of resources that we do. It's it's very difficult. FASKIANOS: Let's go next to Ellen Smith. Q: My question has to do with civil liberties. I'm in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. City council member. And this is a state that is completely open for business these days, we don't have any shutdowns. Masks are being required in some parts of the state. Cities have been told that we have absolutely no authority to do anything. So we're dependent on other entities to act on our behalf. And the folks who are in a position to make decisions, one of their reasons for not doing anything is a concern that restrictions, mask mandates and restrictions on businesses violate civil liberties. Now, I can argue about that myself. But I'm wondering if there's any kind of analysis that's being done at your level, to deal with those kinds of arguments. NUZZO: I'm not a lawyer, but I know a lot of public health law experts. And I will tell you that I think there's fairly solid legal precedent about when the public's health is at stake, that that definitely can Trump concerns about individual liberties. There have been many, many historic cases that they would cite as sort of precedent for that. So I will just say so, you know, my legal colleagues would would be able to give you a stronger argument on that front. I will just say, you know, I think what we're seeing right now, is that even some of the staunchest opponents to these restrictions when faced with rapidly accelerating case numbers and really hospitals on the brink, we see them do things they say they would never do. You know, close restaurants and impose mask mandates. And, you know, even some of those measures can have fairly, I think, consequential impacts on the case numbers. I just hope it doesn't take getting to that brink and the lives lost, accumulating until then. But I think at some point, even the staunchest opponents are going to have to face reality and, and make changes. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Linda Cherry. Q: Good morning. My name is Linda Cherry, Murray city councilwoman for the city of Murray, Kentucky. Population about 17,000 with another 10,000 at Murray State University. My question is, I get a lot of criticisms and complaints from my constituents that tell me when they do go out to stores to shop, they have their signs on the door that say you must have a mask on in order to enter the property. And yet once they go in, they encounter people that are in the store that are shoppers that do not have their mask on. And I guess my question is, is there something our city can do that will I don't know what the word is force our business owners and our shop or shopping stores to enforce their own mask mandate that they have listed on the front of their door? I feel like this is where a lot of our contagious people are going and I feel like they're spreading the coronavirus this way by not wearing their mask or not even wearing their mask properly, having their mask dropped down just above their upper lip so that they can breathe freely through their nose. NUZZO: And are they, is it a requirement at the city level? Or is it just being imposed by businesses? Q: I believe it's something that businesses started some time ago right back with the governor's mandate, the city has not made a mandate. NUZZO: I know some places have used like call-in lines for people to call and issue complaints. And then usually there's some level of follow up with the business. I mean, I think if it's not a requirement of the business was a little bit tough, but to know that their customers are complaining they may want to know that, particularly now, nobody wants to sort of lose a customer. I really think we have to frame this as this is our path to freedom and not a restriction of our freedom. This is what's going to keep our businesses open. And nobody wants to see a closure. And just kind of a problem. That pragmatism. Q: Yeah, if they understand it's advantageous to them to do this, to enforce their own mask mandate, then more people will come into their stores because they will feel safer there. I just don't know how to get that out to the business owners? NUZZO: Well, I wonder if they even know that people are calling to complain. I mean, that just might be one way to start the conversation. Q: Yeah, that’s possible. And there is a number we can call. It's called Kentucky safer. And I've called it myself. And I hear other people that say they've called the number and they don't get, I guess what they expect to get as far as their response to their complaint. NUZZO: No, we've been trying to kind of prevail on people, kind of coerce some behavior change by trying to make data available. And I'm just wondering if there's some enterprising person if those data are public, of where the complaints are being lodged, and they could just if there were a public database of what businesses were getting complaints about that perhaps that might encourage more adherence, sort of bad advertising. I mean, nobody wants to tarnish business's names. FASKIANOS: Jennifer, are there governors or states that you would point to that are using federal COVID-19 relief dollars to do--using it for education and outreach and partnerships with the business community regarding prevention and mitigation, messaging and practices? It's something that was written in the chat. And we also had somebody from Texas asking, you know, it's not mandated at the, at the federal, I'm sorry, at the state level, and so they can't say you have to wear a mask. Are there other less, other measures that could be sort of put into place that wouldn't be seen as you know, an infringement of civil liberty? Or is the mask really is the best thing? NUZZO: I mean, nothing is so. So I actually don't know the answer about what places are using money to pay. But it seems to me if you could, that would be a really important intervention. Because I do think this is going to take a partnership, because even if there are requirements, requirements alone, mandates alone do not result in--you do not necessarily assure compliance. So it is going to be both carrots and sticks. And  I think we need to look into more carrots for sure. In terms of sorry, there was a second part of that question. FASKIANOS: It was a different question from Texas. It's, there's not going to be any shutdown, what can we do at the state and local level, knowing there isn't an option for aggressive containment? NUZZO: Right. So I mean, first of all, I mean, one thing that we've always said is that just because it's open doesn't mean you need to go and allowing people to understand what are the highest risk places. And they are places where indoor environments that have poor ventilation, where you can't maintain physical distance and wear a mask. And that's why restaurants and bars tend to float to the top, because it's hard to comply with, with those recommendations. And that's why you'll see in a lot of places, if they're not even doing full closures or reducing occupancy, sometimes they actually close at a certain hour. In part, because the thought is that people are less compliant with the recommendations to kind of keep their masks on when they're not drinking or eating and, you know, keep their physical space. So there's always the if it's just because it's open, doesn't mean you need to go. There's also encouraging people, pointing them to alternatives. And, you know, nobody wants to see a restaurant or bar go out of business. But if there are options to encourage people to do take out, to try to like point a path forward. That's not just don't leave your house, because I think that's a very, that’s not a sustainable message. So if there are ways to, you know, create more space for I know, one of where I live, the one of the towns actually went up shutting a street so that the businesses could--the restaurants could create more outdoor dining options so that people could go and support the businesses, but in a safer way. It's not--none of this is perfect. I mean, really, the safest thing is to stay home. But, you know, how long can we do that for? So trying to find alternatives to point people to as much as possible. Again, we don't have to be 100% compliant. Here, the goal is to reduce transmission to the point where it's not so rapidly accelerating so that we do see even a slow simmer would be much better than what we're seeing right now, which is basically a vertical climb. FASKIANOS: Great, we have two minutes left. And there are so many raise hands and questions in the chat. Maybe it might be helpful. You talked about wraparound services, and this was in the chat. How would a locality or state implement wraparound services in their community? What are some of the things that they could do? NUZZO: So this is a tough thing without additional resources. I will acknowledge and I think this is one place where we need to take it to the national conversation. This has been missing in our U.S. response to this virus and other countries have done this. And they have they see the benefits of this; this is in their economic best interest. And so, if you're talking to your elected officials who are you know, in Washington, as they negotiate the stimulus, this is a really important point to get across. Which is that we need to reduce the disincentives and help people comply with the public health orders. I mean, in my view, that's far preferable paying somebody who is sick to stay home, than to shut down an entire state. So we need to make those arguments. But at the local level, let's say if you don't have a budget for it, which chances are you don't, you know, I think it's also about connecting people to the services that already exist, and to the extent to which they have and that may not all be government services. It may be non-governmental organizations in the community. And just seeing what's possible to help people who require help. Particularly, you know, maybe some faith organizations that may be able to to work in the community and just trying to take stock of what the social services are that exist in the community, governmental and otherwise, that could potentially help and link people who need who need those services to them. FASKIANOS: Great, thank you. I know we had so many questions. And we will continue to have this conversation and actually pull from some of their questions to continue to dig down on some of these issues that you've raised. Jennifer Nuzzo, thank you very much for today's conversation. It's so great to have you with us at CFR now and the work that you're doing at Johns Hopkins, the tracker is so fantastic. So it's a great service. And we look forward to having you back to for continuing updates on this. You can follow Dr. Jennifer Nuzzo on twitter @JenniferNuzzo. And we will send you all a link to the webinar recording and transcript so you can review it again share it with your constituents, etc. And again, please do reach out to us, let us know how we can support you other topics you want to cover specific issues to drill down on as it relates to COVID-19. You can send that to [email protected]. So, as Jennifer said, thank you for all you're doing in your communities. This is hard for all of us, and we just have to continue to chip away and try to get this under control. END
  • Elections and Voting
    Voting and Demographics in Election 2020
    Play
    Theodore R. Johnson, senior fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, discusses the factors that distinguish Election 2020 from previous election cycles, including demographic shifts ​and voting behavior.  FASKIANOS: Good afternoon, everybody. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. We're delighted to have participants from 43 states and territories with us today. Thank you for being with us. As a reminder, this discussion is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. CFR is also the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. So we're pleased to have Theodore Johnson with us. We previously shared his bio with you, so I'll just give you a few highlights. He is a senior fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, where his work explores the role that race plays in electoral politics, issue framing, and disparities in policy outcomes. Previously, Dr. Johnson was a national fellow at New America and a research manager at Deloitte. He is a retired commander in the U.S. Navy following a two-decade career that includes service as a White House fellow, military professor, and speechwriter for the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. So, Ted, thanks very much for being with us today. We're a few days out from the election. So it would be great if you could talk about what distinguishes this election cycle from previous ones, and any changes that you've noted, through your research on demographics and voting behavior. JOHNSON: Thank you for having me. And thank you all for tuning in. This is going to be an election, I don't think any of us are going to forget for quite some time, no matter the results, because it follows a year that I don't think many of us are going to forget for quite some time. And the two things are sort of working together to create the dynamics. I think that will define the election that's going to happen here in just a few weeks. But really, the election is already underway. The first thing I want to point out is turnout. Early turnout, early voting, is at a level that has far outpaced and exceeded what we've seen in previous presidential election years. And certainly some of that is due to COVID, and states being a lot more flexible about how they're allowing their constituents to participate. What that means is, the latest estimate I saw was about 160 million Americans are expected to participate in this election, which is, if I remember correctly, maybe 20 million, 10 or 20 million more than last time. These high turnout rates, you know, it doesn't suggest that it advantages one party over another. What we know from non-voters is that those who have traditionally sat out elections look very much like in their political ideology and there partisanship as those who participate. So increasing the turnout in elections, even though both sides may claim advantages them in a particular state or nationally, it really doesn't bake in an advantage inherently. The campaigning of the candidates, the type of advertising that's happening, the conditions in the country have much more of a direct effect. But you can, at the state level, local level, expect for there to be lots and lots of people showing up to vote early, and exploring alternate ways of voting that may not have been available to them previously, or were just less utilized. I live in northern Virginia, this is a pretty well functioning county, and on the first week of early voting, my wife had to wait for three and a half hours to cast her vote. And the reason, one was turnout. But the other, the second reason is what I want to bring up is around COVID. All of the public health requirements that are now in place that are affecting not just how we vote, but the process of voting, you know, once we've determined how we're going to do so. So, for example, here in Virginia, you could only have four people in the election room where you can cast your ballot, which typically meant one person at the ID desk, one person at the ballot desk, one person filling out their ballot, and then one person at the machine. Well, I'm sure as is the case in your states, Virginia has a ballot that is not just the presidential ballot, but a lot of down ballot races and initiatives that come with lots of complex language. So people are taking a lot of time reading the ballot, the president selection is usually the easiest one along with the Senate, but all the ones under that take people a lot more time to complete, especially any bond initiatives. So this creates a back-log and the line stretches out of the door and you're six feet apart. So not only are you out the door, you're out into the parking lot, etc. So with the complications that COVID presents, the process of voting is something that we're all going to have to account for. The more we encourage early voting, mail-in balloting, and the more polling places available will shrink crowd wait times and actually shrink the risk of exposure to the virus because we're not clustering. What we're seeing, though, in many counties and states is the opposite approach taken, because there are not enough poll workers, so there are less polling stations. This means they choose really large venues to hold the polling because they want people to be able to socially distance, and that turns into longer wait times which often can increase exposure. So the balancing of COVID, public health concerns, along with the process of voting, will be a challenge. And then finally, the third thing is the demographics of this electorate. It proves to be probably the most diverse electorate we've seen. This will be the first presidential election where Hispanic Americans are the largest non-white bloc of voters participating. And even though they are the largest voting eligible one, they tend to be on the younger side who have lower voter turnout. So though Black Americans will be the second largest non-white bloc of voters, their turnout will be second only to white Americans. And if, again, the projections I've seen suggest that Black turnout may be back to levels it saw in 2008, which would compete for the highest levels of turnout with white Americans. And then Asian Americans, though they are a smaller bloc of voters than Black, white, or Hispanic Americans, they are the fastest growing when it comes to voter turnout. So they're a smaller group, but they're increasing their participation in our democracy at a faster rate than any other bloc of voters. And so this mix of a new largest non-white bloc, a potentially high participatory rate of Black Americans, and the fastest growing rate of participation among Asian American voters, mixed with the white Americans still being the largest bloc and the highest participatory rate, you know, competing with Black voters there. This is going to be an election unlike any that we've seen. And I think that's a good sign for our country that we're bringing more people into the process. That more people are willing and interested in participating as, again, as we're seeing in our early voting states, and that the choices they make will be reflective of their view of the state of the country following racial justice protests over the summer, following an economy that's been up and down, following a public health crisis that's not just been national, but global. There's a sense that getting the country back on track, no matter what your vision is for taxes, or regulatory reform, this is the sort of need to feel that the country is stable, and functioning, and coming back together is the thing that's driving a lot of folks’ choices when they when they go to vote. I think they will be voting mostly on the vision for America that they have, and hoping that their candidate prevails. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Thank you, Ted, we really appreciate that. Why don't we open now to questions and comments from the group and then we can continue the conversation. So in the bottom of your screen, there's a Participants icon you can raise your hand there, or if you're on a tablet, click on the More button and you'll see the Raise Hand option there. So, just looking to see if anybody's raised their hand yet. And we do, we have a question from Mayor Nicole LaChapelle. Please tell us where you are for context. Q: Right. I’m the mayor of Easthampton, Massachusetts. One word, we're not near an ocean. We're in western Massachusetts, near Springfield. So leave Boston on I-90 and drive about 95 minutes and you're in the Pioneer Valley, near UMass Amherst and Amherst College and whatnot. The point that really made my ears prick up was—and when I was younger I was very politically involved in campaigns and getting out the vote—when you were talking about these numbers, these high early voting numbers, voting by mail numbers. We always, you know, we would say, so early voting is up and in a highly contentious race that means it's more to the left, like middle of the road left, than it is middle of the road right. But what I'm hearing you say is, don't put as much weight on that in this particular election? JOHNSON: So that's a great question. The point I was trying to make is that when more voters participate in elections, the number of voters, the quantity that participate, doesn't necessarily advantage one party over the other based on the leanings of non-voters. But for this election and the method of voting, we are seeing some trends. Traditionally, mail-in balloting is used by older white voters, which tends to advantage Republicans. This cycle, we're seeing, I think, three to one voters who lean Democrat using early voting and mail-in balloting as their preferred method, which means that it won't be a wash on the back end. Usually, whatever the polls show on election night, the mail-in ballots will just be a reflection, maybe on some small margins here or there. This time around, I don't think that's the case. This is really important for a number of reasons, a couple of I’ll try to lay out quickly. One is that we're used to going to bed the night of the election knowing who the president will be, or certainly waking up Wednesday morning and having a winner declared. As you all know, every state doesn't necessarily count mail-in ballots or absentee ballots before Election Day. In fact, in some states, they wait until after the polls have closed on Election Day before they start counting those ballots that were submitted by other means. So we have candidates declaring victory on Wednesday morning by saying look, in the past, the absentee ballots have traditionally not favored one party much more than another, I'm up by three points, there's no way that my opponent can make up that gap. Therefore, I'm declaring victory. That may not be the case this year, depending on election night results. So we are seeing Democrats use —and mostly it's younger Democrats and people of color —that are using mail-in and early voting at rates higher than we've seen in previous presidential election years. FASKIANOS: And Ted, hasn’t it been—you said traditionally it's been white Republicans who have used mail-in —and there's been a lot of talk about how Republicans now are not doing mail-in, they're going to vote on the day. What is the analysis on that front? JOHNSON: Yeah, so the whole issue has been politicized. Look, we know voter fraud—my organization has looked into voter fraud, both in-person, absentee, and mail-in, and the incidence of voter fraud is about .0025%, which means it's about one in 40,000. So it happens, but not at scale. Not enough to completely, you know, revamp and revise voting processes. It's about the same likelihood of being hit by a meteor at some point in your life. So this is, this is not and this is not just for Americans, for like anyone in the world at some point being hit by a meteor. It's the same incidence of voter fraud happening in the United States. So voter fraud is not an issue. But, it is a good talking point when you can scare people or create anxieties or fear that the election will be stolen, that your vote won't be counted, that your ballot will be lost, either accidentally or on purpose. When the Post Office is politicized, when all of these things are sort of thrown into the pot of national hyper-partisanship, then it does have the effect of depressing people, the voting behaviors of people who would traditionally use one form of voting. But it also can have the impact of encouraging or inspiring people to participate who maybe would not have, because they feel like their voice is trying to be muted, or they might choose to participate in a way they previously wouldn't have. Here's an example. I'm from North Carolina. I grew up in Raleigh, North Carolina. Black voters there, two thirds of Black voters traditionally vote early. One of the big voting drives in North Carolina among Black voters is through the Black church. And they would do this this drive called Souls to the Polls, where after church, the church would have buses, and they would drive the parishioners from the church to the local polling station, and everyone would cast their vote and then go back to the church. And so early voting was a preferred method, but this time we're seeing a lot more voters of color in North Carolina and really across the country prefer mail-in balloting or standing in line to vote early and not waiting for, you know, the Sunday. Really because there is no Sunday church because of coronavirus. And so the politicization of mail-in balloting in the Postal Service has actually, for those that don't like how the president has politicized it, have decided to use it as an expression of faith. And then for those that typically would use it, but believe the president is accurate in saying that this is a way for fraud to happen or for one party to undermine the other, have now chosen to participate in more traditional methods. And so that skews what political science says about who votes how and when, which will make calling the election on election night a more difficult proposition, but will also require some patience among the citizenry, so that if states begin to flip on Thursday evening, two days after the election that doesn't ring of funny business, but simply the natural outcome of new processes. FASKIANOS: Great. So we have a written question from Signe Friedrichs, who's a council member in Herndon Town, Virginia. “What are you seeing? Is there any new information about possible violence?” And that's all that said there. I guess at the polls and all of that, I think there have been some stories about voter intimidation. JOHNSON: That's right. Yeah. So this is a real issue. It is not as widespread as it may seem on social media, but it is happening. In fact, just yesterday, a group in Florida, I believe, showed up to a polling station with guns and in black attire, saying that they were hired by the Trump campaign to watch voters. A Trump spokesman came out and said, that's just not true, we didn't commission any security forces to show up at the polls. And so a lot of folks who may feel like the vote of the election is going to be stolen, or that, you know, undocumented people may participate, or that there may be double counting or funny business and districts that represent different parties or lean politically in different directions than theirs. They're sort of appointing themselves defenders of the realm, and showing up to protect polling locations. Again, this is not widespread, but we've seen threats of it. And we've actually seen instances of it. And Pennsylvania, for example, we have filed suit against one of the parties there who are encouraging their supporters in the middle part of their state, to go to places like Philadelphia and certain parts of Pittsburgh, armed and in camouflage, not make any threats, but just be present at these precincts. And we know based on all the political science research that the presence of folks who aren't from your community, who are armed, and not policemen can have the effect of voter intimidation and deter people from the polls. Voter intimidation is illegal, it's not permitted. And so if your constituents file reports, or notify you that this is happening, then law enforcement should be notified immediately so that they will remove those folks who are trying to intimidate folks. Now, one of the other concerns, and this is probably one of the more primary concerns around violence is after the election, if a person's preferred candidate loses, or a movement preferred candidate or some, you know, militia or other sort of extra governmental organization, if their person loses that they will take to the streets and demand recounts or demand, you know, some sort of reckoning for the election being stolen or whatever. I am less worried about that here. Not that that won't happen, but that if it does happen, it will be quickly put down by local law enforcement. I don't think it behooves anyone at the local, state, or national level, no matter what side of the aisle you are on, and no matter what institution you belong to, to encourage violence or to turn a blind eye to it. And so I do think that, should violence happen, it will be put down quickly, I don't think that it's going to be organized in any real scale nationally. And so I think we're in a good spot there. What will be most important in this moment is national leadership. Should something catch fire, leadership tamping it down and restoring the public's faith in its public servants and first responders will be absolutely essential to keep the temperature low. And that's something I think we can all contribute to. There is a very small, minute, remote possibility that things might get out of hand, but that's no different after this election, I think then, you know, some of the other uprisings we've seen over the last several decades. FASKIANOS: Great. Let's go next to Gary Scarpello. And if you could identify yourself, that would be great and unmute yourself. Q: Okay, good. Sorry. I got it straight. Okay, how you doing? I'm glad you're here. Thanks for your insights. My wife is also from North Carolina, I’m up here in Pennsylvania, but from Gaston just north of South Carolina. Yeah, the Piedmont area. She just loved the weather growing up there as a kid. I'm a township commissioner in Upper Dublin Township, Pennsylvania. My question was about violence as well. And we are instructed by our police chief to call 911 if things get out of hand. And Pennsylvania law, I don't know how it works throughout the whole country, I just know what it is here in Pennsylvania, the police cannot really go into the polling area unless it is really a dramatic situation. But we're, we're ready to go. I mean, our police chief is on board and you know,  they're ready to go call 911. And they're going to be right there to defuse the situation. But I have a follow up question about that, after the election, possible turmoil. I'm quite concerned about that, especially since you made that example of Pennsylvania. Too close for my comfort that, you know, you got those hoodlums showing up. You know, what, what will happen? And I, your logic rings true to me that that law enforcement, I think, will step up. Because my township is stepping up there. They say call 911 immediately, and they'll be there to defuse. So I think you're right once the election is up, but it is the crucial number of days between the election and when the votes are tallied in Pennsylvania, where these shenanigans could occur. When there's no clear victory, and especially if Biden wins, a little bit later, you may see an explosion. But I think you're right, I think the police are ready to go. And I think, by the number of Republican generals, and sailors, commanders and so forth, who have come out and gone against Trump and said, hey, this is beyond the pale, I think systemically through law enforcement and on the political leadership, back to your point, I think is right on. JOHNSON: Yeah. So that, you know, on the point of the military, the military will not get involved in this. And I mean, I think it will, it will have to be utter, complete national catastrophe and chaos, for it even to be, you know, considered because the military is very, very sensitive to overstepping its bounds and seeming like it's playing a role in the election. But two quick points. One, voter intimidation usually happens outside of the polling station in the parking lot, in the driveway to the entrance of the polling location, and not inside the doors, where the ballots are and where people are actually voting. So police can defuse situations that are happening outside of the building. But I think once you get into the building, then that's when the rules become a little stickier. Because again, their presence can sometimes be construed as intimidation or otherwise. But here's the other thing. Police are, their main job is to ensure sort of safety and security for the community. And allowing this violence to happen is in service of no one, to include constituents and poll workers, etc, who want the election to go off well. But here's how COVID may throw a wrinkle in some of this. Police are being called a lot because the folks who are not wearing masks in places where ordinances say you must be masked. And so if you live in a state that says if you're in a public location, you must have a mask on, DC is one, Virginia is another, which means if you're going to vote, you need to be wearing a mask. Someone who says I don't want to wear a mask, because I feel like it's a violation of my constitutional rights or I have a medical condition, police are not getting involved in those kinds of disputes. And so what we don't know is, should someone decline to wear a mask and then be told that they can't exercise their right to vote. What happens then? And that is not a criminal matter, it's not a matter of voter intimidation. But it's in one of those gray areas where the a city or state ordinance or regulation bumps up against the exercise of a state constitutional right, and begins to look like voter intimidation, which is unconstitutional and not permitted. What happens then, and so to the extent in your leadership roles, you're able to close that gap or erase some of that ambiguity. So people, poll workers especially, know how to respond to this particular kind of incident given this current climate and public health issue. That will go a long way to ensuring a smooth process. FASKIANOS: That's a great point. I'm going to follow on with a written question from Nancy Waters, who's the Muskegon County clerk. She says in Michigan, the secretary of state has said no open carry in precincts, but that is not Michigan's law and our local prosecuting attorney has advised our clerks to allow people in with open carry and bring them in to vote as quickly as possible. What should we do? JOHNSON: Yeah. So there are a number of states that are having this issue. I think in Virginia, where I am, this is also being challenged. So we all remember a few weeks ago on cable news every night, we would see the Michigan State House with policemen lined up with masks, and in front of them would be militia folks, you know, folks in hunting gear etc, armed, inside the state capitol demanding an audience with officials for repealing of mask ordinances, etc. Open carry in the statehouse, as was mentioned here, that was permitted. Well, now the governor has said, on Election Day, you can't do that, you can't open carry on government grounds because of fears of voter intimidation. And because they don't want conditions that may descend into violence. And some groups see this as a violation of their second amendment rights. Why is something that's permitted on every other day of the year suddenly not permitted today, because of an election? So all that I know that can be done, there's two things that can be done. One, there are nonprofit groups, groups that are fighting, frankly, on both sides. And whatever side of the argument you fall on, you can support those groups and their legal arguments to have injunctions or stays or whatever so that your viewpoint can be exercised. But the biggest thing is the governor has executive authority in every state. And many times if they declare Election Day, it's something akin not to an emergency, not a natural disaster, but of such importance that emergency powers have to be exercised, then really, the state supreme court is going to have to tell that governor, that is an unapproved, unconstitutional use of your executive power. And I will say, if I am the governor of Michigan, a plot the FBI has uncovered a plot to kidnap me, to harm me, because of the party I belong to, and because of you know, my political leanings and comments. If that isn't an indication that violence might be a problem—I think the FBI rounded up six, seven, or eight people—then she seems to have all the justification in the world to suggest that violence on Election Day might be closer than we like. And that guns in that mix is terrible for everyone. Even if you are a strong proponent of strong Second Amendment protections, you still don't want violence on Election Day to happen. And so, you know, to the extent that the governor's actions create a safer environment for us to participate in our democracy, I think that's good. But really, this is a fight that's going to be left in the next two weeks between executive branch and the judicial branch at the various levels. FASKIANOS: Right. And there's a comment from Michael Radke, who's a councilman in Sterling Heights, Michigan that it wasn't the governor, it was the secretary of state and the attorney general who talked about the open carry, who said no open carry in the precinct. JOHNSON: Right. Right. It was the governor was the subject of the kidnapping plot, but it would have to be a governor's order, I believe, to ban open carry or the carrying of guns on government grounds on Election Day. But that is right, that secretaries of state, they were the ones that were sort of advocating for this and publicizing it. FASKIANOS: Great. Okay, so just wanted to clarify. I'm going to go back to Mayor LaChapelle, who's raised her hand again, so happy to have you come back on and as a follow on comment or a new question. Q: Oh, yeah. Thank you so much for this content, Irina and Dr. Johnson, it’s just spot on what I need to figure out. So as far as calling the results, from what I'm following with all these different ways to vote and just by process, it might not just be at close of the polls you run the report. Do you see— and I'm just trying to figure this out and we're going to put a public statement together about this. So instead of looking at social media and the TV, and projections of polls that from what I understand might be skewed because of all these different ways people are voting. What I take away is that our best source is going back to our secretaries of state? JOHNSON: Yeah, that's a great question. And so if you are a government official, without a doubt, your secretary of state look, frankly, in this election as in previous elections, will be determined by the secretaries of state in the different states. They are the backbone of this election system, and their reports are going to carry lots of weight and their reports are the things that the studios, the media, they all are going to use to sort of make their projections. So I would absolutely stick with their projections or their numbers. And no matter what media says about how divided the country is along partisan lines, which is true, when you get to state and local levels—and you guys know this better than I do—a lot of that goes away. And that division doesn't feel as acute and as immediate as it does when we're watching cable news. And so when secretaries of state across the country are saying we have not yet completed our count, Americans should be should feel good about that response, and not feel like well that secretary of state works for a Republican governor, or this one worked for a Democratic governor and therefore they can't be trusted. In some states they're appointed and other states they're elected. So but Americans shouldn't let that cloud their judgment. But here's the hard part, folks are going to be tuned into Facebook, Twitter, and all of the cable news outlets. Those cable news outlets are going to have panels of eight to ten people, you know, the punditry is going to be out of control pontificating on this or that. My organization along with others have gone to talk to executives at all the broadcast networks, and most of the cable news networks to warn them, do not condition your audience to expect the result before they go to bed. Better yet, conditioned them not to expect a result for a few days. And that way, if you go in with that, your anchors and your guests should also repeat that. And then people will be conditioned to have rational, reasonable expectations of when we might know the outcome. The hard part of this is that cable news goes off of entertainment, the bickering and the debating. And I guarantee you, there will be folks that say I just talked to my buddy at such and such county and this swing state, and he tells me that he's never seen Republican turnout like this before, or she tells me that the Democratic turnout in this usually purple district has been out of control. And so that's going to happen and people are going to tune in to that. But the message must be from the leadership and then from sort of these hosts, that the process should be trusted and that we may not know results for some time. And we're just going to have to educate people to accept that reality and not fall victim to the punditry or declarations from candidates that this thing is over, I won, even when evidence to the contrary is either present or will show up in short order. FASKIANOS: Great, thank you. So we have a couple of written questions. I'll take the first one, and I think you touched on this, but if you could give a little bit more from Christine DiCosimo, she's a district director for Texas State Representative of Briscoe Cain. She says since more people are voting by mail, do you think mail-in ballot fraud will go up? JOHNSON: So it's hard to say, but I think voter fraud isn't the primary concern. I think the primary concern with increased mail-in balloting are incorrectly completed mail-in ballots. And that is far more of an issue than fraud will be. We know this because the states like Washington State, I think Colorado now does mail-in balloting pretty regularly. They have not seen an increase in voter fraud once they introduced mail-in balloting. In fact, they saw an increase in participation by folks who traditionally don't vote, like those under thirty or who are college students. So everything we know about mail-in balloting, even in those places where that's the sole way to vote, suggests that voter fraud does not increase but rather participation by citizens increases. So it's a net good by far. But what we are seeing, every state has different rules around their mail-in balloting. And some states like California, they allow ballot harvesting, which means a person can go around and collect the ballots of people and then they have to sign that I have collected these ballots have not altered them and then they can turn them in. And this means that some boxes that are not set by the state, but that are put in place by the parties are popping up in California, they're marked official but they're not really official. They're basically ballot harvesting boxes. Is there a higher incidence or chance of fraud from ballot harvesting than from official mail-in balloting? All of the data suggests that if there is an increased risk, it's so minute that it's basically zero, it's negligible, and we don't know with coronavirus what new risks that introduces. The bigger risk though is incomplete ballots that are not completed correctly. If you sign in the wrong place, they can be rejected. If the dates are in the wrong place or your name is not legible, it can be rejected. In some states—I think Pennsylvania is another one, I don't mean to pick on Pennsylvania so much—but I think that ballots there, your mail-in ballot has to be in a privacy sleeve between the ballot itself. And then the thing is the envelope you mail it in. And without that privacy sleeve, your ballot isn't counted. And so this is the bigger threat, especially for folks who don't traditionally use mail-in ballots and this is their first time, they may be unfamiliar with doing it correctly. And so the risk of an incorrectly filled ballot at scale is the bigger risk. A few states, California, North Carolina, allow you to track your ballot once you've mailed it in. And then they will tell you whether it was received and successfully recorded or if there was a problem and you need to recast your ballot. And if you decide to recast your ballot, the one they received will be destroyed. And then you'll be sent a new ballot that you can correct the error on and then resubmit it and track it through. The more state and local governments that are doing this tracking, the better it will be to sort of restore faith and integrity in the system to constituents. Even if this cycle it might be too late to do so. FASKIANOS: Let's take a question from Enrique Navarro, who works for a city council member in San Jose, California. Q: Hi, guys. Yeah, my name is Enrique Navarro. I work for Councilmember Johnny Khamis in the city of San Jose, California from the Bay Area, so go Sharks! So you know, the last person I think kind of touched on my question, I don't want to beat a dead horse. But I just wanted to go back, I guess to a broader sense of election security. And there's a lot of discussion about like foreign meddling and whatnot. And any I guess, you know, my question has to deal with, you know, what do you think are the merits of having voter ID? And as it relates also to mail-in balloting, right? Because you can't necessarily check IDs on a mail-in ballot. And then there's also questions of chain of custody, like, you know, somebody who's harvesting,  they don't have to necessarily sign the part like the person receiving the ballot at the other end will never know if it was harvested or not. So that leaves the custody concerns. And in the event that there is obviously voter fraud, like .05%, I think you said. So we know from the example of 2016, how Michigan was won by a factor of like 11,000 votes, we have very, very, very narrow races. And also in California, where we're from, we have like eight competitive house seats that always seemed to get determined, like three weeks after the election. And then there's also concerns that it always goes in one party's particular favor. But anyway, so I was curious, knowing that, what are your thoughts on how all these things contribute to the security of very, very, very narrow, divisive races like voter ID, chain of custody, not knowing who's the authenticator of a mail-in ballot? And then whatever fraud there is, how does that work? JOHNSON: Yeah, it's a hard question. I mean, it's essentially, how do all of the margins, the places where there could be errors, when compounded, how does that affect the outcome of close elections? And we just don't know. We do know that voter fraud doesn't flip elections at scale. Certainly, I mean, if there's a school board race and 150 people vote, maybe. But when it comes to congressional districts and state races, certainly presidential races, fraud just isn't enough to flip. To your question about foreign interference, this is a really important question, especially with Iran and Russia both being cited over the last several days of trying to meddle in the American electoral process. And here's what I’ll say. And look, I did twenty years of cyber stuff in the military before retiring, so I've seen this from both sides. Number one is, take heart in how antiquated our voting system is. Because it's almost impossible for a foreign nation to jump into cyberspace and hack the whole thing. There are voting systems that are less sophisticated than Ms. Pac-Man arcade machines from the 1980s. And so trying to reach that from your laptop in Moscow is extremely difficult. Floppy disks, hard disks are still a thing, physical access, it makes hacking these old machines a little bit harder. But gaining physical access means a whole level of espionage and entry that I don't know is worth the 300 votes collected at a particular high school. So it's almost impossible to hack a presidential election, because the national nature of the election consists of dozens of states and territories, and hundreds of thousands of different precincts collecting votes in different ways, tallying them in different ways, using different systems with different software. And it's just impossible to hack, you know, at scale for sure. The bigger concern is the erosion of Americans’ faith in our political processes and in the election and our democracy itself. We do know from 2016 that the propaganda, the misinformation, disinformation from other nations, did serve to depress the voter turnout with certain communities. And so that impacted more communities than voter fraud ever would. And even that voter, the implementation of voter ID statutes, for example, would deter fraud. I think in places like Detroit, Milwaukee, Black voter participation was down 12%. And we know from data dumps from Cambridge Analytica and other data analytics firms, that Black Americans in those cities in particular were targeted with messages meant to deter them from participating at all, not to try to win them to Clinton’s side or Trump’s side, but to tell them to stay home. And to some extent, coupled with other issues, that worked. And like you said, Michigan was decided by a very close margin. And that had more to do with misinformation, disinformation, and the lack of faith in our systems, than voter ID requirements or protection against fraud. You know, when it comes to ID requirements, some states you don't have to have ID at all, Montana, I think Alaska, and in places like Maine or Vermont prisoners can vote while in prison. In other places, you have to have the correct form of ID in Texas, a gun license is good, but a University of Texas student ID isn't good, even though both are government issue. So I don't know that that means Texas has a more secure election than Montana, or that Florida has a more secure election than Maine or Vermont. But the disparate nature of our voting laws prevents hacking and screwing around with it from having the effect the hacker may intend. But it's harder to comment on —even in close races —whether voter IDs or the chain of custody would result in flipped elections if done in different ways. FASKIANOS: Ted, you this brought up and there was a chat about the FBI coming out yesterday talking about Iran and Russia tampering in our election. And we obviously have more awareness of this now from the 2016 election. So do you think this time around, the Russians or other foreign interference will be effective in depressing the vote? Or do you think that there's enough of an understanding that this happened in 2016, and people are just going to tune it out? JOHNSON: So people are certainly more aware this time around because of 2016, and all the investigations and conversations that have happened. So whereas some might have been caught flat footed in 2016, I think that's less likely to happen in 2020. But I think the game is going to be propaganda in this cycle. And I don't know if people are less susceptible to that propaganda. And, if the mask debate in the United States suggests anything, it is that we are more susceptible to the rhetoric of our leaders and are more willing to push aside what scientists may say, or what the facts may say, what the data may show. And so this is where this is a problem. You know, this tactic is called information warfare in the military business, that's the word for it, it goes back to Sun Tzu, who wrote a whole book about how to trick your enemy into doing the thing you want him to do so that you don't even have to try to compel the person to do the thing by force. And so what information warfare says is that, I don't have to hack your voting machines, I don't have to try to penetrate your electoral system, I will just tell the voter what I want them to do. I will create conditions or make them believe something that isn't true or is an exaggerated truth, so that their response is the is the thing that's favorable to whatever my aims are. This is something that, on our computers, it's the same way. No one's trying to hack into your laptop anymore. What they're trying to do is get you to open an email, and you voluntarily click on a link that grants them access. So the fault wasn't your system, or the antivirus software, the fault was that it was sort of the uncritical nature by which you interrogated this strange email that came into your queue and then gave them access. Similarly, when it comes to our elections, the easiest way to influence elections on the margins is to convince voters to make choices that they wouldn't otherwise make, whether it's to get up and participate or to not participate at all, or to switch their support from one candidate to another. And in 2016, I think that worked on the margins with third party voters, with voters who decided to exit the election, and 2016 was decided by 77,000 voters over three states. And because of how the Electoral College works, and in close elections, it could have an effect. What I think will be different at this time is the increased level of voter participation suggests that people are a little bit more passionate about what's happening, but also that it bodes well for the election, maybe not being as close as 2016 was. And in elections that aren't close, either at the state level or nationally, then these disinformation and propaganda attempts on the margins don't usually have the desired effect. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So we have a chat question from Michael Cady, who is a county supervisor in Vilas County, Wisconsin, who says if the polling places aren't prepared for each and every voter to vote on Election Day, that's a problem, isn't it? JOHNSON: Yes, it is. And usually what happens is, if people are in line and the polling place closes, almost always the judge that is appealed to will say, for those who are in line the polling place has to stay open and they can vote, but no new people can show up. But, if you have not cast your vote by Election Day, I don't think there's much else you can do. In many states, I think over a dozen states, they have same day registration, where even if you're not registered if you can make it to the polling station before it closes, you can register and cast your ballot all at the same time. And those states that don't have it, you can still go and cast a provisional ballot, which will just require that voters follow up with their election officials to prove they are who they say they are, that they are eligible so that their vote will be counted. But if you've not sort of met your locality’s deadline to participate, there's not a whole lot that can be done after that moment. There may be some exceptions by state based on how much coronavirus precautions have impacted the planning that has gone into how late polling stations are open. One example of this I think is in Texas over the summer, they kept a polling station open until like midnight, because they had closed polling stations. And the word hadn't gotten out, you know, in enough time, and lots of people were in line. And they just decided that, you know, we're going to keep it open to people up to midnight, so people in line up to the last person got to cast their ballot. But that will be based on the judge and the precinct and the locality. But writ large, the better approach is to use one of the alternative forms early. I hope that answers the question. FASKIANOS: I think so. But Michael followed up with a chat, saying with the virus going on, they reduced the number of polling places. Is that voter suppression? I mean, the obvious case that comes to mind is in Texas where a lot of the polling places have been reduced. Yeah. So is that voter suppression? JOHNSON: This is hard. Yeah, this is really hard. The civil rights activist Reverend Barber has said that Jim Crow didn't retire. He just went to law school. And now he's James Crow, Esquire. And the point he's making there is that a lot of really explicitly racist ways of depriving people of the right to vote in previous decades, have now been entrenched in law in ways that look very colorblind with universal application, but have a disproportionate impact on certain communities. So here's the hard part about the colorblind nature of voter suppression laws, even though they have a very color conscious impact, is that something like coronavirus allows folks who may be interested in voter suppression to use coronavirus protections as a way of disguising their voter suppression objectives or mission. And so if a state says, we're closing all polling places, and they said that a decade ago, that would no doubt be voter suppression. And a decade ago, many states would have had to go through the Department of Justice to get preclearance to follow through on that order because of the protections in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Today, if they say we're closing it because we don't want to spread coronavirus, it's hard to say no, no, no increase the number of people and places where people can gather and stand for time and interact with one another by trading papers and speaking to one another and not socially distancing. It's hard to say that's voter suppression when you're following all the laws, rules, and regulations that the CDC has put forward and that state and local governments have put forward to keep people safe. So it is not voter suppression to protect your population, your voters from contracting the virus, but people who are interested in voter suppression will no doubt co-opt those public health measures as a way of doing that voter suppression, and the telltale sign is also in Texas. There, they had to close all of the early ballot drop boxes, except for one in each county because of virus concerns. But then when they said, well let's have drive through ballot drop offs, then one of the parties there said, no, no, you can't do that. That's illegal. That's not, you know, prescribed in our voting laws. And so one measure that is supposed to make the population safe is acceptable, because it reduces receptacles. But another way that would keep the population safe by letting them vote from their car is not acceptable, because you know, it's outside of our agreed upon statutory rules. And so the incongruence on responses to a public health crisis will sort of tell you whether or not that new law or regulation that's been put in place was done so to keep people safe, or to shake the electorate in a way that advantages one party or the other. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So we have a question from Kayla Klauer. She's a district staffer for Assembly Member Robert Rivas in California's 30th Assembly District. In states where they do not track mail-in ballots or send notifications to voters who have an error on their ballot, do you think that will increase the risk of votes not being counted due to errors such as signature not being matched? They're seeing a higher rate of vote by mail ballots in this election. So she's curious to know if the vote by mail errors specifically in states that do not offer ballot tracking will have any significant effect on the election results. And she says and thanks very much for this fantastic webinar. JOHNSON: To your question, it is really hard to say because every state does it differently. Even though states that don't allow the online tracking to let you know it was received and recorded successfully, the other states have different ways of acknowledging receipt or not acknowledging at all, you just sort of send it into the void and hope that it counted. Maybe you can check your voter registration to see, you know, if you are recorded as having participated, instead of just being registered to participate, but the real answer is the inconvenient one. And it's that we just don't know how many votes are going to be lost because they were filled out incorrectly, or they were deemed to be improperly completed. And not in terms of accuracy, but in terms of like a signature not matching or something like that and the voter was never notified of that. And I don't know the procedures in each state, so I don't know which states are better at this or which ones are worse. But what could happen is essentially the hanging chad fiasco of 2000, where you had people sort of examining, you know which chad was punched out and which circle is completely filled out or partially filled out in one race or the other one. There's essentially the vote by mail version of that is at risk of happening this time. The good news is in every election, we have these kinds of error rates, again, of the machine not reading a bubble filled out correctly, or a checkmark instead of an x or whatever. And voting by mail doesn't necessarily increase those sort of error margins, it just introduces a new way that errors can occur. And so it remains to be seen whether or not that increases the overall error to a point where an election outcome can be changed. But I think, again, by referencing vote by mail states, we just haven't seen the introduction of new voting methods result in such discrepancies that the voting results are called into question. And that may just be, you know, a dent of luck. And maybe our luck is going to run out this time around, but here again, I would go back to the point from the mayor earlier, that the secretaries of state will be absolutely critical to this question and resolving these issues. So to the extent you can engage with them, figure out the rules for the state, and then apply pressure to ensure it's done correctly, I think you're better served doing that ahead of time and those relationships may bear fruit afterwards. FASKIANOS: So Ted, you talked about the change, the demographic change, with Hispanics and Black Americans and Asian Americans. What about younger voters? JOHNSON: Yeah, so we'll see. Younger voters typically do not turn out, by younger I mean under thirty, do not turn out at the same rate as those voters over forty-five, and that goes for every race and ethnicity in the country. I do think we've seen instances where younger voters are encouraged or are sort of inspired to participate. And that inspiration doesn't endure, but it does arise. And so I do think this cycle, we will see an increase of young voters’ participation in this election over 2016. Some of that will be young voters who tend to be more polarized. And you're thinking like, if they're on the left, they tend to be very hardcore left. And if they're on the right, they tend to be very hardcore there. And this isn't an election to sit out if you're one of those two things because of how distant the two parties are now. I think the radical rhetoric is increasingly agitated. And when young voters are angry, they tend to want to act, where in other communities like Black voters, anger isn't the mobilizing force. It’s actually optimism and inspiration, or a sense that their agency is being discounted, and they want to show that they are equal participants in our democracy by overcoming whatever obstacles arise. But making Black voters angry isn't a way to increase their participation at the polls in the way that is for younger voters. The last thing I'll say on this is in 2008, Obama was able to inspire lots and lots of new voters, young voters, to the polls, and he won the election handily as a result. But in 2012, the under thirty vote dropped by almost 10%, and among Black Americans, I think it was like 9.7% of those under thirty young voters who participated in 2008 not participating in 2012. But it was matched by over forty-five voters improving on their participation even over the rates that we saw in 2008. So 2016 saw a national drop off in participation. My sense is in 2020 there will be a rebound among all segments of the electorate. And I think the young voter portion of the electorate will be one of the most robust sort of rebounds in terms of participation. FASKIANOS: And we've seen that Barack Obama is on the campaign trail now, so he is out and I just watched a clip of him making a very forceful case, which, you know, he's really been very careful about using his voice over the past few years. So it's interesting to see how that will affect the vote. JOHNSON: Yeah, Obama is famous for saying don't boo, vote. And I think a lot of young people are saying, no, we're going to do both. We're going to boo, and we're going to vote. So we're going to protest, we're going to keep calling our senator, we're going to continue marching in the streets and doing all the ways of exerting external pressure on the system, and we're going to register and show up at the polls. And to me, that sounds like a well-functioning democracy. FASKIANOS: Excellent. Well with that, we will leave it there. If there are any last words you want to leave with this group who are working hard in their communities to ensure that everybody is aware and Election Day is calm and civil in the days after as we sit and wait for votes to be counted. JOHNSON: Yeah, very quickly, I think the biggest thing is to tell your constituents to have a plan to vote. With all that we've talked about mail-in balloting and early voting and polling locations and acceptable IDs, the rules for participation are kind of getting complex and a little convoluted. And so to the extent you can lay out exactly everything that the people that live in your area need to do, in order to have their vote counted successfully, do it. And tell people to have that plan to double check their mail-in ballots, if the wait times are long in your precinct, then to you know, be prepared to wait for the hour or two hours, whatever, but have the plan. The second thing is if they run into problems, they tried to cast a vote and someone is denying them or there's voter intimidation or a poll worker won't give them a ballot or whatever. There are a number of resources out there that they can call on the spot. One of them is 1-866-OUR-VOTE. It is a hotline, I think run by the ACLU maybe, but it has chapters around the country lawyers on standby. And they are there waiting in multiple languages also, and they are there waiting to hear voters’ problems to give them advice on what can be done to ensure their votes are counted, to include notifying law enforcement or notifying judges of irregularities, etc. And then the last thing I'll say if you're looking for resources, or data, statistics about anything I've talked about, go to BrennanCenter.org. We've got all the research that talks about voter fraud, that talks about the effects of voter ID, that talks about mail-in balloting and its best practices, and areas for improvement. All of that is empirical research, it's nonpartisan, it's not meant for profit. It's all there just to ensure our systems of democracy are strong and resilient, and freely available to you and your staffs to put to use to make your districts and states and localities better. FASKIANOS: That's great. Just one follow up on that hotline. Michael Cady had written earlier that some places try to estimate how many ballots to order, and sometimes they run out. So if a voter goes to the poll, and they say we have no more ballots, can you call that number? JOHNSON: That's exactly right. Yeah. I'm not sure what happens in that situation, if they like, bus in ballots from another location, or they close that location and send folks to other places. But this number would know exactly what the voters’ rights are in that situation and the responsibilities of the state in that instance. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. So Ted Johnson, thanks very much for today's webinar, you've been fantastic. And to all of you for your great questions. And of course, all the work that you're doing in your communities, I think we all really appreciate it. It's hard, especially with a pandemic layered on all of us. So you can follow Ted on twitter @DrTedJ, I will also circulate the link to this video and transcript as well as the resources from the Brennan Center website so that you can have access to it after the fact. And I hope you know we’re here at CFR are to continuing to support the work that you're doing. So please send any suggestions of topics and speakers to [email protected]. You can also access information on our website CFR.org about voting and of course the pandemic and a whole host of international relations topics. So thank you all again, stay safe and well, and the countdown begins. (END)
  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    Economic Recovery From the Coronavirus Pandemic
    Play
    Sebastian Mallaby, senior fellow for international economics at CFR, and  Brian Sigritz, director of state fiscal studies for the National Association of State Budget Officers (NASBO), discuss the economic status of state and local governments as a result of the coronavirus pandemic and how it affects the standing of the United States in the global economy. FASKIANOS:  It's great to have you join us for today's Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We're delighted to have participants from forty-four states and territories with us today. We thank you for taking the time from your busy schedules to join us for the discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. CFR is also publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. We are delighted to have Sebastian Mallaby and Brian Sigritz with us today. We previously shared their bios with you so I'll just give you a few highlights on their distinguished careers. Sebastian Mallaby is the Paul A. Volcker senior fellow for international economics at CFR. He is a contributing columnist for the Washington Post where he previously served as a staff columnist and editorial board member. He's author of several award-winning books, including The Man Who Knew: The Life and Times of Alan Greenspan. His research covers a wide variety of domestic and international issues, including central banks, financial markets, and the intersection of economics and international relations. Brian Sigritz is the director of state fiscal studies for the National Association of State Budget Officers (NASBO) in Washington, DC. He tracks the fiscal health of states as well as tax revenue trends, transportation, energy and disaster response issues. Previously, he held roles in state and local government in Ohio, including legislative aide in the Ohio senate and house and legislative liaison to the mayor of Dayton. So welcome to both. I'm going to turn the discussion over to Sebastian to have a conversation with Brian and then we'll go to all of you for your questions and comments and to share best practices. So Sebastian, over to you. MALLABY: Thank you, Irina, and thank you to everybody who's joined us on this call. Brian, I want to start just by asking you to give us a bit of the lay of the land. There was a lot of gloomy talk over the summer that state and local finances were really going to be the crunch point in terms of getting a recovery going. Chairman Powell testified in Congress saying that he thought that this could really be an overhang to the recovery, just like it was after 2007 to 2009. But my sense is that there's been slightly better news recently in terms of state tax revenues. So perhaps you could just sort of bring us up to date on how you see this? SIGRITZ:  Sure. I think we can even take a step back further than that. Before this downturn, states were in a relatively strong position. We've seen strong revenue and spending growth the past few years, you know, even fiscal 2020, which most states just completed the end of June, fiscal 2020. Before the downturn, most states were still seeing revenues come in above projections. Rainy day funds were at an all-time high record level. So states were in pretty, you know, good fiscal condition, fiscal shape. It took a long time from the Great Recession for states to fully recover to the positions where they were before. And actually, state revenues, if you adjust for inflation didn't get back to pre-recession levels until fiscal year 2018. So it shows you how long it can sometimes takes days to recover, especially after a significant downturn which the Great Recession obviously was. So then when the pandemic hit when states started to see the impact around March or so, states started doing the shut downs. Different states were impacted differently and to different degrees, although all states were being impacted. Some of the variation was based upon their tax structures if they're more reliant on sales taxes or personal income taxes. Oftentimes we see a decline in sales taxes show up before we see the declines in personal income tax. It’s just the way that income taxes are reported and not reported as often as sales taxes are. Looking at states economies, the hospitality and tourism states are impacted significantly your Floridas, your Hawaiis, Nevada, states like that. Yes, the oil producing states are dealing both with decline in oil prices along with that downturn in the economy overall. So states like Alaska, Oklahoma, New Mexico, some states like that, the manufacturing states were hit pretty significantly. Manufacturing, we've seen a slowdown. Manufacturing is obviously not one of those industries that’s easy to do from home. So but we now see a little bit of an uptick in the manufacturing side. So we're seeing all states being impacted. But, you know, I think there's definitely a lag. And we're still dealing with some of the lags and seeing the impact and revenue collections for states. We have seen some slowdowns, but perhaps not as significant as what people were assuming in March or April. I think there's several different reasons for that.  One is because of the stimulus measures that were passed by Congress and signed by the president that have helped to prop up the economy. You know, things like business loans, additional unemployment assistance, some of those measures have helped prop up consumer spending. And some businesses haven't seen the impact that they would have without those stimulus measures. So the decline in states’ revenues are so closely aligned with the national economy. And you know, we haven't seen the full impact yet. But moving forward, we are expecting to see more declines in revenues, and we're expecting fiscal 2021 to be worse than fiscal 2020 was for states. MALLABY: Brian, to sum it up. I mean, if we looked at the emergency fund level, across the states, and compared that to the expected deficits, how many more proportionally the states are going to really run out of emergency funds, and have to cut? SIGRITZ: Yeah. States’ rainy day fund levels, although they're at record highs, won't be enough to fully cover the revenue shortfalls, which means states will have to turn to other actions, including budget cuts, personnel actions, which they already have. MALLABY:  Will this pinch next year, or when do you project that it will hit? SIGRITZ:  Yeah, we're already seeing what we saw last year in fiscal 2020. We're still seeing it in fiscal 2021. We're expecting more states to have to make mid-year budget cuts as we progress through this year. You know, during the last downturn, we saw thirty-five to forty states make mid-year budget cuts, you know, so it's likely that we could potentially see a number that high again.  This is going to depend on, you know, what happens at the national economy. If there is a second wave, the outbreak gets worse. And also what happens at the federal level, if there's additional aid to states, it will lessen the need for spending cuts, although we still expect the states have to make spending reductions even with additional federal aid. MALLABY: You must be following that political question about the likelihood of additional aid to states. Is that your sense that if that's going to come, it will be after the election? SIGRITZ: If you would ask me that a week or so ago, I probably would have said yes. Now, it seems like there's some chance once again, that Congress might act here in the next week or so. Speaker Pelosi and the House Democrats just released a new proposal, just yesterday, where it's less than what their original proposal was, but still well above what the Senate has been discussing. It seems like the president’s administration is looking at level a little bit above what the Senate is looking at. But still, you know, less than what the House is looking at. So there's still only, you know, quite a bit of ground that make up, but, you know, there might be, you know, some political pressures and moderates, you know. And in both parties there has been some discussion once again, especially the past few days about the possibility of, you know, another stimulus package, which would hopefully include additional aid to states and localities. MALLABY: And if you were to divide the country, a bit crudely into red states and blue states, in terms of who controls the governor's mansion and also the state legislature. Would you say this is an economic hit that has been bipartisan? Has it hit blue states more than red states? SIGRITZ: Um, no, I mean, it's definitely hit states in different ways and different magnitudes. But you know, Florida as I mentioned, really saw it with their sales tax, you know, dependence. I saw it with the decline and hospitality tourism. Texas has been impacted as well, and of course New York. You know, blue state, but, you know, with almost full closure of New York City in New York was significantly impacted. But some of the states in the middle part of the country probably see a little bit less of declines in some instances. But, you know, even though most instances seen decline. MALLABY: What would be an example of a state that was relatively not so much hit? SIGRITZ: Yeah, I'd say some of the, you know, agricultural states, your states like Nebraska or Utah, some states in that kind of that area of the country that typically don't see much revenue volatility in the first place. Some states, just because of the way their economy is structured, don't get the high increases in revenue in the good times, but they don't see it's larger than the declines in the bad times. A state like California, say, relies so heavily on high-income earners and capital gains during the good times. They see significant increases in revenues, but during recession, they can see sharper revenue declines. So there's a lot of states kind of in the middle part of the country, which don't see that level of volatility. MALLABY: I read somewhere, and you'll correct me if I'm wrong, but I read that the total layoffs at the state and local level already exceeds 1 million workers, 6% of the workforce. It's more than it was in the five years after the great financial crash. So that feels like a lot. And there is this irony isn't there? Precisely the time when the Fed has cut interest rates to pretty much nothing, and it's super cheap to borrow money to do infrastructure investments, the states and the cities are having trouble seizing that opportunity to borrow the money to stimulate. And you know, if one was to look at it, from outside the U.S., I mean, I'm speaking here as a both British and American working for CFR, but right now speaking to you from London. It is an irony that the U.S. has this advantage of the world's reserve currency, and the ability to borrow and the ability to cut interest rates as much as it has. And yet, it's not making the most of that source of potential power by using this moment to do infrastructure, which would be both a stimulus for the economy when we need it and also something you could afford, because of low interest rates. SIGRITZ: Yes, I mean, we've seen a few states that were doing ongoing spending for infrastructure projects, and now discussing shifting over and borrowing for them. Instead, we sometimes see that during a downturn where states will borrow more from infrastructure than they typically would, but we haven't seen a large uptick in new debt issuances so far for infrastructure, real expansion of that. And even during the Great Recession when  in the years following it, when the interest rates were low, there is still a hesitancy at the state level to take on additional debt. Even you know, in a lot of ways probably would have been favorable, with rates being so low. So, we'll see what happens moving forward, we've seen a lot of refinancing, states taking advantage of the low rates in that regard, but as far as their proposals for large new infrastructure spending, we haven't seen that yet. And part of the reason is, it does take a while for infrastructure spending to ramp up. There's other ways to stimulate the economy that have a more immediate impact than infrastructure spending, even though long term it can be very beneficial. MALLABY: So Brian, and I could ask you more questions, but I'm conscious that a lot of people have called in to listen, and I'm sure they've got questions. And so I'm going to hand it back to Irina, who can moderate that Q&A. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. So let's go now to all of you if you want to raise your hand by clicking on the participants tab at the bottom of your screen, or if you're on an tablet, click on the “More: button and raise your hand there. You can also write your question in the Q&A box. Jill Oberlander, a selectman from Fairfield, Connecticut, wrote a question asking if you could talk about the additional costs borne by hospital systems and whether the Medicare/Medicaid budgets will be supplemented by the federal government to cover these additional costs and loss of revenue from fewer elective procedures. SIGRITZ: Yes, so as far as Medicaid at the state level, we have seen an increase so far on the F map, which is the federal Medicaid funds going down. The states were basically increasing the amount that the federal government pays for Medicaid. Medicaid costs are split between the states and the federal government. So as of now, the federal government is picking up and increasing the share of what they normally would pay.  That is set to expire whenever the public health emergency at the national level is declared over. So there's some uncertainty right now for states when that might be. It makes it kind of difficult to plan on how much longer they're going to gain the additional Medicaid. As far as the CARES Act funds, which was the large stimulus bill providing 150 billion to states and localities. Some of those funds have been used to help deal with the public health emergency providing additional funds to hospitals and other things. But,  moving forward here remains a concern. States and, you know, the country is also responding to the pandemic, but  as states balance their budgets moving forward, you really have to go where the money is, in four states, the money is in the areas of education and health care, infrastructure and corrections. So, you know, it is likely that if additional federal aid isn't provided, we will see cuts in those areas, including in Medicaid. FASKIANOS: Okay, I'm going to go to Jackie Manz. And please say who you are in what seat you're, you represent or where you live. Q: Thank you. My name is Jackie Manz. I live in the city of Lake Oswego. I'm council president, City of Lake Oswego. As everyone is well aware, in Oregon, as up and down the West Coast, we are experiencing A fire season beyond any belief that we would have had even ten years ago. How do we look at that, from a budgetary standpoint, from help from the federal government with all of your respective crystal balls? And what should we be looking at locally, statewide, region wide in order to address what will probably be an ongoing problem? Thank you. SIGRITZ: Sure, as with any disaster, the response is a combination of federal, state and local. The federal government's role is largely dependent on if it’s declared a national disaster, a disaster declaration. You know, that's the most typical way that additional federal aid is provided. Sometimes it can be separate appropriation bills. And, states and localities will pick up the remaining share, depending on how much of the role the federal government's going to be playing. Yeah, I think a lot is dependent on how much there's a disaster declaration and how much the federal government is going to be providing. FEMA has already been involved in responding to the pandemic overall. So, there's a question of how much funding FEMA has available for responding to some different natural disasters, and there needs to be another appropriation from Congress to provide more funds for FEMA. There's another hurricane, the wildfires are already very significant. So they're responding to the costs, there's a possibility that there might need to be additional FEMA funding provided here moving forward. So, I think it remains to be seen, how it's going to play out with who picks up what percentage of the cost and how, from a budgetary side, the different levels of government respond to the fires that have taken place. FASKIANOS: Great. I'm going to take a written question from Jess Edwards, state representative from the New Hampshire House. Are you aware of any states that have recently raised their income or business taxes have achieved their expected revenue or attracted new people or businesses to move to their states? SIGRITZ: Yes, so far. Since the downturn, we haven't really seen too much in tax increases especially broad tax increases. We've started to see some discussion of it now. And you know, we'll probably see more of it next year. Typically increasing taxes isn’t a first response for states during a downturn, they initially look more towards cutting spending, personnel actions, using rainy day funds, in some instances, and then might turn to tax increases later on to ensure that their budget remains in balance. So, yeah, we now have started to see some discussion of things like increasing millionaires taxes in some states. But so far most of it, the action we have seen has been things like efforts to try to expand sales tax base somewhere or increase, start taxing vaping products, that sort of thing. We really haven't seen broad based tax increases. FASKIANOS: I think this one might be for you, Sebastian, it's anonymous. But what about the massive amount of money printing and central banks putting those dollars into the market? It seems like the market is not a good reflection of Main Street with business laws, how do we gauge or predict the economic future and revenue flows? MALLABY: Well, that's a great question. I mean, I wrote a piece in Foreign Affairs this year, called “The Age of Magic Money.” And it was kind of about this post-COVID crisis response to the Federal Reserve, to create enormous amounts of money, and then basically lend it to the government. So the government gets to spend it. That's the federal government. Of course, the thing which would normally have disciplined the central bank, and prevented the Fed from doing that, would have been the fear of inflation. And the weird thing is that inflation across the world, not just in the U.S., has been extraordinarily low. And so without that fear of inflation, it's been possible to create enormous amounts of money, that money shows up, first of all, in asset prices, with the bond market and the stock market, have been very resilient, as you know, through this crisis. And it doesn't necessarily filter through into, you know, job creation in the real economy quite so visibly, although it's a net positive. So what I would say is that, yes, the Fed’s policies do create a big gap between Main Street and Wall Street, between the financial economy and the real economy. The real economy is still somewhat better off because there is a stimulus that filters through. And the whole game is dangerous. Only if we get inflation. Until there is inflation, the Fed can sort of do this and get away with it, as it did after 2008 people expected lots of inflation when the Fed went to quantitative easing for the first time, it did not materialize. Unless it does materialize, I think the Fed is doing the right thing. FASKIANOS: Great, and I'm going to take the next question from Gary Scarpello, Commissioner of Upper Dublin Township in Pennsylvania. Do you see an economic crash or slow down coming as reported in some of the media? If so, what do you see? How do you see that will impact local government? So probably both could answer that one. SIGRITZ: Yeah. You know, I can't speak as much about municipalities at NASBO where we cover state specifically, but I think a lot will depend on what happens if there's more of an outbreak or what plays out with the national economy as a whole. I mean, speaking specifically about states, we do expect another several years of tough decisions for states and looking at painful cuts. We typically see a lag after a recession ends, where states are still making cuts for a number of years after the end of a national downturn. And we expect that to take place again this time around. The cuts become more difficult as you move forward too, if you've already made spending reductions and then you're cutting from a lower base, that becomes more difficult. So, moving forward here, we're expecting states that are continuing to have to look at actions like spending cuts, the possibility of raising taxes, using the rainy day funds, and I think a similar picture will play out at the local level. Locals rely on different revenue streams than states and in a lot of instances they rely more heavily on property taxes. So there are some variations but definitely during the Great Recession, localities are hit as hard if not harder than states. So I think you'll see a lot of a lot of tough years for localities to move forward here as well. FASKIANOS: Let's go to Fonda Brewer as she's raised her hand, if you please unmute yourself. Tell us who you are. That would be great. Q: Hi, hello, can you hear me? My name is Fonda Brewer, and I’m in Lansing, Michigan, and I am a Delta Township trustee. But my question is, do you see any federal funding or resources to support the current Diversity, Equity and Inclusion needs around the states, especially when it relates to maybe re envisioning policing, or with inequities in health care and homelessness and judicial area? Any special funding? Do you see coming to the states to help with some of these issues? Thank you. SIGRITZ: I'm not aware of funding at the federal level targeted specifically for that. At the state level it definitely varies by states, but I have seen different states take up various police reform commissions and other efforts, kind of along the lines of what you’d discussed. Some legislators are still debating those sort of issues. So we have seen action at the state level, regarding that, you know, how much funding is provided. And, it's going to be a different question, versus others changes they're examining, police practices and that sort of thing, but not at the federal level. I'm not aware, there may be efforts that I'm not aware of. Additional federal aid is provided to states in if there's more flexibility as far as what states can spend it on, you might be able to see states put more money into that. In the CARES Act states were required to only use the funding, states and localities both are required the only use of funding, specifically to respond to the pandemic and the public health emergency. So there wasn't a lot of flexibility as far as what they can use it for, for other purposes. But, there's a chance that additional aid may be more flexible than what we saw in the CARES Act. FASKIANOS: Okay, let's go to a written question from Karen Welch. What is the likelihood of a significant infrastructure-funding bill in the future? And from Keith Kang: Are you expecting a  K-shaped recovery? SIGRITZ: I'll take the infrastructure one, and there's Sebastian can respond to the second if he wants to. Honestly, I think the chances aren't the best right now. I mean, for a number of years it seemed like there might be an appetite for another infrastructure bill with both Republicans and Democrats talking about the importance of infrastructure. The president himself talked about the need for additional spending for infrastructure, but yet, we haven't seen any action in that regard. Right now they're looking at renewing the bill that supports the highway trust funds spending, I think. Last I heard they're looking more for a short term extension. So I don't think the outlook before the elections is good for any broad infrastructure package. Possibility after the election and after things hopefully settle down some. But now, before the election, I don't see any kind of major infrastructure package. MALLABY: On the shape of the recovery, and I just say that, you know, the beginning there was hope of a V-shaped recovery, where you go down really fast, but you come up really fast as well. I think that was predicated on a sense that, you know, COVID would be much less long lasting than it's turned out to be. And then there was the Nike swoosh theory: so you go down fast, but then you come up gradually, gradually, gradually, and then maybe around the time when production gets back to 90% of what it was, you sort of get stuck there for a bit. Because even if the government isn't forcibly telling people to stay at home, there were certain activities like going on cruises or certain vacations or going to movie theaters that people just aren't going to do because they're worried. Until there is a vaccine, you only have a 90% recovery. So that was sort of the Nike swoosh thing. I think the letter that I'm hearing more about than K is W. Right? So you go down, you go up a bit, but not all the way. And then a second wave hits and you're down again. Then maybe there's a vaccine, and hopefully we're up on the last leg of that W. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Alright, so I've got two questions. Let's see, from Counselor Randy Lauer in the Portland, Oregon metropolitan region talking about that, you know, they're dealing with economic devastation from the pandemic, stemming from the shutdown in the economy. Many long-standing businesses have shuttered for good because of this tragedy. So can you talk about the reasoning behind why in some states are more stringent and others are more visibly loose with the regulations? Why these are drawn around whether the state is blue or red? The city of Troutdale, where I'm elected is 16 miles east of Portland, and yet I have family in Utah where they are just amazed how shut down our economy actually is. And then sort of a follow up on that is, do you either of you foresee a similar shutdown for the upcoming flu season? And that's from Counselor Randy Lauer. SIGRITZ: Um, yeah, I’ll try to take that question as best I can. You know, I think there's a lot of different factors that went into play with deciding about the shutdown in terms of level of strictness. Obviously there are clinical decisions that are being made, based upon how bad the pandemic was, in those particular areas. You know, what we have seen for sure is, there's been different ways in different states have been impacted different times like, New York and Washington State were obviously impacted very early on, and we started to see more outbreaks in the South. And then, as that happens, new restrictions taking place. Right now, it seems to be that the Midwest has become a little bit more of a hot spot in some areas of the country where we hadn't seen as much are now starting to see an uptick. So there've been variations among states as far as when they've seen more significant outbreaks, and I think those largely impact what states have been doing as far as issuing the different guidelines and restrictions on whether businesses should be open or closed, and I’ve forgotten the second question. FASKIANOS: I've got down, similar shut down during the flu season? SIGRITZ: I mean, I can't say too much on that. I think overall, there's been some discussion and it’s going to be difficult to tell in some instances if it's the flu or if it's coronavirus, based on the symptoms and concerns. And as we move into the winter months and people are indoors, there may be more of an outbreak. So, if there is more of an outbreak I do you think it could lead to some stricter rules once again, and possibly in areas that had previously loosened restrictions. MALLABY: Clearly, we have the flu season every year, and we don't lock down every year. So I think if there is more lockdown to come, it's really COVID. COVID may be exacerbated by interactions with the flu. If you've got both at the same time, that's going to be particularly bad. Flu obviously can depress your immune system, so you're less in a good state to resist COVID. So there is an interaction between the driver of a potential second wave of lockdowns is a second wave of Coronavirus. FASKIANOS: I'm going to go to Dennis Patterson next, he raised his hand and he also wrote a question. So you can ask it yourself. Please unmute yourself. Q: Hello, this is State Representative David Michel with my good friend Denis Patterson, who is a board of reps member in Stanford. My question is, it's a comment mixed with a question, is we know we're going to need to create jobs. And we've got into bids with the offshore wind. However, if we if we let the developers pick the techniques, we could produce as low as I think it's 28 times less the amount of jobs here while they would be creating more jobs in Europe. And although I have a French accent, my home is here and I really dream of, I really hope that a lot of people in the business community understand that we still have a choice, we have a small window of opportunity. But pressure needs to be made to push for the developers to adopt the technique that would not only be really protective of the marine ecosystem, but also create 30 times the amount of jobs. I think it's important that the business community knows that labor is obviously looking for jobs. So it's, we have an opportunity there that would actually fit in the description of what a Green New Deal is. So I just wondered if you've heard through the business community about this potential with the offshore wind, I know that they're talking about the jobs they're creating by using mono-piles. But by doing concrete gravity base, we could up the number of jobs, I think, more precisely by 20 times the amount of jobs, and that's coming from industry and environmental lawyers and other people from Europe. They've given me those figures. Thank you. SIGRITZ: The particular proposal, what you described specifically, I'm not familiar with. You know, I would say that, before the outbreak, we were seeing increased interest at the state level, as far as issues concerning climate change and clean energy. And in a lot of instances, it was both blue and red states. We also do some readings of the State of the State speeches. And a lot of the State of State speeches were done this year before the outbreak of coronavirus in the U.S. So, we've heard governors emphasizing the need to expand clean energy and address climate change and various different proposals. So, yeah, I don't think this is an issue that's going away at the state level. And in some instances, it may even get placed on the back burner. In some other instances, as we're looking to recover the economy, it might be that some of these different efforts like one you're describing may be something that states look at more than they have in the past. MALLABY: I think the question does point to the complexity of a Green New Deal, you know, is the new deal about being the New Deal? Or is it about being green? And sometimes those two things are not the same, you might achieve a lot of environmental progress with one type of project, but then achieve more employment by a different type of project. And I think part of the challenge for people who design these projects, is precisely to clarify that choice. I think Green New Deal is a politically appealing term, because it sort of avoids the conflict between the two. But when you actually get down to doing programs, you have to make choices. And you have to choose how much you're trying to be green, and how much you're trying to create jobs. Q: Right. I mean, in our case, the ratepayers would pay maybe an additional 1%. So when you talk about seven cents a kilowatt, it's really just at the beginning, and then you create this huge infrastructure, and we could be in the Northeast, leading the leaders in offshore wind, and now would be with the pressures of creating jobs would be, I think, a great opportunity. And solar, for example, we have a special session tomorrow. And we keep asking leadership, can we put in something about a solar energy bill, and we know that if we just put a small amendment with no fiscal note to the state, we could be creating, helping creating 500 jobs. I mean, you know, we have to create jobs and where we have these, we have created this area where we have opportunities right now, without politicizing, just creating the jobs and doing what's right for the state. And then as well as at the same time for the environment. Thank you very much, by the way, thank you for organizing this. It's great. FASKIANOS: Thank you, just to continue on that track, Charles Knutson asked, what countries or states have already done an effective job at economic stimulus to rebuild from COVID-19 while simultaneously tackling climate change? That's a big one. MALLABY: Maybe I could just make a general framing point here, which is that, you know, doing something about green infrastructure and tackling climate change, that is a long process. And we're talking, you know, at least five years more like ten years, and to really see, you know, big changes in the energy mix. As a result of investments in research, these things take a long time to design and then to roll out and then you have to not only build them, but sort of get them distributed into the way people live and the choices that they make. And it's not an instantaneous thing. Whereas coronavirus, I hope, is something where, you know, there'll be some sort of vaccine in the first quarter of 2021. The first wave of those vaccines will not be at all 100% effective, and there'll be plenty of people who don't want to take the vaccine. So I'm not minimizing the difficulty to the rollout, but you know, I see coronavirus as a big, big problem for, let’s say, the next twelve months, whereas I see the climate challenge as something that I think about over ten years. And so I think that this is a mismatch between seeing green investments as the best solution to COVID. FASKIANOS: Okay, so we have several questions about restructuring local or state debts. A city council person in Marin, California said they've had some success, restructuring pension debt with pension obligation bonds. Somebody else has said: do you have any tips on balancing our budgets in small cities? Like mine, who are struggling with this? And I think I'll stop. I'll give just those two together. SIGRITZ: As far as the pension side, pension obligation bonds, Kansas, I believe, did that a year or so ago. You know, overall, we've seen a tremendous amount of pension reforms in states since the Great Recession. And, forty-five or so states have done various different reforms, including increasing employee retirement ages, changing COLAs, increasing employer contributions, increasing employee contributions. In some instances, the changes that the states have made may only apply to new hires, either based upon decisions that the legislature and the governors made or because of different legal restrictions that made it difficult to go back and change the rules for current employees. So, overall states continue to face pension underfunding issues. It's kind of three different levels. I'd say for states, there's four or five states where it's a very significant issue. There's a majority of states that are facing some pension underfunding. But it's not as significant as it was for those four or five states. And then there's also a handful of states that are in pretty good shape as far as pensions. But you know, as far as coronavirus, I think the thinking was initially that you will probably see more stock market declines, which would negatively impact pension funding. Although, the stock markets that went down earlier this year had recovered, I believe, all of its losses, but now it's down a little bit. Someone can correct me if I'm wrong on that. A lot of states still ended this past fiscal year okay, as far as meeting the expected rate of returns for pensions moving forward here. If the stock market takes another nosedive, that would impact pension funding moving forward, so as long as pension underfunding is an issue states continue to look at, they're going to have to continue to address it. FASKIANOS: Okay, so, two questions, what lessons can we learn from the 2008 financial crisis to help manage potential budget cuts, while also working to ensure a relatively speedy recovery? And what more can/should the Federal Reserve do to help local and state governments beyond the MLF (Municipal Liquidity Facility)? Is there a way you can see them doing so without congressional approval? I think you maybe Brian, you could take the first one. And Sebastian, you could do the second one about the Federal Reserve? SIGRITZ: Sure, yeah. So, on our website, www.nasbo.org, we have a report: lessons learned from the economic downturn, I believe it was. And that interviewed state budget directors after the Great Recession. I believe it came out in 2013. And we have some various information on there about how states handled spending cuts during the downturn. When to use rainy day funds. You know, a lot of instances we saw states not use a rainy day funds up initially. Turn to spending cuts and use rainy day funds after they’d already taken other actions to kind of make sure the budget remains in balance. So, a lot of different helpful tips in ways that states handled it during the Great Recession, and thinks about ways that they might have handled it differently. And I think a lot of those lessons learned from the Great Recession will be relevant here moving forward. Yeah, as far as the MLF just real quick, Sebastian might go into more detail, but we haven't seen too many states express interest yet at the state level, it's only been a handful. But, you know, some states have had the ability. It seems to be states that have some of the lower credit ratings, those have been the ones that have shown more appetite for it. Versus some of the states have higher credit ratings where they haven't found the terms to be that favorable, or seen the need to turn to  the MLF. MALLABY: Yeah, well, the MLF or the municipal liquidity facility is offering, you know, $500 billion worth of purchases of local debt, basically. And by buying that debt, the Fed obviously will increase the borrowing capacity of local governments and state governments. And to me, the parallel here is that, after 2008, the Fed was aggressive in creating money through quantitative easing. But the federal government was not so eager to use that Fed window, to increase the national debt and increase the budget deficit. So there was a period of fiscal stimulus with the 2009 stimulus package at the beginning of the Obama administration. But then that was not sustained. So as you look at the recovery, which was a gradual and painful one, from the financial crisis, the burden was borne by central bank action, as opposed to by a mixture of central bank action and federal government willingness to run a budget deficit. And, you know, Brian knows the details of the state level finances better than I do. But my sense is that when the states do not take up this invitation from the Fed, to, you know, use the MLF, therefore, to be able to spend more locally, by using the Fed’s invitation, we're kind of running a repeat of the mistake in 2010-2011. In these kinds of times, when you've got a huge external shock, on demand, and you need to create jobs, you need to keep businesses from going under because they'll be good businesses once COVID has gone, but they have to survive through the next year. Now is the time I think, to say, you know, we can afford to do stimulus, we can afford to have the Fed buy state and local bonds and use that window of opportunity for state and local governments to refinance their debt. And spend more. And it’s too bad that there is a reluctance to grab that opportunity. SIGRITZ: And real quick, at the state level, we have found too with some states, concerns about how borrowing from the MLF might tie in with some of the laws already on the books as far as barring restrictions, long term debt, you know, being required to be gone, for not ongoing spending. And, you know, how that’s to be repaid. So there's some hesitancy, I think, at the state level, for some states, how the MLF kind of coincides with laws already on the books at the state level as far as borrowing restrictions. FASKIANOS: So Sebastian, I'm going to give you a chance to respond to somebody who wrote a response to your response on climate change, saying that putting the issue of climate change on the back burner is not the way forward and time will confirm this. So I wanted to give you an opportunity to respond, and clarify your point. MALLABY: Yes, yes. Thank you. Well, so clarify is right, because I don't disagree with that. I'm all for prioritizing a green infrastructure push. I'm just saying that's not necessarily the right tool to think about when you're looking at an economic downturn, which is probably going to last another twelve months maximum. So, you know, by all means, go for green stimulus. We need it for climate change reasons. And some of the stimulus, if you're doing it for green technology, or green infrastructure, probably will be spent in time to help in stimulating the economy over the next six to twelve months when we're worrying about COVID. But we should just bear in mind that much of the job creation from this green stimulus, and much of the extra spending will take place beyond the envelope of one year. That's all I'm saying. So we may need additional other shorter-term stimulus actions to counteract the downturn that we've got immediately. FASKIANOS: Great, thank you. So we had a question from State Senator Larry Crowder in Colorado, about the additional federal funding, not in sight, what would be the impact on the nation when this funding exceeds the GNP? Would at this point, would at this point, create inflation and make the situation worse? And then there's another question on that point. Would you speak to the consequences of the historic drop in the GDP? So I'll pair those two.   MALLABY: I would say that, you know, at a time when unemployment has been pushed up as a result of COVID, therefore, households’ confidence and spending is weakened. At a time also, when businesses have been hit by COVID, therefore, business spending and business investment are weaker. And you do need the public sector to spend more to offset that fall in private demand. And the way you get inflation is too much money chasing too few goods, and there isn't going to be too much money doing the chasing if the private part of the economy is kind of, you know, hiding his head under the nearest bush. So, this is something which is a fair debate, different economists have different views, my feeling is that there is no immediate risk of inflation. And that furthermore, if inflation did start to rise above the 2% target, the Fed has already said it would tolerate that for a bit. But I'm sure that if it was to carry on, the Fed would reverse course, it would rein in the stimulus, and it would be able to control the inflation. The worry is that the reining-in would cause the Fed to raise interest rates. That's how the Fed will do it. And with higher interest rates, the very large national debt becomes more expensive to service. And so I think, you know, we have to balance risks here. To my mind, the greater risk is a deeper depression, because we don't stimulate rather than worrying about a big outbreak of inflation, which is a hypothetical. FASKIANOS: Brian, anything to add before we go on? SIGRITZ: No. I don’t think so. FASKIANOS: Okay, I've got two from Senator John Michael Montgomery. Are states and subdivisions again enhancing future deposits to rainy day funds as the lesson learned, or is it more prevalent to focus on the sort of tax increases? And from Mary Perkins Williams in North Carolina, when many department stores are visited, one finds the shelves are skimpy. Will goods and services return from overseas? Or, will the United States bring consumer products back to the United States? SIGRITZ: As far as the rainy day fund issue, you know, right now isn't the time where we'd be expecting to see states increasing the size of their rainy day funds. Right now, we're expecting states to be turning to the rainy day funds. We saw that during the Great Recession where states used the rainy day funds as you would expect. You expect the building-up during the good times and drawing-down during the bad times. And I will say that, yeah, I do think it was a lesson learned during the Great Recession, where if you look at states’ overall state rainy day fund levels, this year before the pandemic, were well above what they were going into the Great Recession. So states have made a concentrated effort, especially in the past year or so with additional revenue, to put more into rainy day funds. And we've also seen a number of still two or three states that didn't have rainy day funds up to a couple of years ago. Now, all states at least have some form of rainy day funds. So it is something that states have been prioritizing more. But you know, in the next year or two, I wouldn’t expect to see states depositing too much more into the rainy day fund. Maybe there will be some exceptions, but once the states come out of this, they will once again work to rebuild the rainy day fund levels to what they were before. MALLABY: And I think we should just underscore here that, you know, Brian in his very subtle way, has delivered a big pat on the back to everybody on the call, right? You're saying that rainy day funds were in fact built up as they should have been before COVID. That's a big achievement. So kudos.   FASKIANOS: Wonderful. All right. So let's see. What kind of impact will be on the service community who normally make revenue to survive through winter with capacity kind of 50% or so will they survive through winter? Or is winter when the impact really hits? And that's from Jason Chappell in Transylvania County in North Carolina. He's a county commissioner. SIGRITZ: Um, yeah, no special assignment. But definitely, I think, you've seen more of an impact on certain segments of the workforce than others, and the services industry has been one area that has been significantly impacted. I would expect to see that moving forward here. As we go through the winter months, unfortunately, I don't think that is something that’s going to change. You know, I think that's part of the reason we'll have to see what happens on the federal level as far as if another stimulus package is passed, that would include enhanced unemployment benefits, and some of the other measures that might help people in some of those areas of the workforce. FASKIANOS: So I'm going to take the final question. And there are so many questions in the chat box, and in the Q&A box, and raised hands, and I'm sorry that we couldn't get to you all. We're going to just have to continue exploring this subject in future webinars. The final one comes from Steve Tulowitzki, town councilman of Munster, Indiana, and he writes, economist Paul Romer said that a crisis is a terrible thing to waste. What perhaps counterintuitive, or once in a lifetime opportunities might we be on the lookout for to improve our communities during this crisis? So Brian, why don't we start with you and Sebastian, I would like your thoughts as well.   SIGRITZ: Sure, I think after the Great Recession, what we saw was a number of different reform commissions and streamlining commissions looking at new ways of doing things out of necessity. So I think you'll continue to see and, you know, kind of reevaluating how state governments operate, ways that they might be able to reduce spending. Of course, this question of how permanent is the shift, people teleworking more, how that will impact states moving forward, there’s been some discussion if states will need less physical buildings. There is the counter that people will need more office space, you won't be able to do the cubicles or the hoteling. And some things, I think there's some debate that states will be able to reduce their physical footprint. But yeah, I would expect to see some new ways of going about running state government and new programs and new initiatives and coming out of this. MALLABY: My answer, Irina, is not really about economics, or politics. And it's actually that I think that the learning that comes out of COVID is more psychological, maybe even spiritual. And, you know, I think we're all being put in a position where we think about mortality more. We value people who work in service, whether it's in medical services or in social services, because we're more aware of human suffering. We may be spending more time with our families than we would have done. We don't travel. We’re locked down at home some of the time and therefore, compelled to interact together more. This is sometimes challenging if your child is seven and would normally be at school, as Irina was saying before we got on this call. But there's also an upside, right, in in how we all relate to each other. So I would offer that as the learning opportunity. Even though Paul Romer is an economist, I think he would recognize that type of answer too. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Well thank you both very much for taking the time to being with us and for all of you for your great, great questions and comments. And again, I'm sorry that there are so many still raised hands and unanswered questions, but we will try to address them in weeks to come. So again, you can follow Brian at the National Association of State Budget Officers on Twitter @nasbo and Sebastian @scmallaby. And we will send out the link to this webinar and transcript after the fact as well as some other resources so that you can all review it and share with your colleagues. And please do send us an email to [email protected] if there are other subjects you want us to explore in the coming weeks, anything we can do to support the important work that you are doing. So thank you all for what you're doing on the frontlines in your communities and stay well and be safe. [END]    
  • Public Health Threats and Pandemics
    COVID-19 Update With Dr. Tom Frieden
    Play
    Dr. Tom Frieden, senior fellow for global health at CFR and former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), provides an assessment of the current status of the COVID-19 pandemic and the progress made on vaccine development. FASKIANOS: Thank you Maureen, and good afternoon. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations’ State and Local Officials Webinar. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach at the Council on Foreign Relations. We're delighted to have participants from forty-nine states with us today. Thank you for taking the time from your busy schedules to join this discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. And we are also the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. So we're very pleased to have Dr. Tom Frieden with us today. We've shared his bio, so I'll just give you a few highlights on his distinguished career. He is the president and chief executive officer of Resolve, a $225 million, five-year initiative housed at Vital Strategies. Resolve aims to save millions of lives from cardiovascular disease and to prevent epidemics. He is also a senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. So we're very fortunate to have him as part of our community. Dr. Frieden previously served as director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and as commissioner of the New York City Health Department. He's a physician trained in internal medicine, infectious diseases, public health, and epidemiology, and has published widely-cited research on a broad range of topics, and has been really on the forefront of looking at COVID-19 and what we are all living through now. So Dr. Frieden, thank you very much for being with us today. I am going to turn it over you to give us an update of where we stand, where things stand with the COVID-19 pandemic including progress on treatment and vaccine developments. We're all looking very carefully at what's going to happen as schools are reopening and colder weather is on its way. FRIEDEN: Great. Thank you so much, Irina. And thanks to all of you who've joined. There are so many questions that come up over and over again, I want to make sure we have time for a discussion, but I thought it would be helpful to take us through some basic slides at the outset to give us a sense of where we are, where we're going, and what some of the main issues may be. This is a little bit of a complicated slide, but it's really quite an important one. COVID is so unusual, because it is mild for some people and severe for others, but there is a pattern. For people over the age of sixty or those with underlying health conditions, the severity is actually similar to the severity of the 1918 pandemic. For kids under the age of twenty, it's more like a mild-to-moderate flu season, which means sometimes deadly, but usually mild. For people between twenty and fifty-nine, who don't have underlying conditions, it is somewhere in-between. Now, the cost of epidemics and pandemics can vary widely. We have SARS, we have H1N1, we have H5N1, we have Ebola, and then, we have COVID. $9 trillion. And this is really a loss of money and a loss of lives that is in many ways preventable. We also see persistent and exacerbated inequalities in health outcomes. Racial disparities in health and healthcare are stark, they're persistent, and they're unacceptable. They're a symptom of broader structural systemic social and economic inequalities, and we see essentially the confluence of three things: more exposure, more underlying disease, and less access to care. A disproportionate burden requires a disproportionate response. What you see in the graph here, from CDC data, five-fold increased hospitalization rates of African Americans, Latinx, and American Indian, Alaskan Native populations. We have to transcend a lot of false dichotomies. And I have to give credit to the journalist Ed Young, who today wrote an article about nine pitfalls that people fall into, and false dichotomies is one and the other eight are all worth listening to and reading about also. It's not about closed versus open, we were never fully closed, we won't be fully open, and we won't be fully open even after there's a safe, effective, and accessible vaccine. It's more like a dimmer dial than an on-off switch. It's not about health versus economy. Unless we get our economy back, there'll be deadly health effects, but we can only protect livelihoods by protecting lives. It's not a question of whether it's overblown or catastrophic. It's severe for older and vulnerable people and it's mild for a lot of others. There are two fundamental arms of the response. Starting safer, reducing the spread of COVID through the three W's, wear a mask, watch your distance, wash your hands, and box the virus in with a comprehensive test, trace, and isolate strategy. Now, a lot of questions about vaccines and we can talk more later, bottom line, we do not yet know whether there will be a safe and effective vaccine. There are grounds for being guardedly optimistic that vaccination may be possible. We can and should begin now engaging with communities to share information, listen to perceptions and concerns, and develop linkages. But even with a vaccine, the pandemic will continue for some time, and comprehensive prevention and control measures will be needed. Now since we have a lot of cities on the line, I wanted to talk for a moment about the role of cities. Density, unfortunately for those of us who live in big cities, is a driver of the pandemic. Large numbers of people living in a smaller geographic area. More frequent contact means more disease spread. More central to commerce and culture means more travel. But disease that starts in the city doesn't stay in the city. It travels out to suburbs and rural areas. The cities have, in some cases, more resources and capacity for local action. And there are a lot of things that need to be implemented locally. So cities can be pathfinders and often act more quickly. Whether that's on isolation of cases and quarantine of contacts, or restrictions on indoor public gatherings, or school and work closures and adaptations, or sheltering in place when absolutely required. The three W's are really important and I think we always look for the new, exciting, different things, expensive, but often it's the tried and true. One of the world's leading vaccine experts said something to me very interesting a couple days ago. He said you know a vaccine probably isn't going to be as effective as everyone wearing masks. That's really a striking comment when you think about how much focus we have, appropriately, on a vaccine, but how we haven't really gotten it right with masks. Indoors, outdoors, when you're near others at home, if you're not well, you need to wear a mask. You don't need to wear a mask when you're outside physically distant from others or if you're at home and don't feel sick. Some masks are better than others, but any mask is better than none. N95s we would like to keep for healthcare workers, but there really should be enough for everyone. Standard surgical masks may be much more effective than most of the cloth masks that are used, but not all cloth masks are the same and proper fit is important. You know if neither is wearing a mask, there's a high chance of transmission. If the ill person is wearing a mask, it's a low chance of transmission. If both are wearing a mask, it's the lowest. When all of us wear masks, all of us are safer. Between April 8 and May 15, fifteen states and DC mandated masks by all people when in public. States that mandated universal mask-wearing had statistically significantly larger declines in cases, and those continued for every five days the mandate was in place, it's like a dose response relationship. Twenty states that had only employee mandates didn't see significantly increased decreases. The box-it-in strategy is the strategy we recommend for the control of COVID. Testing widely and systematically, being strategic, isolating promptly, and tracking how prompt isolation is, contact tracing to find and warn contacts and quarantining contacts for fourteen days. We have a lot to learn. How can you reduce the time from infectivity to isolation? How can we warn contacts promptly so they're quarantined before they get infectious? And how can we provide safe, acceptable, temporary housing to cases and contacts to prevent household spread? This slide outlines best practices from around the world, incentives to better support cases and contacts on isolation and quarantine, care packages, core resources, financial support. This is really important. If you're asking someone to stay home for fourteen days, you need to support them or to help them come out to a different place where they won't spread it to their household members. Children are much less likely to experience severe COVID, they may be less likely to get infected, they may be less likely to spread infection, but we don't know that for sure. The science is still evolving; we have lots to learn. Schools are top-of-mind. Here we are after Labor Day and we know that schools are essential to educational and social development. We have to try to get kids back in school physically. I agree with that. But there's no way to do that unless we're going to control COVID in the community. That's going to be key. Within schools, there are things that can be done that are basic safety measures, shielding the vulnerable, reducing risk by for example, not having choirs. Keeping the virus out by, for example, having everyone wear a mask, making sure that no one sick comes to school, forbidding non-essential visits, reducing occupancy, especially indoors, going outdoors to the extent possible. Reducing mixing among students and staff at pods or cohorts so that if you do have a case, you don't end up having to close the whole school. Masking up. Implementing new protocols for hand-washing and sanitizing and cleaning and limiting sharing of supplies. And despite all of that, preparing for cases. There will be cases. So you need to function as if the virus could arrive at any moment and be ready to respond, continue teaching, and prevent a large outbreak. A best practice from around the world and around the country is an alert-level system. We think four levels is probably the best. It tells people, what's the risk, if you're at increased risk, should you go out or not? Do you need to wear a mask everywhere? There are different things that can be done at different levels. And I've thrown up here a few examples. This was just released from California. They have a tiered case rate. Again, they use a four color but they point out we're not at green yet and we won't be for quite some time. This is Utah which did this really first, they're at orange now. They have a whole approach for what you can do at different levels. You know, Ohio, they provide gating criteria, giving a sense of how bad the outbreak is in different areas and that has implications for the activities. Austin, Texas has another risk alert system. I've just thrown these up as examples. I wish there were a national standard and everyone on the same page. But barring that, we look at best practices from around. Determining what's safe. I'm going to give you a simple formula - five factors. What's the prevalence of COVID in the community? What's the proportion of people without masks? How good or bad is the ventilation? How many people are there and how long is the exposure? So if you're outdoors in a low-prevalence community, you have almost no risk. If you're indoors for a long time with a lot of people and a high prevalence community, without people wearing masks, you have the highest risk. Risk communication is so important and it's one of the things that has been most problematic about the U.S. national response. Information needs to be easily understood and communicated through trusted, accessible channels. Be first, be right, be credible. These are the CDC risk-communications principles. Be consistent, competent, objective, express empathy, sincerity, transparency, answer the questions that people have about their level of risk. What specifically can they do, and what is happening? We need also to address the needs of COVID-19 and beyond. Infection prevention and control in healthcare settings isn't nearly as good as it needs to be. Broadband internet needs to be much more widely available. We have too many kids who, not only can they not go to the school, but they can't get high-speed internet. They don't have hardware, software, or connection to participate and that's a digital divide that is unacceptable. We have to reorient our healthcare system to really empower primary care. We have to scale up telemedicine and that's one thing the federal government has taken good steps on. We have to increase team-based care and financial incentives for prevention, and sustain funding for global health security to protect ourselves from microbial attacks from anywhere in the world. The CDC and state and local health departments need sustained support. We can keep this country safe now in and in the future. We've had many years of underfunding, but there are ways to prevent, detect, and respond. We can't afford another multi-trillion dollar pandemic, but we can afford the health security to prevent it. So I'll stop there. That was a whirlwind tour through some basic concepts. I wanted to get through them quickly, so we have plenty of time for conversation. FASKIANOS: Fantastic, thank you so much. Let's go now to all of you. If you click on the, look at the bottom of your screen, and you can raise your hand there. Or if you're on a tablet, you can click on the upper right hand corner, the "more" button, and you will see the "raise hand" there. So please, when you accept the unmute prompt, please say who you are and where you work and what city, state, to give us context for what you're dealing with. So let's first go to John Clark. Q: Hi, doctor, can you hear me okay? FRIEDEN: Yes. Q: Good. I was a military fellow at CFR several years ago. Now I'm a defense contractor with Lockheed Martin. And I've been watching the Dispatch for the death rate and it looks like it's gone down to three percent of the total cases, total positive cases. And I'm just wondering that, over time has in fact, the disease become less fatal? Thank you. FRIEDEN: Yeah, that's a great question. First off, the number I look at most is what's called the excess mortality rate. And the Economist news magazine, for some reason has the best sight on this for all states in the U.S. and for a few dozen countries. Because, there are a lot of COVID deaths that don't get measured as COVID deaths. And that's a problem. Also, how do you know how many infections there are? So there was a very interesting recent study from Iceland that suggested that about one in three hundred people with infection die from it. The percent mortality rates of diagnosed infections aren't very relevant, because we know that we're missing five times, ten times as many cases as are actually infected. So both the numerator and the denominator are problematic. We think the death rate for COVID, first off, it increases really rapidly with age. So it's quite low at young age and quite high at older ages. So if you ask, what's the case fatality rate, the right answer from an epidemiologist is what's the age and underlying condition breakdown of the population that it's in, because it'll be very different in a nursing home, for example, from an Army recruit place. But if you look at the U.S. population, the death rate is somewhere around a half a percent, about one in two hundred people. Now think about that. We've had two hundred thousand deaths, and there are more deaths than have been documented. And so there have been more than forty million infections in the U.S. by that calculation, it's a quick way of estimating it. It's been said that the death rate is a fact. Everything else is an inference. But over the last few weeks, I've been wondering is the death rate even a fact when people are questioning things and some of the more, kind of, off-base things are well, if people died from COVID, but they also had diabetes, they didn't really die from COVID, did they? Well, if you had cancer and you died from lung cancer, but you also had diabetes, you died from lung cancer. This is the way we count things in public health, it's the multiple cause death certificate, but the deaths that are attributed to COVID are those that the doctors say this person died from COVID. And we know in some states, it's actually quite a few more excess deaths than COVID deaths. So there may be quite a few uncounted COVID deaths. But the short answer is in the U.S. about one in two hundred. About 0.5 percent. FASKIANOS: Thank you — FRIEDEN: Sorry, I'm sorry, I didn't answer your other question. Is it getting better? We don't know. It's a really good question. If you look at China, at Wuhan, their initial case fatality was extremely high, and then it went down to 0.7 percent. Now is that because they diagnose people better or they got better at it? There's a recent theory that's getting a lot of ink that if you wear a mask, not only are you less likely to spread COVID, that's true, you're probably less likely to get it, that's almost certainly true. You may be less likely to get it severely, because maybe I only get a few virions rather than a whole slug of virions, and maybe the severity of disease is related to the inoculum. We don't know, that's a theory. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Liz McNabb. Q: Hi, good afternoon. My name is Liz McNabb. I'm the district director for State Assemblywoman Cottie Petrie-Norris in Irvine, California, and I'm curious how you would approach the, if there's not going to be a national response, should we have regional responses? Or how can we de-politicize the, you know, really sad state of affairs that we're in currently in different areas of the country? And how could we make, are there realistic ways to make it better, do you think? Who should we reach out to? I mean, I guess we reach out to our congresspeople. What's your thought? FRIEDEN: We hope so. The National Governors Association is doing some things, there are some regional compacts. Many states are taking a good approach. We released from Resolve to Save Lives, a list of fifteen essential indicators we think everyone should publicly report. California is increasing, actually, the number of those they report. And we've been in touch with them. And the risk system that I mentioned earlier is one example of that. But we're really not reporting indicators of performance. How rapidly are tests coming back? There are just three states reporting that. How quickly are patients getting isolated? Very few places reporting that. Are contacts being quarantined before they can become sick? Only Washington, DC, reports that of every jurisdiction that we found in the U.S. So I think one way of getting on the same page is what gets measured can get managed and we're not measuring publicly enough and I think more transparency is really important. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Kip Kendrick. Q: Yeah, thank you very much. Kip Kendrick, a state representative out of Missouri, representing Columbia, Missouri where the University of Missouri is located. Can you comment on what some of the potential long-term impacts may be that the Journal of the American Medical Association has reported? And are those concerning? How seriously do we need to take this moving forward? FRIEDEN: You're talking about long-term health impacts. Long haulers? Q: Yes. Correct. FRIEDEN: Yeah, because there are going to be long-term societal and economic and healthcare impacts also. But in terms of the long-term impact to individuals who've gotten the disease, we really don't know. We need to get more data. In fact, this is the kind of situation for which disease registries are really, very useful, where you can monitor people over multiple years to get a sense of the range of illness. One of the things that has concerned me for quite some time, is that the symptom of anosmia, you can't smell, or dysgeusia, you can't taste, that's not actually about your nose and your tongue. That's about your brain, that's about your central nervous system. And we don't know what kind of long term consequences that might have, with fifty million people already infected in the U.S., even if the rate of adverse long-term reactions is a tenth of a percent. That's a lot of people. So I think we don't know what the long-hauler experience will be. Certainly, many people are suffering from this, a wide range of problems. You've probably seen at least one professional baseball player aged twenty-seven. Previously healthy, has inflammation of the heart. We don't even know how common that is with influenza. So there's just still a lot where we're not, we don't know, but we need to support patients. We need to learn more, when to try different things to see if things will be effective. We don't think this is a reflection of long-term infection. This is maybe the result of the inflammation that occurred because a lot of the illness from COVID is from a very severe inflammation that can occur with it. FASKIANOS: Let's go to Dawn DiBlasi. Q: My name is Dawn DiBlasi and I'm from Somerset County, Maine, I'm the county administrator. And I'm very concerned about the fact that—Maine has so few cases—half of my employees don't believe in it and half of them do. It's been very politicized in this area. And I'm struggling because my commission is also a split. And recently, they changed the mask policy in the building. And we were to wear the masks in common areas. We were not required to wear them in our offices once we were there in our office by ourselves. But now the policy has been changed to say, as long as you can be six feet away from each other, you don't need the mask in the common areas. And I'd like to get your take on that if I could. It's getting very stressful in my building. FRIEDEN: So here's one area where I think those essential indicators and the risk alert systems are really relevant. And this is why we released them. Maine has a very low rate, you're doing well. It's not one size fits all for the country. I would want to know the positivity rate and the testing rate in your county. I'd want to know the epidemiology of the cases in your county. And if it were relatively controlled, I wouldn't be too concerned about that change in process. On the other hand, I would certainly want to emphasize also that, you know, mask wearing is something that we need to get used to. And the more we do it, the more we're safe, it's going to be around for a while. But Maine is one of those places that's got pretty low rates. And so I'd follow the state government recommendations, but I'd try to understand the epidemiology in the county. I don't mean to avoid your question, but I think if you're talking about New York City in April, then everyone's got to wear a mask at all times. If you're talking about Alaska now, which has an extremely low rate, then that kind of a rule makes perfect sense. But just as all politics are local, all public health is local and epidemiology is local. So if you know that red, orange, yellow, green grading, then I would say you know what, red and orange, you really should all wear a mask indoors. Yellow is probably okay. If you're down to green, it's probably okay. If you don't, or something like that it. It really depends on the local epidemiology. Q: Would you say that, is there going to be any further danger when winter comes and we're closed in? FRIEDEN: Yeah, we don't know. The truth is a bunch of people said, oh it's gonna go away in the summer. I never said that. Because we've never seen this before. But most respiratory illnesses do get worse in the winter. If you look at meatpacking factories, which in the U.S. and in Europe, there have been a bunch of outbreaks. You know, they're basically artificial winters. It's cold in there. And they've had explosive spread. One of the things we don't know really is, is that from what we call aerosol or airborne? Is it from fomite or a contaminated surface? Even very good public health experts looking at the same outbreak in the same meatpacking factory, I was on a call with them, one of them said it was definitely aerosol. The other one said it was definitely contaminated surfaces. So I mean, the certainty here, generally correlates with the lack of information. And we just don't know entirely, but I do think it's likely to get worse in the winter. And one thing that we would say is people with underlying conditions need to be particularly careful. People who are older need to be particularly careful. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Tiffanie Fisher. Q: Hi, thanks. Thank you for your presentation. It was very helpful. This is Tiffanie Fisher. I'm a councilwoman in Hoboken, New Jersey. I have two and a half questions. One question is in terms of what's included in the overall count, recently I know a number of people have been taking the antibody test, and are those, should those, if people test positive for having either the current antibody or the one indicating that they've had it previously, are they and should they be included in the numbers? That's the first question. The second question is, you know, you talked about how the risks change based on age and as people get older, or if they have underlying conditions, the risk is greater. What are we, in Hoboken and I'm sure in other communities, you know, we have an at-risk population just because of age and I hear all the time from neighbors and members of our community that are in the older category, that they're afraid to go outside. They're afraid to walk on our waterfront because they see runners running by without a mask on or people you know, coming close to them. I mean, what is the message that we can give to them and is there any type of you know, communication that we can provide to them that would give them maybe more comfort to be able to go outside and not have to just stay in their home. FRIEDEN: Great. Well, first antibody test results should be captured separately from polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and antigen results. Antibody test results indicate the possibility of past infection. They have false positives, they have false negatives, we don't know what a positive means. So keep them in a separate bucket. They're not that meaningful, because there have been six million diagnosed cases of COVID in the U.S. and there have probably been about fifty million infections. So we're not counting those fifty million, and someone who's got a positive antibody test but wasn't counted because they didn't have a positive PCR antigen, they're one of the forty-four million or so that weren't diagnosed. So it's not that important, in most circumstances. So keep that separate. The difference is the antigen test. These are just coming out now. And we need to make sure that those get counted. That's the likelihood that there's actual active virus that need to be followed up as well. In terms of reassuring people at risk, outdoors is way, way safer than indoors. One analysis of multiple studies suggested that your risk of getting it outdoors was nineteen times lower than your risk indoors. Another analysis of more than a thousand people who got COVID, where they could find where they got it, only two got it outdoors, and that was people who were talking very close together for a long period of time. I think we get into what I sometimes called the slippery slope to zero risk. Very difficult to get to zero risk. So yes, is it possible the jogger running past you infects you? It's conceivable, it's very unlikely, particularly not if you're wearing a mask. We wish they were wearing a mask also. This is one of the reasons it's a little more complicated when you're outside because you don't know when you're going to be within six feet of somebody else. But the risk is really very, very low, because it's about dilution and diluting the amount of virus in the air. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Christine Hunschofsky. And hopefully I pronounced that correctly. Q: I'm Christine Hunschofsky, I'm the mayor of Parkland, Florida. And I had some questions. We've had quite a bit of community spread in our area. Our percent positive testing numbers are now going down in Broward County. However, our testing is also going down. So the question I get from people all the time, and I'm going to ask you, is can we trust those percent positive if our testing rates have also decreased? FRIEDEN: So you look at them together. If you had to look at one number, you'd look at the percent positive. What is it in your area? Christine? Q: The percent positive right now in our area is approximately 3.7 percent. FRIEDEN: So that's relatively low. So if the number of tests is going down and the percent positive is going down, that's somewhat reassuring. You do want to know who's getting tested. And whether, for example, in one place, they were testing a bunch of low-risk people. Suddenly, it looks like the percent is going down because you tested a bunch of low-risk people. You really want to know what's the percent positive among people who you're suspecting of having COVID. If you're doing it as screening for college kids going back that's not very relevant. But you also want to look at where are the cases, how many of them are have a known source case? How many of them are actually getting isolated promptly to get a sense of your control measures? The way I think of it, if you're over 10 percent positivity that's extremely high. If you're between five and ten and increasing, that's very worrisome. If you're over five, it's not great. If you're under five, it's better. If you're under one, it's even better. In New York City, New York State, actually, we've been under one for a month now. And that's, they did one hundred thousand tests the other day. So, a lot of testing. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Carolyn Lopez. Q: Good afternoon. I'm Carolyn Lopez. I'm a family physician and president of the Chicago Board of Health. I have two questions. First is, do we have any more information about the role of the live market in the development and transmission of the virus, the SARS-CoV-2 virus? And the follow up question is how concerned, if at all, should we be about any local live markets? For example, markets that sell live poultry, providing butchery on-site? And should we be concerned about them relative to transmission of, or development even, of novel viruses? FRIEDEN: Thanks very much, Dr. Lopez. So, on the one hand, we really don't know a lot about the origin of this virus. The initial thought that it was in one live market doesn't seem to be accurate. That may have been the source of a super spreading event that brought it to people's attention, but it does appear to have been spreading before that time. But this is really still all being investigated. Not much data is publicly available about it. And we really don't know. Interestingly, China had another cluster about two months ago. And that came from a frozen food market. I think about the meatpacking factory, and the published data on that suggest that it was a reimportation from Europe, possibly with some food items that resulted in spread of that. But I think right now with forty thousand cases a day diagnosed and probably two hundred thousand infections a day. This is not a major concern. If we get to a level of trying complete control, it may be more, but right now the focus has to be on providing support to patients with COVID, providing support to people who are exposed, finding ways to make sure that people get isolated faster. That time between when you first get sick and when you're isolated, that's when you're spreading the disease. If you can't get someone isolated sooner, you're going to have more spread of the disease. And then also making sure we do a better and better job finding the contacts and warning them that they been exposed and getting to quarantine before they get sick. That's how countries all over the world have stopped this and that's what we need to focus on. FASKIANOS: So Tom I'm going to take two questions from the chat then go back to the long list of questions of raised hands. So from Renee Moke, who's a public health director for Bismarck, North Dakota, she asked about your presentation. You say there no specific data sets that are used at standard across the board for risk levels. What data or stats do you feel are the most important to track to determine risk levels for states and communities? And then from Josh Karpis in California. He's in Los Angeles County, local businesses are near revolt wanting to open and want justifications on why businesses can open and others can't. He works for a state legislator. Any advice on how to support the health orders that are based on science when businesses can give a long list of examples of decisions that on its face do not seem to make sense without personally knowing the data. So - FRIEDEN: Sure, let's take them one at a time. We've circulated the fifteen essential indicators. I think there are two things to look at. One is, what's your level of risk? And there is a positivity rate by state and by county that's now on one website, and we can share that. That wasn't available even a week ago. So positivity rate is very important. I think knowing the total number of cases, the testing rate, the positivity rate, and the unlinked infections gives you a sense of how much disease is spreading without being controlled in an area. So that's very important. I also think it's very important to know how well is the area doing controlling it. And we're really looking for places anywhere to begin publicly reporting more data. How long is it taking tests to come back? What proportion are within one day, within two days, what's the median time? And we've just seen that added to the California site, Alaska, and North Carolina. So there are three states, three out of fifty, do that now. We'd like to see time from symptom onset, or at least when the test got taken, to isolation. We've only seen that in a couple of states, but that's really essential. And then time from exposure. Well, actually, rapid quarantine means, what proportion of today's cases were identified contacts who had been warned, who have quarantined, and they developed their illness or infection while they were quarantined. That's the success, that's the outcome variable for contact tracing. Only Washington DC reports that, so we want to see more places report things like that so we can have accountability for progress. And at Resolve, feel free to reach out Renee and we'd be happy to work with you if you want to try to do that in Bismarck. In terms of California, I think what we need to try to do is make very clear the reason and the rationale and the justification of the restrictions that are made. Businesses are having a hard time; we want them to reopen. There are some adaptations. Some states early on said, hey, if you're allowing pick up to front door, you can open. That makes a lot of sense for a lot of businesses. Bars, big problem. Bars are a spreader area. If you look at that formula I had before, people talking loudly for a long time with a lot of people in a small space, but not much ventilation, really difficult. Outdoor dining much safer than indoor dining, indoor dining, yes, it can become like the bar, especially when you close the bar. So these are these are tough decisions. That's one reason we really encourage the alert levels so that everyone instead of yelling at public health, let me open. They say hey, let's work together to get down to green so that we can open and stay open because we've done it safely. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go next to Katie Lang. You need to accept the unmute prompt. Okay, let's since we have so many questions I'm going to go to Katie Scott next. Q: Hello, I unmuted myself I believe. FASKIANOS: All right. Is this Katie Lang? Q: Nope, it's Katie Scott. FASKIANOS: Okay, Katie Scott first. Q: Hi, my name is Katie Scott. I am a Washtenaw County Commissioner. I'm also a cardiovascular ICU nurse and a soon to be graduate student for my master's of public health. I'm just a little bit busy. And one of my passions is obviously public health and here in Washtenaw County, it is the home of the University of Michigan, where we have students who are back in full. It's raised some angst in our community about students coming back and what it might do to us in Michigan and whether it will become a ground zero site in Ann Arbor because of the students coming back. I know that the university has pledged to do pretty extensive contact tracing, but I'm wondering if there is a point where contact tracing becomes a futile project or not a good use of public health dollars or time. At what point do you say the numbers are so high and going up so quickly that it's time to shut this down and send the students home? I guess that's the crux of the question. FRIEDEN: That's a great, it's a great question. And thanks for the work that you do, and good luck in your career. You're ideally trained for this and other public health areas. I think that the challenge really is that there is no number. But basically when you can't keep up, then it's going too fast. And we paid a lot of attention to not being able to keep up with getting people into intensive care units. But we also need to think of, can we keep up with testing, contact tracing, isolation, quarantine. I was hearing about one college which, you know, the frats had huge outbreaks and off-campus housing, big outbreaks. And that's going to spill into the community. There's no way it's not. So I think we need to figure out ways to keep everyone as safe as possible. And it's not maybe the greatest risk on campus, the greatest risk may be off-campus. And Irina, I know that we always stick to time at CFR so we've got exactly fifteen minutes and we've got at least nine more hands raised. So I will try to be quicker in my responses so we can get to everybody. FASKIANOS: Great. All right. So I promised the other Katie to go next, Katie Lang. FRIEDEN: She's put a question into the chat maybe she's having trouble with - FASKIANOS: Okay, so why don't you just do that? FRIEDEN: Right, the county clerk from Granbury, Texas. Are there any cases of COVID deaths that don't have underlying conditions? Yes, absolutely there are. One of the things that's kind of sad is most Americans over the age of sixty have underlying conditions. In fact, about 70 percent of Americans over the age of sixty have hypertension, as just one condition. About 20 percent have diabetes. So yes, there certainly, sadly, are people who have no underlying conditions and die from COVID. We don't know why that is. Is it a different strain? Did they get a larger dose? Were they unlucky? Did they have a different genetic makeup? Had they experienced different exposures to COVID in the past? But this is a virus that should not be underestimated by anyone. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to David Tarnas. Q: Aloha, thanks for your presentation. It was very interesting. I'm a state representative in Hawaii. And my district is the rural district in the north part of Hawaii Island. Our state, we're struggling to get the percentages and the metrics that you describe under control before we open up to out of state travel. Right now it's a mandatory fourteen-day quarantine. We're currently finalizing, the administration, the governor, is finalizing a pre-travel testing program that would give you an exemption to that fourteen-day quarantine. Question is, you know, what are all the details? If you had if you could give some advice to the governor about what would be that pre-travel testing? Would it include not just pre-travel testing, but also when you arrive? And do you need to have some quarantine after you arrive? What would you suggest? Just for that particular concern of unique nature for Hawaii because we depend on tourism, so we have to open. But we have to do it safely. FRIEDEN: Yeah, well, I've been following the big increase in cases in Hawaii in the last few weeks, and I'm not sure what's driving that. I think, obviously, the safest thing is to quarantine. Now, you could quarantine in separate locations that are tourist, you know, tourist-friendly. The problem with testing is that you shouldn't rely on it too much. Even if someone tests before they get there and when they get there, the incubation period is between two and fourteen days. So if they get exposed on the plane over and you test them there, they could get infectious a week later. So I guess I don't have a great answer for you. But I would say whatever you do don't let down your guard, even if you test everyone. Don't have indoor, lots of people in bars in one place because you're gonna have the risk of explosive spread. And then you'll be taking one step forward and three steps backward. But I know it's an important issue. Because of quarantine, Hawaii had been doing so well before, in terms of a low number of cases. So I'd try to understand what's happening, and I'd try to be supportive of your local and state health departments of what you can do to balance those economic necessities, which are really important, with preventing the kind of spread that's going to poison the well for any kind of tourism. FASKIANOS: And we are going to collect all these links and Dr. Frieden will allow us to send out his presentation. So we'll put all this in an email as a follow up, because I know there are a lot of links going on in the chat. So let's go to Janice Weiner next in Iowa. Q: Hi, my name is Janice Weiner, and I'm on the city council in Iowa City, Iowa, which as you may know, has been one of the top places for COVID, which is not exactly how we wanted to earn the number one spot. After about thirty-five thousand students came back to campus and we're not tested. Our governor has declined to put in place any kind of face covering mandate. We as a city and our county put in place face covering mandates, although she told us we couldn't. Our numbers were coming way down until the students came back to town. They seem to be going down again, but given the lack of leadership at the state level here, to be honest, what is our best way forward? FRIEDEN: You know, these are really hard questions. But I think face coverings are really important. One of the things that we're enthusiastic about is Philadelphia, actually measures adherence with face coverings in indoor locations, on buses and in stores based on security camera footage, and then publishes that on a weekly basis. And that, indoor and outdoor, we're working on a protocol for that. And we've worked with some other places so that you can get everyone working together and say, listen, this is just, this isn't about separating people from one another. This is about separating the virus from people. We wear a mask to be responsible, we wear a mask, because we care about other people. And I think it's very unfortunate that masks have been politicized in this way because it's really the least expensive way we have to get our economy back. And so whatever argument works, masks are important. Looking at local spread is important. The universities are going to be a challenge. I'm not a big fan of testing low-risk university students. I think it's very expensive and it's not clear how much good it's going to do. If people do it, fine, but don't rely on it. What you have to rely on are doing the things that will reduce the risk of spread, three W's. Wear a mask, wash your hands, watch your distance. And restrict those indoor gatherings that are going to be very problematic, choirs and things like that, and do a better and better job finding and stopping outbreaks. You find cases before they become clusters and find clusters before they become big outbreaks. FASKIANOS: Oh, I'm on mute. Thank you. So in the chat, we had a question from Dr. Patricia Cafaro. The progress made on status of vaccine development, in addition to the four bullet points mentioned on your slide, and any thoughts you have on making the vaccine mandatory. Of course we need to produce enough of the vaccine to administer it, but your thoughts on that? FRIEDEN: Well first we have to make sure the vaccine is safe, effective, accessible, and trusted. And that means being very transparent with the data. That means that it has to go through the FDA Advisory Committee, the CDC Advisory Committee. We have to see the data transparently, we have to recognize that there may be safety concerns and be upfront about those. There's a prioritization of people to get the vaccine, that's very important. I think that the one group that might end up getting mandated in some states are people who work in nursing homes, because the residents are so vulnerable to death from COVID. But I don't see this being mandated anytime soon. Because we don't yet have a vaccine. We don't yet know that it's fully safe and effective. But if I were to predict what might be a mandate of some states at some point in the future, that's very hypothetical. That's the one group that I think you might need to look at carefully to say, listen, if you come in here with COVID, either you have to test every day, or you have to get vaccinated, or both. Because when COVID gets into a nursing home, it's really devastating and the death rate can be very high. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to James Jayne. Q: I serve as the county manager of Coconino County, Arizona, home of the Grand Canyon. We have been doing large scale mobile testing since March. Free to the public, we continue to do it. We currently have a contract with, an agreement with Arizona State University for saliva testing through the first week of October. Again, it's free to the public, anybody can get it. There's no condition for it. We are making plans for the fall. And just wondered, you'd mentioned some comments, Dr. Frieden, about testing. We're making plans for the fall just wondered what your thoughts for or suggestions as we look at continuing large scale, free public mobile testing after the first week of October? FRIEDEN: Well, I think it's a great thing to do. I don't want my comments about testing to be anti-testing in any way. My point is just it needs to be part of a comprehensive policy and program. So I would hope that you're looking at who you're testing, who's positive, how quickly are you getting them isolated, are you finding their contacts, are you quarantining their contacts because that's how we stopped spread. So I think as part of a comprehensive program it can be terrific and looking at saliva versus nasopharyngeal hasn't been done enough and that needs to be done under program conditions, because it's a lot simpler to get saliva. Looking at antigen and PCR at the same time, really important. So I would say, keep doing it, but look at what you're doing. The best public health program is the program that continuously assesses its data and continuously improves based on what they find. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let's go to Angenie McCleary. You hit the unmute button prompt. Q: Thank you. I didn't realize I did that. This is Angenie McCleary, Blaine County Commissioner, the home of Sun Valley. We were, as you may know, one of the hottest spots in the country. We now have extremely low numbers. For all summer we've had zero to three cases per day and have gotten things under control, I think largely because of mandates having to do with face coverings. This is something Idaho hasn't done and our health district of eight counties isn't willing to do but Blaine County has done. My question, you've talked about the risk strategy of face coverings. But what about gatherings? As a resort community, we have a lot of weddings that take place here. A lot of gatherings both indoors and outdoors, particularly with winter coming, more indoor is my concern. You mentioned also bars, but my real question is about the mitigation strategy of limiting group size at each risk level. And I can't find good data. I'm certainly working with our local hospital and doctors and common sense but guidelines for social gatherings both indoors and outdoors at each risk level. I was wondering if you have a comment about that. FRIEDEN: Right. I don't think there's any hard and fast rule. Outdoors is safer than indoors; fewer people is safer than more people. People from fewer places is safer than people from more places. People wearing face masks is safer than people not wearing face masks. We have seen outbreaks from weddings, from social events, from barbecues. So this idea of people congregating without a mask indoors is problematic in some areas. Now, maybe with antigen testing you can drive that risk down even further because it's very rapid. It will miss some people but that may be a way of moving further and we may see that used increasingly, but I don't think there's any simple answer here to moving forward. I wish there were. FASKIANOS: So I'm going to try to squeeze in one last question. And the last one goes to Reggie Williams, and my apologies that we couldn't get to them all. Q: Good afternoon. I'm Reggie Williams. I'm retired. I'm a bus driver. I'm on the board of supervisors. My question is that, are we worried more about optics instead of safety and prevention of the spread? Now example, I drive the school bus. We have kids going to school. So the other day I asked supervision, because after I've made a run, I was checking temperatures and normally when we check a temperature on kids it'll give us some type of indication of some type of sickness. So when I got to the office, they said you can't check temperatures because we'd made our mind up, you know that evidently not to check temperatures on a school bus. Most bus drivers are elderly. So when you get on the phone, when I got off and asked the question, and they told me that, I kind of got a little upset. Because the consistency in our answers, and I've been following this from the very beginning, even at the board of supervisors meeting when it first came out when I was on, I masked up. We was trying to pass something in the county before the governor come out that you need to fast up in a locality with a very low rate. And we failed. A month later, the governor said we need to mask up. So this is, what I'm coming with is that, why can't we have something that is consistent? Example, when I see a CDC, Mr. Williams said when we ask the question. The answer was, what would you do? If it was your brother? Or your sister, or your mother, or your child? He said, I would tell them to mask up, wash your hands, and check your temperature. Nobody is seeming to saying that anymore. We are we taking out everything out the equation when we don't have a cure. And to me, I think that maybe the numbers are causing us as people to disagree in a way that we don't mask up and we don't wash our hands and we don't check our temperature. And that's the way I see it because we are picking what we want to do in a locality. And there are places that, I think and I see them all the time and look communities that come together and did check your temperature and wash their hands and families come together, and they check for sickness. So we know that if something can't get out of a setting, then somebody's got to bring it. And by bringing it, nursing homes, somebody's got to bring it. And I'm just saying one last example. When I was at a meeting last week and a couple came up and said, my nine-year-old child got COVID. My husband has it, this in the same county, and he had COVID he's doing really well. But my son, fifteen years old, and myself don't have it. And my question was, did you tell somebody what you did so your family don't have COVID and you might be the carrier. And you're not even using the idea say, this will put you away. We got to be cautious in what we do. And we got to be responsible. And the things that we do and I think also giving back I say we think we are a little teeny bit too careful of being exactly, or fearful, of saying this is what you do. Thank you. FRIEDEN: Great, thank you. I think you're making a lot of great points. We need to tell it like it is. Everyone needs to wear a mask to protect everyone. People who are essential workers need full protection. And that may involve Plexiglas screens, for workers in hospitals and for school bus drivers. That may involve opening windows when possible, so we increase ventilation in school buses. Making sure in some school districts that parents fill out an online form in the morning before the kid gets on the bus that they don't have any symptoms. Temperature checks are being used in some places, the limitation of a temperature check is that it may give you a false sense of security because about 40 percent of people with COVID don't have any symptoms at all. And many people with symptoms don't have fever. But that doesn't mean it doesn't have value. Some places are doing temperature checks. The key is that we are honest, up front, we're clear about what works, we communicate with the public, we share the dilemmas that we have, whether it be about masks or about vaccines, or about treatments. And with that we're most likely to be able to get people to work together to recognize that it's all of us together against this one tiny little virus and the more we fight among ourselves, the more the virus is dividing and conquering us. You're muted, Irina. FASKIANOS: Thank you for reminding me of the guidelines. Thank you very much for doing this, we really appreciate it. There was a comment in the chat. Tom Frieden, CDC Director 2021. So — FRIEDEN: Not gonna happen, but thank you. Thank you. Thanks for doing this, it's a pleasure. FASKIANOS: — it's been great. And as I said to all of you, you can follow Dr. Frieden on Twitter @DrTomFrieden. We will also be sharing with you all his presentation as well as some of the links that were shared in the chat. And we will be sending out the video link and transcript for this discussion for you to review. Please send us an email to [email protected] with suggestions, comments, feedback for future calls, discussions, etc., and thank you for all you're doing on the frontlines and please stay safe and well. (END)
  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    COVID-19 and the Future of Work
    Play
    Chike Aguh, inaugural head of economic mobility pathways at the Education Design Lab, discusses how the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting the changing nature of employment and trends in the U.S. workforce. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon to all of you and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We're delighted to have participants from forty states with us today. Thank you for taking the time to join us for this discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and non-partisan membership organization, think tank and publisher focusing on US foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. CFR is also the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. We're pleased to have Chike Aguh with us today. We previously shared his bio with you so I will just give you a few highlights on his distinguished career. Chike Aguh works across sectors to create a future of work for all. He's the inaugural head of economic mobility pathways at the Education Design Lab, where he leads a community college growth engine fund, an effort turning community colleges into bridges to careers in high growth fields. He is also a technology and human rights fellow at the Harvard Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, where he is writing a book on the future of work and racial inequity. And previously, he was senior principal and future work lead at the McChrystal Group. He also served as a member of the Council on Foreign Relations’ Future of Work Task Force, a bipartisan group. They came out with a report with policy recommendations. So Chike, thank you very much for being with us today. I thought you could get started by sharing your thinking about how the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting the nature of employment and trends in the U.S. workforce. AGUH: First of all, good afternoon, and thank you to the Council for having me. Thank you to everyone who's on this call. The future of work is an issue that hits kind of both axes of the Eisenhower matrix. It is urgent and it is important, especially given the health outcomes and impacts of COVID. We have new jobs we've never had before. In terms of the employment crisis, obviously 35 million to 40 million of our fellow Americans are unemployed. And also we're having to contend now with inequities across a number of axes that have been here for a long time that really now come to a head in this time of COVID-19. What I want to do is I want to quickly--it’s important to know the impact on the future of work and employment right now--let’s figure out where we were before COVID hit. Let's talk about what COVID has changed and what it hasn't. And let's talk about some opportunities, and then we really want to throw it open for a conversation. So when we think about the future of work, I always lay out two very concrete examples. One, for example, is autonomous vehicles, which are going to be on the road en masse between 2030 and 2040, likely starting with commercial trucking and public transit. And if you look at the projections, it'll add almost a trillion dollars in economic productivity to the U.S. GDP. The flipside of that is that driving a vehicle is also the most commonly held profession by an American man. And so between 2030 and 2040, a huge swath of our population, more people than the amount of school teachers that we have, will be out of work. And so the question is, what do we do about that, about those jobs that technology obviates entirely?   Secondly, you have a slightly different nuance of this problem. An example I always use here is a loan officer. If I think about when many of us were much younger, or during our parents’ time a loan officer was a person you saw when you went to the bank, you presented your documents, and they made a call about whether you qualified for a loan or not. Today, that's not what a loan officer does. The person who actually makes the call about whether you get that loan is a computer algorithm. That is, a multivariate regression that takes into account a ton of different factors. And the result out of that is more accurate than a human being. Now the job of the loan officer is front end recruitment, getting you in the door, and then also what we call account management on the back end, make sure that you're happy and do additional loans with the bank. So the future of work before COVID had two dual challenges. You had a huge part of American jobs that may be obviated entirely by technology because they won't be needed. And then you have a huge other amount of jobs are going to be irrevocably changed so quickly that workers may not be able to keep up. That is the challenge of future work. And that was where we were before COVID. When we think about the COVID challenges, there are those two things have been accelerated. So again, because now we cannot do things in person on site, the way that we used to have the need and the reliance on technology has only increased. We are seeing things done via technology virtually that we never thought of before, but they're now happening. And so the question is, what are we going to do? What do we do about those jobs that even more quickly being obviated, and then what are the jobs that are being trained? I'll use an example for some folks who may be on the call. As we think about something as simple as education, again, I mentioned my career as a school teacher in New York City, that entire profession is being changed. We still need teachers, but it's an entirely different skill set. How do you teach, facilitate, virtually? How do you make sure students are still engaged? How do you make sure that you're able to give and collect work, things like that things that we've never had to think about before?  COVID has only accelerated those trends. When we wrote our report on the future of work when I was part of the Task Force two years ago (go to CFR.org/the-work-ahead), you can still pull down the report and see a lot of our recommendations. We had really four key questions around the future of work that I still think are super important and plausible here that show the challenge and the opportunity. First question, how do we make sure that there actually is work? How do we make sure that we're creating enough jobs for our people? How do you actually allow people to make the most of themselves and change the life of their families? And frankly, just subsist from day to day? Number two, how do we make sure our people have the capabilities and skills to do that work, not just the technical skills, but frankly, what some people call the twenty-first century skills, and I like to call the human skills of leadership, communication, things like that. That'll make them viable in this new economy doing the things that machines can't do. Thirdly, how do we make sure that the work that needs to be done and the people who need work find each other? We all have examples in our local markets of folks who are the people who needed it, who simply were not able to find each other because markets are inefficient. And also, at times, they're biased. Again, we have one example that I always love is that if you look at two thirds of American administrative assistants today, they don't have a bachelor's degree. But if you look at 100% of job postings for administrative assistant, they all require a bachelor's degree. So again, this is where we get a mismatch keeping worker and work from finding each other. And then lastly, how do you make sure that we have a system of supports that support a worker and a business along the way to make sure that we get to where we need to. This is everything from unemployment insurance, which should be a lot easier to access than frankly it is in many jurisdictions, to accounts to pay for worker reskilling and worker retraining. And so those are really four questions. And so when we look at how COVID has accelerated a lot of trends that we talked about beforehand, if anything it’s that we actually now have to be able to, we have to deal with these issues on a quicker timeframe than we would have before. So let's look at potentially what are some of the opportunities. If we look at COVID.--again, we have seen a huge amount of unemployment. I'll say in my home state of Maryland, if you look at April 2020 versus January 2020. And you look at the amount of small businesses, we were down 45% of the amount small businesses opened than we were in January. But what we've also seen, frankly, because of the situation that we're in, we've seen a demand for new types of jobs we never saw before. None of us knew what contact tracing was six months ago. But now depending on where you are in city of a place like Baltimore City, you can make $35,000 or $50,000 doing contact tracing, because we need it so desperately. Similarly, when we look at the Allied Health fields, we have much shorter personnel for the last three or four months. And that may be a reality for that's with us for the foreseeable future. So why don't take advantage of the new jobs that are being created? And make sure that people are ready for them in places and quickly? Secondly, how do we take advantage of now the ubiquity of technology to give people more access to more opportunities, more and more, we are seeing the job and the location of the worker not being tied together. We've seen that a lot more things can be done virtually than we ever thought before. How do we take advantage of that? And additionally, how do we make sure on the skill side that we do the same this is why the conversation on things like internet and broadband access is critical. Because literally for low income communities, for those who have been left out for a long time, that's going to be their lifeline to many of the jobs and the skills they need to be successful, how do we take advantage of that right now? And then lastly, I think it is more of a higher level concern. I think it's important when CFR President Richard Haass launched this Future of Work Task Force three years ago now, actually, this was when we launched, someone asked him, why does a foreign policy think tank care about this? And what he said was, he said, if we don't get the future of work, right, it's not just going to impact our economy domestically, it's going to impact the state of political discourse here domestically, which will affect our ability to be a strong nation abroad. And so when we think about the future of work, how do we lift our eyes to the horizon a little bit and think up, not just how to make sure we put people back to work, but how do we build back in a much better way than we did before? And how do we make sure we don't simply go back to what we had, but build something better that the American people deserve and all the people in their jurisdictions deserve, and I think it's a chance not just to do what we've done, but to do what we should. And so I'm really eager to have this conversation with you happy to dive into any of the points that I brought up, and Irina, throw it back to you. FASKIANOS: Great, thank you so much. So now it's to all of you for questions and comments. Please also share best practices as we typically do in this forum. To ask a question, you can click on the Participants icon and raise your hand, or else if you're on a tablet, click on the ‘More’ button and raise your hand you'll see the ‘Raise Your Hand’ in there. So let's see if we have any questions or comments queueing up. People are being quiet so far. FASKIANOS: I wanted to just dig into, you know, you talked about automation and workers being displaced by technology. So how are we going to, you know, retool those people, reskill those people when and COVID—ostensibly, you know, probably has accelerated it more than we ever thought it. You know, it's here before we knew it. AGUH: Absolutely. And so, in the body of work that I lead now, I'll say a couple of things. Reskill and upskill. Those are two different things. Those folks, clearly folks who have been displaced recently, and also those who, frankly, who were part time getting into the job market for a long period of time, a couple of things. One, we have to really rethink how we do workforce development, job training, I think the governor of Rhode Island used this phrase once and I stole it from her. But one of the phrases that we hear a lot and that she hears a lot is you need to stop using the “train and pray” approach. And what I mean by that is I train people and I pray that there's a job for them. Well we need to do is tie the jobs that were trained for directly to employer demand. And we need to be pushing employers to number one, be very precise about the skills that they say that they need. And secondly, we need to push them to make sure that once people have those skills, it's easy for them to make it into the, into the HR office, into the interview office and into the job. We don't make that as easy as we should write. Again, I always use that example of the administrative assistant. Most administrative assistants  don't have a college degree but most postings require one. Why? And again, that's us as a system, having to be more thoughtful than we then we then we ever have. And so when we need to train for demand, and when we're training, we need to be trading not simply for a credential awarded, which is super important, but we need to be training with the end of getting that person into work. I have been as extreme as saying I think no publicly funded job training should be done unless there is a job at the end of it because particularly for someone who's been out of work, to ask them to go through job training without that promise, or at least the high level of certainty is too big a risk for them. So we've got to make sure that that training is effective and tied to employer demand. That's one, I think, two, we know that technology is going to become an even bigger part of the American workforce, we have 32 million Americans who are not comfortable using a computer. And if you look at the amount of those Americans who have access to training to get better, only 10% of them do. And so we know certain skills will be ubiquitous across jobs with all jobs, not technology, jobs, how are we training across our entire workforce for basic digital literacy, everything from turning your computer on and using Microsoft Office, all the way to high level things like coding AI and machine learning, quantum--just wishes down the pike. The third thing that I would say is when we think about workforce development, many jurisdictions think about workforce development as something that happens once someone leaves high school. I think those think those who have really been in the space know that these are things that we should be talking about when children are young. So when we see things like the computer science for all movement in in K-12, the opportunity for high school students to get externships while they're still students so that they can understand what it's like to be in the workforce, as well as actually getting connections that can help them in their career. That's really critical. So one, how do we make sure we are tying training to demand. Two, how do we make sure we’re giving every worker digital skills across portfolios so that they can use them in any job? And thirdly, how do we make sure that we're starting those things young? So that again, when people come out of high school, they are already developed for our workforce? FASKIANOS: Great. Let's go to Ray McDonald, who's a city council member in Conroe, Texas, so please accept the unmute prompt before asking your question. Q: Some great points you're making. I love what you're bringing up there. As we go back from COVID, struggling with people, being afraid of people working next to people, you know, how does this affect the way to move forward? I love what you said. Not looking back to what we had, but looking forward to what we know, there's something new, I wanted you to kind of unpack that a little bit. You kind of think it might be some of those things we're looking at. AGUH: Yeah. And so, Ray, I lost a little bit of you, but I think what I heard you asked was basically, how will the workforce change going forward when for potentially the foreseeable future? It'll be hard, and people may be afraid of working next in close proximity to other people, or, or serving other people in close proximity. How does that--how are we going to think about that? So I think there's a couple ways one It means we're going to be more dependent upon technology, we already have seen that I'm sure all of us had never really used Zoom before six months ago. And now we've all gotten probably pretty good at it. Not everyone has the tools to do that. So again, going back to that digital skills piece, we've got to make sure that those are ubiquitous, to be honest, as quickly--if we're doing job trading, let's say doing shopping to be a pipe fitter part of using zoom should be part of that. Because again, whatever you're doing these virtual technologies, particularly those that are used for communication, like Zoom, like Citrix, is going to be really, really critical. I think that's number one. I think number two, what we're also seeing is this is a place where I think jurisdictions are going to need to be really forward thinking, what are the job opportunities that are being created because of this very, very strange environment? One thing that you're seeing right now, particularly as folks are trying to figure out what to do about school is they're seeing right now a bunch of is actually happening in my household. How can we come up with safe ways for kids to enter interact with other kids, whether it's for my son's story, he also started three year old soccer and it didn't quite work out. But you're finding right now seeing popping up across the country, matching services to match parents with other parents who can get their kids together in a safe ways so that they can have playdates. Similarly, you're sitting at a higher level, hey, how do we come up with safe ways to do education without dealing with potentially having my kid go back to a school? You're seeing I use those as examples, not saying whether they're good or bad, but what it shows is the thing about Americans during times of adversity, Americans innovate. So the question is, as jurisdiction probably sits on top of those innovations, figure out how to scale them, accelerate them, and also help support them. I'll use an example from my home state of Maryland, again, contact tracing, we basically created a contact tracing core across all of our counties where literally we have people who are unemployed, and we are re-employing them right now, at a wage of between $35,000 and $40,000 per year to go to contract racing, we're kind of probably, I'd say the top court file in terms of reinfection rates in cases. But we basically had people who needed work, found a need, trained them and got them back into the workforce and good for the state, but also be able to put food on their table. And so what I was saying is one, how do we basically get those digital skill lists? Two, how do we take advantage of those new innovations that are coming up? And then three, how do we as cities accelerate to create opportunities that solve a problem that we have in the public health perspective, but also solve an employment problem that we have in our jurisdiction? FASKIANOS: Great, thank you. We have a question from William Tran. How do we adequately provide internet access to rural areas around the country? And do you see that there is a way to dramatically update infrastructure in the next years because obviously, you know, we're having this rural-urban divide. And if Zoom is the way of the future if people can't access the internet, it’s not equitable. AGUH: Now, and I'll add a little bit on that question, which is not just a suburban and rural issue. This is an urban and suburban issue. If you actually look at the data, the majority of people in this country who are unconnected live in urban and suburban communities. The sources of that digital divide are different in different places for urban and suburban communities, usually, because the options available are too expensive for folks who don't have means, whereas in rural communities, it's the cost issue and the fact that may not be an option available to them. So I will say absolutely, I see this getting better in the next few years one because I think school is what's done it. I think those of us who have kids who had to be home with them and figure out how to help them learn on Zoom, we realized that frankly, if you if your kids don't have access to internet connection, they don't have access to education. In my home state of Maryland, we aren't going back to school in person before February 1. And in fact, it is possible that that date may get pushed back even further. So I think the focus on it, particularly in the education sense, has created a need and an urgency more than I've ever seen nationally, on these issues. The question for rural communities is will we have the investment for rural communities, you generally need an investment of fiber infrastructure backhaul, I won't get into all the technical pieces to make that happen. And the thing that I'm really looking to see is, in the meantime, until we get those things, are there stopgap measures? We have seen substitute solutions, like for example, can we give out connected devices meaning I basically have a tablet with a wireless card in it where it has a network like a phone, I can use it like a tablet, that's one very tactical example. But I think this will get better. It has to because if you don't get people that access, they don't have access to education. I also tell people from employment point of view, I ask people, when was the last time you filled out a job application on paper? I usually don't get many hands when I ask that question. So I think the answer is yes. I think school has driven the issue. And the question is for rural communities, will we see the investment? Will we see the stopgap solutions while we make those investments? FASKIANOS: Great. Next question will go to Signe Friedrichs. Q: Thank you. I'm a town council member in Herndon, Virginia. And I have a question that deals with kind of using other countries ideas maybe to help us and, I don't know if this is antiquated or not. But when I was a student, I studied German. And when I spent some time in Germany, part of our curriculum was to go around to other schools and find out how the Gymnasium worked and how the different kinds of schools worked. And Germany seemed to have a system where they figured out how many people they were going to need to do what job and specifically tasked those schools with training people for that job. And it doesn't seem like we do that here. I may be wrong about that. But there was a direct pipeline, basically, they were saying, we're not going to waste any time here. We need six welders, we need twenty-five plumbers, we need someone who can discuss Descartes. And that's what they did. I don't know how successful it was. It seemed very successful at the time and I know because we have a federal form of government perhaps that would need to be something that the state did rather than the overall government. But do you have any thoughts on that matter? I don't know if this is very antiquated or what? AGUH: No, I mean, I'll say if you look at Germany right now, from a comparison of COVID infection rates, but also their, their economic situation, they're in a much better place than we are. Someone once told me that the U.S. has an unemployment system. The Germans have a reemployment system. They have a system built to get people to work and back into work if they fall out of it. There are a couple of reasons for that. One, they have a much, much more centralized form of government. So again, that was a national decision versus a local decision. That one that does complicate these efforts. You know, we have, I believe 14,000 school districts, and as an example, close to 100,000 schools, all of them managed by different school boards and things like that which you all as local officials understand these things unbelievably well, but let's take apart what you said. Someone somewhere had some clear idea of what demand was from the job market. Number one. So in that case it was the government, but it could be anybody. Two, they had a system of creating people with those skills to take those jobs. Again, in their case of schools, but it could be anyone for us. So the question is, how do we make those two capacities ubiquitous? And one of things that makes it possible is that frankly, government just listens to businesses when they say, here's what I think we're going to need. And not just saying, I'm going to need welders, but saying, a good welder at my company can do these five things. Whenever I speak to employers, I am always pushing them to be super precise in what they need. Because at times I find employers are not as precise as they should be. Looking at most jobs, they comprise of 32 separate tests.. I always ask employers, can you name those 32 separate tests so that when you're hiring, you can hire not for necessarily a credential, but what makes a good candidate for that job. And then number two, the schools are responding very, very quickly in real time to produce those things. When I ask employers how quickly between when you tell me you, you have a job to when it's filled, is too slow?  I generally hear 90 to 180 days, and really closer to 90 days. In Germany, they have a system that can pivot super quickly, to create to create those skills. And I'll be honest, in the states, we don't have anything that can move that quickly, whether that be at the K-12 level or in the higher ed space. So if I didn't say what we need to do, how do we have a clear idea of demand locally, statewide, nationally? Secondly, how do we have a system at the K-12 level but I'd also say in higher ed, I spend a lot of time in the community college space that moves just as quickly so that we can fill demand. The last thing I'll say and this is an important thing, we have to train not just for a job, because we know jobs are going to change because of changing technology, but also careers. And so the question is not when I train you, not simply am I helping you for this job, you're going to get, but hopefully we will also be giving you capacities that will help you in jobs two, three, and four down your career. That's the best kind of training. And again, that's going to require a little bit more than beyond what you asked. But those are my initial thoughts, and what I feel the Germans are generally doing well, and right now it's rebalancing to their benefit, and we're suffering because we don't have some of those capacities now. Q: I really appreciate what you said it. It brought to mind one other question that I wanted to mention. I have a liberal arts education. I'm in my late 50s. That was what we all did when we were when we were teenagers. But one of the things that they that they constantly reinforced to us was you have to prepare yourself for change all the time, you have to know that the skill you have now isn't the skill you're going to need. So how do you do that throughout your life--or how do we, as a government help people, if that’s what we want to do, reimagine themselves every (I don’t think every 90 days like you suggested) but every five or so years, our jobs are going to be very different. How do we keep sane and retrain ourselves at the same time while we're doing our job and raising our families and all that stuff? So that was just one of the things that your thoughts raised in my mind. AGUH: No, absolutely. I think, again, I've heard this concept. We talked about resilience in terms of disaster recovery. But when we think about the economy, we want workers who are resilient not simply where they have the skills that they need to be successful now. We want to have taught the capacity to learn new skills and new capacities over the course of your career. So I'll say a couple things. One, I've started my career over. I taught second grade in Brooklyn, New York, when I first started. We spend a lot of time in the K-12 system teaching that discrete bodies of knowledge. That’s very important. No question. What I'd argue is more important is –because right now I can look up anything I want on Google. And I can know when the French Revolution started. Or I can go on my calculator and calculate this. What's more important is teaching critical thinking, problem solving leadership, communication, things that machines can't do, that no matter what job you're in, will be super effective. When I talk to employers, they generally tell me I can train anyone on technical skills that I need in 90 to 100 days, what I need are those things that machines can't do. Give me someone with those skills, and I’ll figure out the rest. That's one. I think, two, as we think as this is a policy recommendation, we put it into our report. We need a way for Americans to finance their reskilling across their career. Right now, if I want to, for example, learn full stack engineering, I need to drop out. If I have a family I have to figure out how to pay my rent or mortgage and buy my groceries and do ten or eleven hours a day to learn that that new skill, we have no system of financing for that, Germany does. So how do we think about that for people who need new work? I'll use another example. If you think about a four year degree, we have a system of finances that has lots of problems that I can go into, but we have a system where, if you don't have the money for that right now, you can borrow. We have no system like that that's analogous for short term skill training that can teach you a capacity to get you into the next step in your career. We've had thoughts about basically how do we basically make those types of funds available for that, but we're still not there. So I'd say two things. One, how do we make sure that K-12 education focuses on those human skills that can't be done by machine, as well as discrete bodies of knowledge. It shouldn't be either or, you need to put them together. Then secondly, we need a way for Americans to pay for and sustain themselves while they get new skills, so they can get back into the workforce. FASKIANOS: So, Sarah Soroui from the Boston Mayor's Office raises the point that we need better data on work from home trends to analyze what's happening in the U.S, workforce. Do you have any recommendations on sources for that information? Is it  being collected and any other perspectives to add? AGUH: Sure, and in my prior place of work we did a lot of work with Mayor Walsh, so it's good to see someone from Boston. I lived in the Boston area for about seven years of my life.  I'll say a couple of things. So there are a number of sources that I can name, sources like Burning Glass, MC, and actually the regional Federal Reserve Banks do amazing work. The Philadelphia Reserve Bank actually did a great study just recently, not just on trends, but also what are the careers that lead to other careers? What are the skills that build on themselves? And so actually, this report just came out, I want to say in July, so I really encourage folks to take a look. But what I'll say here is, while macro trends are helpful, I do believe they are, but you need to have that layer of data. What I find is at times, and I remember from my own days in government, you use the data to, in some ways, avoid the conversation with the people who have the jobs, who are the employers, whether they be small businesses, large businesses. And so the best approach is having the macro data, but then also having that regular contact with employers and force employers to be specific and can be committing to hiring for what they need in a quick time frame. That will always give you the best projection of what you need. You know, I'm in Prince George's County here in Maryland. What did MGM say in terms of how many groundskeepers they're going to hire or how many accountants they're going to fire? What did Marriott say in terms of how many people they need to do sales, things like that? That's always good. I find that bottom up data is just as important as the top down data. FASKIANOS: Thank you. And I'm waiting to see if we have other questions or comments. I did want to talk to you about your work with community colleges. What are the primary concerns you're finding about education now during the pandemic? I know a lot of people are thinking and stressing, quite frankly, about the reopening of K-12 schools and universities that are starting. I mean, we saw the cases in Georgia. And I know that there has been a patchwork of some schools, I think you said in Maryland that are going to be remote through February and perhaps longer, and New York has announced that schools can reopen as long as they are following CDC guidelines, etc. AGUH: Absolutely, you know, I lead this community college growth engine fund. And so first there's the safety concern, most of the schools that we're working with, as well as higher ed broadly is doing some type of hybrid instruction. Very few of them are doing full in-person instruction back in the fall or are worried about the safety of their students and the surrounding communities. But the second thing, which I see has been a big pain point, is two things. One is very practical, which is because many of these schools are going to some of the virtual instruction, they're seeing many students for reasons that are personal to them, saying I might want to defer a year. I may delay my decision to go into higher education. Not bad. The question, the challenge, is that that's 25, 30, or 40%, or even more of the incoming class that you're expecting that that is a huge revenue impact. And so every school is dealing with that. And one can imagine as they're making these decisions, that's probably in the back of their minds. They want to make sure that they’re around in the fall of 2021 to make sure they can continue to serve students. So number one, the revenue business model impact of having a number of their students defer entry. Number two is the reengineering of how they deliver their instruction. So again, let's use workforce development. Let's say you're doing an apprenticeship around construction. For example, you're used to doing that in person onsite, side by side. That's the nature of apprenticeship as we've understood it for thousands of years. Now, you've got to figure out how you do that virtually. And that is a pedagogical challenge. As a teacher, I'll say, very few teachers are taught, whether it be at the higher ed level or the K-12 level, how to do that intuitively. They have to learn along the way. So those are the two big pieces of heartburn that I have seen felt from the higher ed students that we've worked with. I'll say one thing that I find heartening, that is the opportunity that they see is, there is such a need in terms of people who need to work and work that needs to get done, that community colleges are seeing themselves as a bridge. The community college growth engine fund, at my place of work, we're basically trying to put a structure on that and give support so that they can build those bridges. So they see an opportunity, but the small concerns and the kind of cost concerns and changes that are coming definitely give heartburn during this time of COVID. FASKIANOS: So I know one of the recommendations in the Task Force was the licensing requirements, having more portability for licenses to cross state lines. Are you seeing now with COVID that states are lifting those --making it easier? Not that you know, people can travel but in any case. AGUH: I think the honest answer at least from what I’ve seen from local and state jurisdictions is that regardless of party or geography, I think the question is bandwidth. You have to figure out how you're going to pass the law because maybe your state legislature can’t meet and pass the regulation, or because the department of labor maybe can't meet. And also you have, of course, school safety, health, things like that. So I find people agree with this issue. But then just the bandwidth concern. That's I think, number one, I think number two adjacent to that, and I wrote about this particularly in the Task Force Report is we do have some states where there are barriers to licensure that don't quite make sense. So for example, there are still a number of states where usually there's some type of kind of governing body at the state level that says who can get a credential who can't for things like plumbing, being an electrician, things like that. And at times, things like a felony record, or a felony on your record, can be a barrier to you getting that licensure, even though you have paid your debt to society. You want to be an economically productive member, but your prior record stands in the way. And so I think at this point, the big question is how do we remove all barriers to licensure, whether they be geography, whether they be potential past record, things that can't be controlled, that don't bear on people's ability, because particularly in high growth fields that we need, we can afford to have these types of barriers. FASKIANOS: I believe John had another comment or question, how do we assist college students who have not received financial assistance through COVID-19 relief packages, while also helping them to continue their college education and get jobs in a new job market? AGUH: This is a great question. This is, I think, a million dollar question. I think one of the things, whatever one's thoughts are on all the patches that have passed Congress. I mean, one thing that has been tough is direct aid to individuals, particularly students, particularly those who have not necessarily started their economic turnings, yet. It's a place I think, that we've found ourselves wanting, and so don't have answers. But I think some outcomes that I think we do need to look for are one: how do we get some of the students into some of the work that needs to get done? We have seen places like I use again my home state city of Baltimore, or places like Massachusetts who basically said for folks who are not in work or who have been displaced from their college, let's put you into contact tracing. I use that as an example. But there are more types of work like that I think we can create fine. And again, it serves a public purpose, but also an economic purpose for that individual. I think number two, a really big question is how do we this is probably a federal issue, but how do we make sure that students who have been displaced in no fault around do the COVID, can still get some access to the aid they would have access otherwise? Whether that be Pell student, hopefully reasonable student loans, things like that. So those are some things that we can do, but I'll be honest, it's a knotty problem that we've just not quite figured out. And you know, it's left to me, this is something that we would have figured out during, when we were figuring out our rescue package is called earlier in the year than we could have taken care of. FASKIANOS: So I think, Chike, state and local officials are facing a lot of challenges that start with a budget as they're trying to prepare and deal with this pandemic and safely reopening schools and whatnot. How would you prioritize what needs to happen in order to tackle all the different things and there are so many issues that have been surface that were there but have become really, you know, are in our face from health to clean energy to, you know, the list can go on, education. AGUH: I am very loath to give a mayor or governor advice on how they should prioritize, but let me talk about this area of employment and skill. So let me talk about that. I think for every official that I talked to, they generally have roughly two or three priorities. One is, of course, keeping people healthy and safe. Second means getting people back to work. And so when we think about that, I would really go back to where I began, which is, as much devastation as we've seen in the economy, there are places that are still stable and growing. And the question is, how do we ascertain exactly what those jobs are the skills that are needed from their employers? And then, how are we working with any institution we can: K-12, higher ed, community based organizations, institutions that we've not even thought of yet and support them and train people for those jobs? That's number one. How do we get that skill in demand? I would say that it's a huge, huge need. That's number one. I think number two, there is work in the country that can now be done in a different location. So again, take something like, if you use Google Map things like geo tagging, where basically people are looking at images, certain things that can be done from anywhere. If I were mayor of a city, I'd be looking for what types of jobs are like that? How do I basically connect those to people who are unemployed, and literally, if I need to make sure that all of them have an internet connection and a computer, I'm going to do it so they can do that work. That's how much I paid for the internet and computer, it's less than then being on unemployment or other public assistance benefits, or people potentially getting involved in illicit activity. So how do we basically team agile work that may not be where I am, but that my people can do? I think lastly, all the public officials who are on this call, I know have long stories about the small businesses that were not helped and did not get enough help during the whole PPP crisis, particularly those that were minority, women-owned, people who weren't big. And so how do we think about small business relief? A number of proposals have been put out there. But thinking about even if it's some type of debt vehicle, meaning someone has to take out a low interest loan, how do we keep as many of those businesses open as we can, because what we saw from the great recession was that is far easier to as far less likely to keep someone in a job than they lose that joband you have to get them back in the job market. So I would say one, how do I treat both of the jobs that I have running in my local jurisdiction as quickly as I can to how do I train them for jobs that may not be in my jurisdiction, but can be done virtually? Thirdly, for the small business particularly that I have, how do I keep them open so that they can keep employing people because it's better to have those folks employed, keep that business open, whether it be a hardware store, a barber shop, dry cleaner, and have them on the beat, the unemployment rolls and then years later, potentially pull them back into the market which we know is economically difficult.   FASKIANOS: Are there some sectors that you see at risk of not having enough people to fill those jobs? AGUH: I mean, if you if I look at still, in some ways we've seen some of these shortages expand in the Allied Health fields, everything from doctors, nurses, phlebotomist, you still particularly because we're seeing rising healthcare loads, this is differential a little bit throughout the country, but we're still not seeing I'm not seeing the single healthcare writer say I have enough of all those people. That's number one. Number two, in the in the in the technology stack, so whether that be data science, user experience engineer, back-end engineer. There are also a bunch of the middle skilled jobs, things like database security, cloud infrastructure, things like that. Still not enough of those, and if anything, they need more, because we're relying more on those technologies to run more and more of our society. And anyone who works in cloud, for example, has seen demand dramatically increase because we're relying more on service like Netflix and Amazon, to frankly, make sure we all don't go insane inside of our houses. Now, and for the last four months. So those are places that frankly still had a hard time filling. And I think that if you're lucky enough to either be located near something like that, or you can access that virtually hop on that because we are still hiring. I live in the DC metro area. Amazon is not just still hiring, they are hiring more people. They're hiring at a faster rate than they were before COVID partially because of their success during this crisis. And we can argue about why that is, but there are examples like that in most jurisdictions, and we really want to that local folks jump on that because I think it's going to be critical to making sure that people can sustain themselves during this time. FASKIANOS: And we have a question from Representative Pamela Anderson from North Dakota. Q: Thank you. I just have a comment about the small business loans, and (the information) actually came from one of the first of these conferences I listened to. We're very fortunate to have the Bank of North Dakota, our own state bank. But after listening, we have a micro business loan: ten full time equivalents or less, $25,000-no collateral, a little bit of collateral up to $50,000. And our payment plan is 1% for 10 years. So basically, it's, you know, $9 per $1000, I mean. So we're keeping some of our small businesses going, I think, because I listened to one of these first webinars. So and then I also have a question or a comment maybe. I think what COVID has done is, higher paying jobs you can work from home, lower paying you can't, right? So how is that going to change how people think about their careers? AGUH: Absolutely. On the first point, Bank of North Dakota, is whether people want to public on bank or not. But what you all have done is, I would say absolutely right again, in the state of Maryland, we are down with half the amount of small businesses, relative to January, then relative now than then then to January. And that is a huge, huge concern, because that's where the majority of people work. And what you saw with PPP is if you look at who got loans, who were small businesses, most of them were over 100 people, nothing wrong with those businesses. When you look at businesses that were twenty-five people, ten people, the percentages were infinitesimal, because frankly, they didn't have the banking relationships and the time that goes through the whole process to get those loans. And again, that those are those people are employing a huge part of our workforce. So I think all those schemes that you described make a ton of sense, particularly focused on those small local businesses. The broader concern that you brought up is really important, which is a higher paying jobs, you can work from home but lower paying jobs, potentially, you can't. And so what's interesting is if you look at a lot of jobs that have now been deemed essential, they fit in that category. The folks who stocking shelves at grocery stores, the folks who are working at, you know, certain hospital jobs, public safety workers, things like that. I would argue one thing that COVID has shown is that some of those quote unquote, lower paying jobs, low skilled jobs, are actually quite important. And, you know, when I took economics, things that are important are things you should pay for. And so figuring out how we sustain people who are working those jobs, and also how we keep them safe during which is, again, another big area of controversy, but how do we make sure businesses are keeping their workers safe so that they can do some of that work is really critical, and I think has to be a part of the lexicon of business moving forward, you know, again, you know, this is must have insurance for certain things, businesses have to have certain safety protocols. We know sadly, that pandemic, this may not be the last pandemic that we see. And we've got to make some references are prepared for that. And we as a society have to make sure that we are willing to pay for people who are doing essential work, even though we didn't consider it that before COVID. FASKIANOS: Thank you. And I'm pleased that our webinars having that kind of webinars are having that kind of impact. So thank you for that. The next question is from Sarah Soroui with the Boston mayor's office. Q: I just wanted to sort of dovetail off of some of your comments, and I sort of study this stuff, too. I think and just from my work in the mayor's office and the office of workforce development, and then sort of my research work. I mean, it really is in the immediate term. In order for us to really understand what are the work of the few trends, we would really need a much better understanding of how COVID is accelerating digitalization of firms. So with the need to reassure customers that consumer experiences are, you know, compatible with minimal sort of social contact and human interaction, how is this impacting investment in automation and interactive communication and self-serving digital tools. And I think, as you were saying, of this educational inflation across a lot of occupations that we're seeing is kind of a proxy for digital literacy skills and technology skills in a lot of ways. So, and then on the other side of that is, the workforce development field hasn't, in the case of some rural areas, telecommuting or remote work, jobs haven’t really been a major focus. But now, you know, we're going to probably see the expansion of remote work jobs, which will, potentially, have some impact on localities in terms of competition, labor force, labor market competition. But there's on the other side of that, there's obviously a lot of opportunity. So those are, those are two areas that I think are really sort of important to understand as we go forward. And, you know, as we kind of emerge out of this pandemic mode. AGUH: I agree with everything that you've said, I think, again, we still don't understand enough of what's happening within firms. And I will push and say, I don't know that firms are totally understanding what's happening within themselves right now again, because people are really just again, trying to make it from day to day. I think secondly, though, how we think about what will this workforce look like? I expect, I think most of us seen it, that jobs that people said have to be done from a certain place, you're going to see some loosening of that. And the question is, how do we take advantage of that? And I think what Sarah's speaking to is, and it's particularly a city concern is, oh, well, people not feeling like they need to live in the city anymore because they can be in other places and work far more remotely. I think the question then becomes, okay, from an economics point of view, what other things can I give people that they wouldn't get otherwise? Some of it is social proximity, some of it is amenities, but I think cities particularly, I think, some things to think about because one, how do we deal with the safety concerns of getting something if this happens again when we have that density? That's one, probably a manageable concern but one that that maybe has to be confronted. Secondly, how do we make sure that people still feel a need to be in the city, if, even though they may not need to live there to be successful? I think on the flip side, for your suburbs, for your rural communities, this is potentially an opportunity. You all may be able to provide things the city can’t provide, whether it be some land, being able to see the stars at night, whatever, whatever it is, as long as they can connect. When I think about the city in a place like Tennessee, I think about Chattanooga, Tennessee, they invested in a broadband network, which is world class that has changed their city from an economic and social perspective and created opportunities for their residents that didn't exist otherwise. And now, I imagine Andy Berke who's the mayor there is thinking about how he can position his city as one where people can move to and still work in places like New York and Boston and Philly, and Chicago. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. Let's go next to Uche Uwahemu for the next question. Q: Hi, I’m from a California Assembly Member’s office. So real quick, I just wanted to ask, if you have seen a rise in new startups since the COVID-19 environment and if so, what sector and what area do you see them on the rise? And what are the challenges do you anticipate seeing coming for them? AGUH: It is a great question and particularly in places like California, I'll be frank, this has been a tough time for startups. And let me say, small business but also startups in particular for a couple of reasons. One, unless you've just raised a huge amount of venture capital, you don't have a big cushion of cash. And so a lot of startups basically saw their customer balance dry out so unless you had the money and the cash to make it through a tough time, you are likely cash strapped and you had to lay people off, or you potentially had to shut your doors. Um, but you have seen again, in very particular places, particular industries, I've seen things in the health field, the education space, as well as the broad kind of virtual communication space, we can have some new startups pipe up, but I would argue, although I haven’t seen the full data on this, so I don't want to quote a statistic that I don't have. My instinct is that startup activity is down a little bit, you know, startups are probably down in this country pretty significantly relative to January. But I think there are a couple of places in the sort of fields that I named, where you will see activity. Um, this is something I frankly do lay at the feet of our incomplete and not robust enough response for small businesses. Again, most startups are not 100 people, not 500 people, they are 10 to 100 people. And things like PPP, which is a great idea,  I think I had a positive impact on the economy still did not get to enough of our small and growing businesses, and then layer on top of that led by people from an array of diverse communities. So I actually think when I think about what public policy folks can do, I think it's how do I help these small businesses be successful, and in exchange for their commitment to taking care of their workers, which is, hey, worse if we're supporting you as a state, you've got to keep people on at least the level that you're at right now. And then secondly, which I think is what's coming next? How do we think about helping startups in business more broadly, invest in those workers training and capacity to be more successful? You know, a paper that I'm working on right now. A paper that I'm working on right now is on, how do we change the tax treatment for training? Meaning right now, if I as a business buy an Escalade, I can depreciate that and get a tax write off for it. But if I train a worker with a new skill, I have to add that as an expense. How do we make sure that we treat investment skills like we treat investments in equipment because that's better for the business. We want businesses to invest in workers that are more productive on the job. And it's better for society because if that worker leaves that job, they have skills and investments they can take somewhere else and still be economically productive. So I think that's what potentially is coming next. How do we make sure that we are investing in the workers that they're productive no matter where they are? So, invest in startups, but also invest in the people who work there so that they can be productive wherever they go next. FASKIANOS: Chike, we are almost at the end of our time. And I just wondered if there are, since we are the Council on Foreign Relations, any examples of from around the world of job retraining? Are there countries that are doing really well and what can the U.S. learn from them? AGUH: So one example is Germany. So again, Germany is successful one, because of a pretty tight coordination within their businesses and their government and their educational institutions. That's one. Two, they have treated their technical and vocational system not as a stepchild, but as an equal to their traditional liberal arts college preparatory curriculum. And I'd argue that in the states part of the reason that at times we've had a negative impression of vocational education is because we've never invested in it or really treated it seriously. In Germany, it is an equal system with just as smart people, just as robust investment infrastructure. And we need to have a similar view here, I would say, on the broader kind of economic stability side, looking at a number of things that the UK has done, particularly around helping businesses keep people on staff. I won't have the numbers right, but basically, they're investing business keeping their workers on payroll, with up to 80% of their wages, capped at a certain amount, which is a huge investment. But I would argue that is going to cost them far less than having those people out of work and trying to get them back in the job market weeks, months and years from now. One place I'll say very domestically that I think has done a really good job of this is looking at places like Chicago. Tight coordination with employers working directly with community colleges, community based organizations to train people for jobs that actually exist, so that they're not only training, or praying there's a job for them, but actually having a job for them. One initiative I'd have people watch, Governor Raimondo just announced Back to Work RI, which is going to be a statewide initiative, doing this exact thing, figuring out the jobs that exist, working with any educational institution to prepare them, and then doing that and getting people in those jobs as quickly as possible. So I think those are some examples from other states and other countries that I think would be really powerful, you know, during this environment. I will also say, I think the thing that Americans do well in times of adversity is innovate. For all people for on this call, we definitely need that innovation now from you. And I think having your ear to the ground in your communities, which I'm sure you all do, is going to help you surface those. And again, I think what we all need you doing is standing there in the public square making sure that we are invested in helping them as much as possible. FASKIANOS: What a great way to end this discussion. Chike, thank you very much. We really appreciate your insights. And we will share with all of you the video link and transcript, as well as a link to the Future of Work Task Force Report that Chike was a member of and referenced earlier in this call. I encourage you to follow him on twitter @CRAguh. So you should follow his thought leadership there. Chike, it's always a pleasure to hear your insights and your analysis. So thank you very much. AGUH: Thank you so much to the Council for having me and thank you to all of you for what you're doing for being on this webinar today. FASKIANOS: Terrific. Stay well and safe everyone. Thank you.
  • Elections and Voting
    Election Administration and Mail-in Voting
    Play
    Trey Grayson, former Kentucky secretary of state, Elizabeth Howard, senior counsel for the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center  for Justice, and Tahesha Way, New Jersey secretary of state, discuss election administration during the COVID-19 pandemic, including practical recommendations for implementing mail-in voting. FASKIANOS:  Good afternoon and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations’ State and Local Officials Webinar. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We're delighted to have participants from forty-six states with us today. Thank you for taking the time to join this discussion, which is on the record. As you may know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative, we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. We also publish Foreign Affairs magazine. We're delighted to have with us today Trey Grayson, Liz Howard, and Tahesha Way. We previously shared their bios with us so I'll just give you a few highlights on their distinguished backgrounds in alphabetical order. Trey Grayson is currently a member at law firm Frost Brown Todd and is a principal in the firm's public affairs affiliate CivicPoint. Secretary Grayson served two terms as secretary of state for the Commonwealth of Kentucky from 2004 to 2011, and following his time in government held positions at the Northern Kentucky Chamber of Commerce and Harvard University's Kennedy School. Liz Howard serves as senior counsel for the Brennan Center's democracy program where she focuses on election security. Previously, she was deputy commissioner for the Virginia Department of Elections and coordinated numerous election modernization projects. Ms. Howard has also held roles as general counsel at Rock the Vote, and with a Washington, DC, law firm where she specialized in election law. Tahesha Way currently serves as New Jersey's thirty-fourth secretary of state for which she was nominated by Governor Phil Murphy and sworn in in 2018. She leads the department with a diverse portfolio, including oversight of the state division of elections. Secretary Way previously held numerous roles in public service including as an administrative law judge for the State of New Jersey. So thank you all for being with us today. We really appreciate it. I'd like to first begin with Liz Howard to ask you to just give us an overview of election administration during COVID-19, including any recommendations you have for implementing mail-in voting and what why you feel it is important to have mail-in voting. HOWARD:  Thank you so much, Irina, and thank you to CFR for having me today and for conducting this panel. Just a quick word about the Brennan Center for Justice. We're a nonprofit, nonpartisan, law and policy institute, which means that we are part think tank and part communications hub. So we collect and analyze a lot of data and work with election officials and other stakeholders to craft and promote policies that will help make our democracy better for all. And I know that today that we're going to focus primarily on vote by mail and absentee voting, but I wanted to talk briefly about the fact that election officials intuitively know, and that is that all of our different systems that make up all the different components that make up election administration days, basically online services, in person voting, and now more than ever vote by mail voting, are interrelated. And while they may seem independent, it is critical that we work to secure all of these different systems, and unfortunately, I know from personal experience that a failure in one system can cause all the other systems to fail and cause a really big problem. I just want to quickly take you through one of Virginia's terrible, very bad, awful election days to kind of drive home this point about why all of these resiliency measures are so important so hopefully you don't have to experience what I did. So, on Election Day back in 2014, we started getting phone calls that morning, from voters that were having problems using the touchscreen voting machines that were still in use in our state because they were trying to select one candidate and another was appearing on the summary screen. We were working through the election officials on the calibration issues when a voter videoed their efforts trying to vote for one candidate and the screen showing that they were attempting to vote for another. So this video went viral kind of mid-morning, so by that afternoon the phones at the Department of Elections were going crazy, until they weren't because our phones crashed. So now because we didn't have a backup system, voters, members of the press and public, were having a hard time reaching us. And of course, now everybody desperately wanted to know the results of the election. So guess what? Our election night reporting website went down, and we did not have a backup for that. So, in good news, this terrible, very bad election day happened prior to widespread acknowledgement that foreign actors were attempting to interfere with our elections because these failures can not only impact the actual ability to administer elections, but also the public's confidence in the integrity of our elections system. And we learned a ton of lessons from that day, and many of the other challenges that we faced when I was an election official, and I hope that we can share some of those lessons with you today because I think there are many steps that you can take, and local and state election officials can take now to make their systems more secure. Especially as vote by mail becomes increasingly popular and voters are increasingly choosing to use that option as a safe method to vote in the middle of a pandemic, a lot of officials are rolling out new tools that make it easier for eligible voters to vote such as an online absentee ballot tool. So for the online tools such as the voter registration tool or perhaps your new online absentee ballot tool, you can conduct load and vulnerability testing on the systems to make sure that they're ready for the potential deluge of voters that are going to have an interest in the systems. For the states that have recently rolled out online absentee ballot tools they can send confirmations via email to the voters that have requested these absentee ballots online. They could also send email confirmations to voters that have made changes to their voter registration information online. They can also work to obtain services from a content delivery network, such as CloudFlare or Akamai, to better protect them from Distributed Denial-of-Service (DDoS) attacks. They can do other common sense things to make their online systems more resilient. Just preparing for potential issues and putting up a static page that will have a PDF of either the voter registration form absentee ballot tool. There are also simple steps that officials can take to make their in-person voting systems more resilient, such as ordering enough ballots now for 120% of voters. Many of you have seen the headlines that voter registration numbers have declined in this period compared to the same period four years ago and we just honestly don't know what that means. But it could mean that there will be a big surge in voter registration closer to the deadline. So ordering enough ballots for 120% of voters will ensure that there's enough ballots for everyone and also having a sufficient amount of provisional validating materials at the polls so in the event that there has been some other system failures along the way, the last point on Election Day, the election officials are prepared to recover from any incident. So thank you so much, Irina. I look forward to the panel and it's a delight to be here with Secretary Way and former Secretary Grayson. FASKIANOS:  Thank you very much for that overview. Let's go next to Secretary Way about how you're preparing in New Jersey for the upcoming election. WAY:  Good afternoon and thank you Irina and, of course, thanks to the Council on Foreign Relations for inviting me to participate today. My fellow panelists, and of course everyone watching, I hope you all are staying safe and well. So, like most secretaries of state, it is my responsibility to oversee our state's free and fair elections. For me, I want to make certain that every person in New Jersey who is eligible to vote is able to cast a ballot and that ballot is protected. Now I know you probably all know every individual state runs its own elections. There is no cookie cutter approach to this so what I have to say today pertains to New Jersey but at the same time we all learn from each other and work collaboratively to protect our sacred democracy. Let me start also by providing a baseline in terms of New Jersey's elections and how we conduct them when we are not living through a pandemic. In New Jersey, we conduct elections every year, we are home to an estimated 6.2 million registered voters. During my term, we have continued to work to make registering to vote more convenient and accessible than ever before in the garden state. In partnership with New Jersey's motor vehicle commission, we rolled out automatic voter registration. As of March 17, formerly incarcerated persons on parole and probation are now permitted to register to vote and participate in our elections the historic expansion of voting rights in New Jersey and prior to this November general election, we will launch online voter registration, further ensuring that registering to vote is accessible to all. Now, in non-pandemic times, most of our voters would cast their vote on Election Day at one of the more than I want to say 3,400 polling locations. In recent years, however, a growing number of voters have chosen to cast their vote using a vote by mail ballot. Equally important, since 2005, voters have not been required to provide a reason for requesting a vote by mail ballot, which has allowed this method of voting to become more available to New Jersey residents and since last year, voters can choose to sign up for vote by mail permanently, choosing the option to automatically receive a vote by mail ballot for every future election. Prior to the pandemic, approximately 600,000 were signed up to vote exclusively using vote by mail. Thus, vote by mail isn't entirely unfamiliar to voters in New Jersey. And that's what we have been working with when the pandemic upended all of our expectations for what we thought 2020 would ultimately look like. So, for primary elections purposes and keeping the time down, I want to say we had to weigh the safeguarding the health of poll workers, election workers, and of course our voters and their exercising the right to vote. So our primary, which just occurred July 7, was conducted primarily using vote by mail with postage paid return. There were limited in person voting for voters with disabilities and for those voters who needed to vote in person, for example if they did not receive a vote by mail ballot. Each county had at least five secure ballot drop boxes for the purpose of receiving vote by mail ballots and these locations were under video surveillance to protect against tampering, and they remained in place through 8:00 p.m. on the evening of the primary. In addition, as we were mindful of the volume of mail the post service was processing, the deadline for receipt of vote by mail ballots was extended from 48 hours after the primary to seven days afterwards, or July 14, but at the same time those ballots had to be postmarked on or before July 7, Election Day. Now, while we were required to at least have open one polling location to be available in each of New Jersey's 565 municipalities, we had about, I want to say, 1,600 polling locations that were also available and that continued on, but at the same time we had a campaign and effort entitled "Make Your Mark New Jersey," and this was prior to the primary election, which encouraged voters to participate safely using vote by mail. The "Make Your Mark New Jersey" campaign was comprised of public communications and advertising, and across traditional and digital media platforms and focused on the four simple steps to properly vote by mail, which are vote, sign, seal, return. We also provided voters the opportunity to fix or cure their ballots if they fail to sign the sealed ballot return envelope or if their signatures did not match the one on file. Those voters were proactively contacted by their county board of elections and given approximately two weeks to verify their identity and ensure their ballot would get counted. Now, moving forward, here is what we know about vote by mail and how it can work best--some of our best practices if you will. One, recognize that the creation, printing, and distribution of vote by mail ballots takes time. The longer lead we can provide to our county election officials who are really the front lines of our democracy the better. Two, the use of vote by mail ballots essentially means that the USPS must be an ongoing partner in the timely secure delivery of ballots and information for our voters. Three, make sure voters understand how to properly fill out their vote by mail ballot by including clear instructions within the mailing and engaging in robust opportunities to educate the public, online and in person, about how to vote by mail. Four, make ballot return as easy as possible. Give voters multiple opportunities and locations to safely return their ballot if they choose not to return it via mail. Five, give voters a sense of security by letting them track their ballot from when it leaves their hands until it is received and counted. Six, make sure local election officials have the necessary PPE, supports, and optimized equipment to process and count ballots. Seven, listen to voters, to your local election officials, and engage with their feedback on how things worked. If we want to do our best we need to be respectful enough to hear it from them and be willing to make their experiences better. So to close, ultimately the most important thing I can do for voters as secretary of state is to be a trusted source of information. Even prior to the pandemic, my team and I were extremely concerned, as well as others nationally, about misinformation and disinformation, and its impact on voters in the November general election. Whether or not it is done intentionally, sharing false information about our elections is voter suppression and it harms our democracy, and unfortunately, in the age of social media, it occurs more and more frequently. So one of the ways to combat bad misinformation and disinformation is to help voters identify the people, the organizations that can be trusted to have accurate information about how, when, and where to vote. My office, the New Jersey Department of State, and specifically our state's divisions of elections are trusted sources. We are nonpartisan, we are here to help. Our website and our elections app are both one stop shops for voters to check their registration status, get updates on election deadlines, learn what public questions will be on the ballot this fall, polling location and find key information for county election officials. So, simply put, with every state, perhaps making at least some election changes in light of COVID-19 is all the more important that voters know where to turn for correct information because things may look very different from the last time they voted in a general. So know that your state secretaries, local election officers, etc. are all your trusted voices. Again, thanks to the Council on Foreign Relations for this kind invitation and to all present. I look forward to our panel discussion. FASKIANOS:  Wonderful, thank you and let's go next to Secretary Grayson to hear about his experience administering elections in Kentucky, and lessons learned. GRAYSON:  Sure, thanks Irina. I’m still around elections, you heard in the introduction that I was secretary of state a few years ago and still serve on a lot of nonprofit boards and help out in trying to make our elections work better, including service on President Obama's presidential commission on election administration. So I've been watching and helping during this primary election season in trying to get ready, help states and locals get ready for the general election. I still live in Kentucky and we went through a very unique primary. Kentucky's a state that has traditionally been an Election Day kind of election. It's an excuse, historically, has been an excuse-based system so you had to have an excuse to vote absentee either by mail or in person, although some of those excuses were simply a category if you're a senior citizen--that was considered an excuse. In Kentucky when I was secretary,we passed a law allowing the election to be postponed a month, and that the legislature and the election legislators realized we actually needed to be able to change the manner of the election to make it clear that the law allowed that. So the legislature tweaked that law and the governor, the secretary of state, and State Board of Elections came up with a plan that may shift Kentucky's election, mostly to mail-in voting, did it in about a two month period and it was fairly successful. We still had Election Day voting and we still had some early voting, and that became no excuse as well. I wanted to highlight in conclusion, because we've had some great suggestions from the two folks who spoke before me, a couple lessons from Kentucky and a couple more broad lessons as I've watched and observed and assisted in other states. So one in Kentucky, I thought that the secretary and the election administrators did a great job of utilizing the media, and they use the media in a couple of different ways. One was helping to communicate very clearly the changes, the new options that were available. Now in some states it may not be that there's new options, it's just that there are existing options that people had never used before. You know, maybe they could, in New Jersey for example, you could vote by mail, but you didn't know that because you always just voted on Election Day. But using the media to help explain the new options, explaining the current and the old options, so that people can choose the best manner to vote.   Also using the media to help voters understand, especially in states that are adding a lot of vote by mail, that election night isn't going to be as conclusive as it usually is. If more votes are being cast by mail that likely means that more votes are going to be counted in the days following election night or Election Day. All votes are going to be counted, but it might take a little longer to get results, especially in close races. And I thought Kentucky did a great job of getting the media to tell that story so the media itself didn't have expectations of immediate results. You saw public television, which always has election night coverage, and I was actually one of--I was on Kentucky's public television on both election night, but they scheduled their election wrap up a week later rather than election night. So on election night, we talked mostly about how the election went from an administrative standpoint. There were some results that were big enough that you could predict a winner and talk about that, and then but we waited another week to actually talk about who won and who lost and what that meant for the fall. The media was a really important ally in that, and so I encourage election administrators and local officials use the media as your ally. They want to cover this, they know it's a big deal, and so give them that information, help them out, or ask them to help you out, and I think they'll do that. The second thing that I thought was a good suggestion that Kentucky adopted in a couple of locations, they adopted these mega centers. We'd never used vote centers in our state before where anybody could vote at a certain spot in the county or jurisdiction, and we had a couple really big mega centers, it was easy to communicate, people knew where to go, there were plenty of poll workers and assistance. One thing I thought that was a great idea that one of the counties did, was they had a special line for people who had trouble with an absentee ballot. So some people may have requested a ballot and it came late or didn't come at all or maybe the wrong party was sent. This has gotten to be a problem for the general but you could get the wrong ballot that's sent to you and what do you do.   So rather than having that person go in and try to figure out which line to go in, there was a special line just to cure those problems with the vote by mail ballots. I thought that was a great idea. It allowed the regular lines to be used for people who were just checking in and they could vote seamlessly, and it didn't cause those that had problems, it took a little bit longer to work out, to clog up the rest of the lines. That's a great, great suggestion that Kenton county in the northern part of the state came up with, and it's something that I would highly recommend, especially in, again, in states where they're adding vote by mail and people just aren't used to it and so there's probably going to be more challenges there.   The third thing, and maybe I'll wrap up on this one, is I'll just use the term more allies. We always want to be creative and around the time of election, we're always looking for poll workers, we're always looking for other folks to talk about these changes, but obviously this year, as you've heard, and you expect is very different. It's been great to see new allies step up, like professional athletes and professional sports teams and more and more businesses. My hope is the Chamber of Commerce world where I used to work, Chambers of Commerce is across the country, social groups, churches, everybody will step up to recruit coworkers to help with polling place locations, because a lot of places are probably going to--a lot of polling places may change, and so we may need to be creative and identify some new places. And also, again, communicating, just as I talked about the media being the ally, communicating all these new roles and new opportunities and new ways that people can vote in the best manner possible during a pandemic. So, more allies, that kind of creativity is going to be especially important and so I encourage folks to think about how that might look if you're--in your local community, who are those trusted sources as allies? Who have those big megaphones, who are those influencers? And I did say that was my last point, but my final, actual last point is this. Congress is debating federal legislation, you know the cares two act or whatever they're going to end up calling it, we need to make sure there's federal dollars to help state and local governments. It's not clear that the money is going to be there and so for those who are on this webinar, viewing this webinar, make sure you reach out to your members of Congress, your senators, especially if you're in Republican states, the Republican Senate bill didn't include the money. I think we can get money in the bill--it was in the last cares act. It's essential for our local governments and our state governments to have more resources to do the kinds of things that we need to do to buy the PPE and, you know, pay extra rent for new places and all these unexpected and unplanned expenses. We need more financial assistance, and so I encourage everybody to reach out to your members of Congress over the next week or so and let them know that you need help. FASKIANOS:  Great, thank you very much for that. We're going to go now to all of you for your questions and comments. So please, if you're on a computer you click on the participants tab and raise your hand there, if you're on a tablet, just click on the "More" button and you can raise your hand there, and you can also use the chat feature, and if you could say who you are so that we can--it gives context to our panelists and maybe direct your question to everybody or just one person directly. So we're going to first go to Dr. Tonya Stewart. And if you can accept the unmute prompt, that would be great. Q:  My name is Gregory Rose, I'm the city manager for University City, Missouri, and I have a question, I guess it would really be for everyone. I think in this environment I'm becoming increasingly more concerned about not necessarily the mechanics of voting, but the validity that people believe within our voting processes, which is a little bit different than the actual mechanics. So, what approach are you taking to assure the public about the validity of the outcomes? HOWARD:  So, this is Liz, and I will talk about a couple of things. So, first, to reference one of the points that Trey made earlier, it's about communicating to the press and other stakeholders about reasonable expectations for how this election is going to run. One of the results of the pandemic, as we talked about earlier, was a spike in absentee voting by mail, and the reality is that this is causing election officials to drastically change a lot of their back end processes and the election results are probably going to be delayed because of this new volume of ballots that they have to tabulate centrally. Trey talked about and Secretary Way talked about working with stakeholders and communicating out the appropriate expectations for voters so when those results are delayed, that is not something that causes them to think that there has been a problem or a concern with the election administration process. In fact, it means the election administrators are doing their job. Second, there has been some concerns raised about fraud related to absentee voting and I think for that, that I would encourage you, and you know, everyone else to actually work with and talk to your local election official, like Secretary Way talked about earlier, there are Republican and Democrat election officials that fiercely defend the number of election integrity measures that they implement to ensure that the count ballots from eligible voters only. So many election officials that I've seen have actually asked people that have called with concerns to come into their office, observe their process, and watch what they're doing and or learn more about the process and that has been a very important point here. I also just want to take a second to thank you and to thank all of the other state and local election officials on this call for administering an election under, you know, the most challenging circumstances that I've ever seen and just thank you so much. FASKIANOS:  Yes, go ahead, Secretary Way. WAY:  Thank you. I echo Liz's sentiments but I just want to also add I think even before this pandemic, I think with election officials, our main charge was countering any interference, either domestic or international, and we really had a true focus--not to say we're not doing it now--but the focus was really on cybersecurity, and the reason why I'm bringing this up is because I know that secretaries, I can speak for myself, we work with our federal partners from Homeland Security. I know that I have state law enforcement partners, if you will, our state Homeland Security, and also the offices of the Attorney General, we work with the FBI, and we've had I want to say what's the last year, New Jersey hosted our first national tabletop exercise, in which we drill down on various scenarios. There were about 400 participants, fourteen out of state delegations, about fourteen to sixteen federal partners who came, and third party organizations that came to somewhat focus upon emergencies and the integrity and the protection and validity of our voters. So I just want everyone also to recognize that, and I did speak about the misinformation and disinformation, and again, this is really why we truly need to communicate with our voters so that they can understand there is a way you can track your vote. You go on to our portal, by way of example, so that there can be some understanding and feelings of security in terms of making sure their votes are protected. GRAYSON:  I think what I would add, and both the speakers before me made some great points, is one--I'll just begin. It is unfortunate that we see candidates, office holders, and political parties and presidents raise questions and we've seen it where, you know, trying to undermine the election process to their base to basically lay the groundwork that if you lost it wasn't fair, the election wasn't conducted correctly. This is not a new thing. This has been going on for a couple decades now. I guess it's probably gone on for the history of the country, but we've seen in the last 20 years, I think, a steady increase in trying to undercut the confidence people have in elections, and unfortunately, we've seen survey data that shows that people don't quite have the same confidence. So it's incumbent upon folks in election administration space, who do this job in a nonpartisan way, even if they wear a republican or a democratic hat at some point, you know, in other parts of their lives that to be transparent, you've heard that earlier, to show all the things that are out there to focus on security and trusted information. There are a lot of people who are involved in the process, political parties are intimately involved in the process, and they are right there in the room where the votes are being counted, they're in the Election Day most precincts are required to have poll, you know, precinct officers that are bipartisan nature. So we try to make these elections as transparent as possible and that's where I think organizations like the Secretary of State's Association and state election directors, and other local election administration organizations need to continue to do a great job of saying, look, we're running our election so whoever gets the most votes, wins, period, I don't care who it is and we're going to take the time to count all the votes accurately, fairly, and you the public need to be able to trust in that. And so it's like I said, all of us need to step up and explain how that works. I think transparency is an important principle that can really help overcome some of that misinformation that's out there, it's just trying to sow doubts in a system that works pretty well. It's not perfect, no system is perfect. The system works pretty well. FASKIANOS:  Thank you. So we have several raised hands and several people have raised their hand in the chat. So I'm going to read out a couple of the comments in the chat for you to address and I will go back to the raised hands in queue. So from Calhoun County Commissioner Rochelle Hatcher, she's from Michigan, please explain how citizens with felonies are able to exercise their right to vote and can they vote by mail. And then we had Larry Burks from the town of West Chester Ohio, ask about heightened tensions and protests riots, who is responsible for security of voting facilities, in person voting polls, and how are you thinking about that? I only put two out there. And then I'll go to the third later. GRAYSON:  I'll jump in on the felony one, just to start. So one, that law varies state by state. Most every state allows felons now, at least of certain categories of felons, to automatically get their rights to vote back upon the conclusion of a prison term or something like that, but you’ve got to look at each state's own law. In a few states, it's by an executive order, like in Virginia and then now in Kentucky, that it's a governor's executive order under certain categories. Usually, you have to go ahead and re-register. There are two states where felons can vote from jail. You never lose your rights in Vermont and one other state and I can never remember the second state, Liz- HOWARD:  Maine. GRAYSON:  --Okay, so in those two states they never lose the right to vote. But it varies state by state. And we're seeing, I think, a big effort over the last decade or so to allow more felons to get the rights to vote back. I mean, to be honest, you know, this was a push in the late 1800s and in most states that was race based, it was designed to try to disenfranchise African Americans. And over time, we've seen that that's, you know, all part of trying to improve our voting rights in America. But in a few states, it's taken a little bit longer, because it's in the constitution or for other reasons, and so, I think Iowa was the most recent state to do--the governor did an executive order. I believe in all states, some category of felons, and sometimes there's a distinction between violent and non-violent, get their rights to vote back. But you just got to look at a state by state issue and it's something that--we still have to work on it in those states with executive orders to make sure that it's permanent, and also to expand those categories. And then we've also seen things like in Florida, where there's a question about what is paying that debt to society. Is it a court fine, or is it merely your criminal fine and we need to simplify that so that more people can get back to becoming part of civil society and exercising the right to vote. WAY:  Yeah, I know that in New Jersey, the governor signed the legislation. I had mentioned in I believe it's March or early this year, and it's for those who are serving parole and probation now they are able to register to vote and what is of equal importance is that they do not have to pay any fees or fines to do that. FASKIANOS:  And voting security at polls? HOWARD:  So, this is also going to be a state by state and potentially jurisdiction by jurisdiction decision and it may also vary by facility. So a school may have different regulations than a church and a senior center or than a government center. In Virginia, we had a fusion center and we put together a committee that included representatives from the local sheriffs, from the state police, from the FBI, and local election officials right to work together to respond not to just cyber threats, but all sorts of other threats that could potentially have an impact on the integrity of our elections. WAY:  Here in New Jersey, similar to what Liz is saying, we do have on every election, the statewide election days, we have a fusion center it's the New Jersey kick on the communication cell, which is an umbrella of our New Jersey State homeland security and preparedness department. What we do is, on various hours when polls open, we get on calls various stakeholders, and there are generated reports as to what, if anything, is going on statewide, which is a good thing to make sure that everyone from law enforcement, from elected officials are all in communication with one another if there are any sort of incidents impacting the elections. GRAYSON:  So in Kentucky, for example, one of the precinct officers is actually designated as the sheriff and part of that person's duty is to be the point person for law and order if there are any challenges. A lot of states have electioneering zones around a precinct which are designed to prevent people from campaigning close to the polling place. Sometimes that provides a little bit of a buffer to try to, you know, keep people away from the polling place. You know, and law enforcement always on call on Election Day. It's tricky because we don't want a law enforcement be too visible on Election Day because that can be intimidating to voters. But they do need to be around and available because there are things that can happen on Election Day and you'd like to be able to nip something in the bud as opposed to having a compromise a precinct for an entire day. And then, you know, with more voting by mail and more voting in early in advance of Election Day, those are different types of security arrangements. That's why you have the signature requirements and application requirements and things like that, that's in effect the security process for vote by mail. And then early voting, usually it's fewer locations and so you may have more formal--might be a government building, or something like that. And so there's different types of security there. But it is something to look out for and, you know, there's 800 numbers and all kinds--and people monitoring social media and all kinds of other things that are done on Election Day to try to keep everything safe and secure. FASKIANOS:  Thank you. Let's go to Gail Pellerin, please. Q:  Hi there. I'm Gail Pellerin I'm the Santa Cruz county clerk, and thanks for this today this is really helpful. I'm just wondering, because there is a national effort to make people question the accuracy of the vote, is there any united effort among all state and local election officials to basically put out that, you know, a verification and accuracy of the vote totals, once we've done all of our due diligence and audits and have released our final counts? I just suspect there's going to be some national discourse on that, you know, and I'm just wanting a strong united front among state local election officials verifying these are the results they need to be respected and accepted. HOWARD:  Well, as Secretary Way mentioned earlier, every state has a slightly different approach to administering elections. But I, you know, you hit on this a little bit, Gail, the post-election audits I think are an integral piece of providing voters with confidence in the accuracy of the election results. So there is a gold standard of risk limiting audit--a post-election audit called the risk limiting audit, and actually, Secretary Way has been a pioneer and she's worked with local officials in her state to pilot this type of post-election audit. We just saw officials in Michigan conduct a statewide pilot of the risk limiting audit and we're working with officials in many other states. And Colorado and Rhode Island now require these and you'll see many other states coming soon that will also adopt these these audits. There's certainly more work to do. And, you know, I think in California, they're also piloting the risk of bidding on it. So I'd love to talk to you more about this and I definitely think there's work to do here. FASKIANOS:  Great, so we have two questions that kind of follow on to this. I know Secretary Way talked about tracking your ballot. Mike Cady, supervisor of the City of Eagle River in Wisconsin asks, "How can I determine if my vote was recorded correctly?" And then Leslie Hoffman from Yavapai county Arizona recorder says, "We just implemented a five day cure period. I heard some speakers talk about a longer time period frame. How do you respond? Ours pushed for--how do your candidates respond, ours push for fast results. Therefore, even a five day period poses issues and I know Secretary Grayson, you talked about the administration on election night and then a week later talking about the results. So how are you dealing with that tension?" GRAYSON:  Yep. So yeah, I think you know, the five days is probably a decent balance that you can strike especially in a state like Arizona that's historically had a lot of vote by mail. I don't know if it's--at least in Maricopa County, I know it's had a lot of vote by mail, I mean, I don't know if that's a statewide thing or local thing. The one thing to make sure with the cure period is that you provide the opportunity to cure what you need to cure. So, for example, one of the things we learned in Kentucky is that we gave an opportunity to cure mismatched signatures, but not an omitted signature.   What I mean by that is, in Kentucky, and this is similar to most states, you have, you know, you have your ballot, where you actually vote, you put that inside of an envelope, you seal it, and in Kentucky, you sign across the seal so that way, and then you put that inside of an outer envelope, and the outer envelope acts as both an outer envelope that you mail it or drop it off in so it's the protected envelopes, but it's also essentially the--because all the application information, it's not an application, but it has all the information that the administrator needs to determine whether that ballot is valid or not without having to reveal the inside of that ballot. So once you you've done that you set the outer ballot aside and so one of the things that we discovered is that we didn't allow the cure on the inner envelope if you left it blank, and--or on the outer envelope for that matter if you left it blank, only if you had it mismatched. And so that's something I think they're going to try to fix for the fall. And so it's not just the duration, it's the length of time, but it is this balance. People want results quickly. You know, five days gets you through, especially, you know, depending on whether you count the weekends as in your five days or not the five days get you if it's if you don't cut the weekend to a week later. Longer than that people--candidates are probably really going to get antsy. And in some states, they do a little bit less than that, they make it through that Friday, so it's really just three days to cure it. If you're also determining that ballots eligibility in advance of Election Day, you know, then you may have a little bit more time to cure if--depending on how the law is written. If it's not from the day the ballot is judged at the problem or is it from the day of the, you know, the actual election. WAY:  If I may just supplement going back to the audits and thank you, Liz, for raising that. In New Jersey, we were one of the first states to pilot the risk limited audit. We're not there yet, as to you know, any type of decision in terms of you know, the November but what I can say is that when we piloted with the federal funds that we had received from, I believe it was the 2018 funds, it was it was successful because that too is a way to validate the votes to make certain whatever vote was recorded is recorded. Now moving forward to the cure. This is the first time in our primary was the first experience for us doing the cure and we know we all have an expectation for election results to be as timely as possible but we have to also weigh and ensure that every vote is counted. So, with all of those things being put into play, I think that it adds to the integrity of our elections, which is so very much want even in a pandemic. FASKIANOS:  Great, thank you. Liz, go ahead. HOWARD:  Well, I would just, in response to Leslie's question, say, you know, as a former counsel to multiple candidates, I don't know that there's any cure for their anxiety. But I was hoping to ask Trey about the results reporting process in Kentucky, and I think I have this right, but correct me if I'm wrong, that the locals and the state withheld the results from the absentee ballots until all of the counties have counted everything and I don't know what you thought about that and if you thought it had an issue impact on, you know, candidates anxiety levels or public confidence. GRAYSON:  So we got the sense that I think because we communicated that this is just the way it's going to be that obviously candidates are anxious. I mean, as a former candidate a couple times on the ballot, you know, yes, they're going to be anxious, but I think they had some clarity on expectations. Now, I will say that there was some will say, never again, we've got to make sure we get you know, as soon as we're out of this pandemic, we got to get back to having more either in person, earlier--if we're going to expand voting, we're going to do it in person, so we can get our results quicker. But yeah, it held back pretty good. You know, a few of the few of the results leaked. What a lot of counties did is on Election Day, they released the votes on Election Day itself. So we knew how many--we generally knew in probably 90% of the counties, what votes are counted on--cast on election day, but it was the absentees and the early in persons that were held back until the following Tuesday. And then they started rolling in on Tuesday. So we kind of had, I wish I had thought about this, I should have scheduled as many things to do on that Tuesday because I kept following on Twitter and social media and the secretary of state's website, all the results, you know, trying to come in because there were a couple legislative primaries that were really close. And we had a U.S. Senate primary that was really close. And so we were all anxious throughout the day. And so it made a different kind of election experience, but it went okay. There were some criticism about the lack of transparency, though, because you had some results that could have been released earlier and weren't. But that was the system that that Kentucky adopted and it went over okay, let's say, yeah.   FASKIANOS:  Great. Let's go to Stephen Urban next. Q:  Hi, how are you today? So I'm Luzerne County council member here in the great state of Pennsylvania, and this was the first year that we basically went to pretty much a paper trail type of system versus what we had because our governor had decertified all of our machines and forced all the counties in Pennsylvania to buy new machines this year, which are in essence ballot marking devices, and then we have tabulators. So you know, you have a paper trail. But I can tell you from a primary experience, and I will be on a meeting this evening with my fellow colleagues, and we will have our local board of elections there, but I firsthand I can say this is probably one of the worst elections that I've experienced in my life. My own father getting the wrong party ballot sent to him. You know, absentee wise, you know, he was actually a county official and he got the wrong party ballot received. It's possible people got the wrong ballot for their wards. Multiple ballots were actually sent to some individuals that they could have cast a vote twice. These write-ins weren't counted correctly. Wrong party ballots were given out at the election polls with the consolidation of wards people were getting the wrong wards passed to them. So they're led, you know, that leads to over voting and under voting in certain wards, lack of training of poll workers. There's issues with secret, you know, like the secret envelope, you know, does the ballot count if it's not sealed in the secret envelope within Pennsylvania, and then Pennsylvania kind of convoluted the process because we have both a mail in ballot and an absentee ballot which are two different processes in our Commonwealth. You know, the mail in if you order a mail in in the primary, you get one in the fall and up to about the third week of February of the following year. If there's any special elections where the absentee, if you choose to spoil it, you can take it to a poll, give it to a judge of elections, you know, sign a declaration that you're not using it and use a machine. But there's a whole multitude of issues that I found that If we're wrong, which hopefully I'm going to be able to address them tonight when our board of elections but these are things that, you know, will skew accuracy, the integrity, and in some cases in my county, they're not even being transparent even to myself as an elected official, unfortunately. FASKIANOS:  Thank you. Does anybody want to respond to that? GRAYSON:  I'll just say that it's, you know, things like that unfortunately do happen. And you know, especially in states that were rolling out new voting systems, even in the best of times, there are bumps and there are challenges with new voting systems and poll workers having to get used to them. I mean, the good news is they were rolled out on a primary which has lower turnout than in the general election. It doesn't excuse things that were happening. I mean, hopefully, you know, when the ballots are the wrong ballots are mailed, sometimes wrong ballots are given out on election day too, and we always tell voters, you know, make sure you check the ballot out, make sure you got the right ballot, because there is a little--there is a voter roll for this. But it is a challenge, and I'm disappointed though to hear because the thing that bothered me the most not, I mean, you obviously want perfection, was the lack of transparency. There needs to be transparency about the challenges and the problems and how to make them better. And that's probably the most disappointing thing that I heard from Mr. Urban, and, you know, hopefully that meeting will go well tonight to start that transportation--or transparency conversation so that the fall is in a much better spot. FASKIANOS:  Do you have any suggestions on how to allow poll ranchers to observe beyond just being in the room? There's a question in the chat room, specifically when it comes to duplicating the provisional and absentee ballots. HOWARD:  So, because of the pandemic, election officials are struggling to implement procedures that allow them to be as transparent as possible. But it is a challenge. We, you know, and election officials are very concerned about the safety of their poll workers, their staff, voters. So we've seen a couple of local election officials kind of across the country do a really good job with it. Some will have video recorder (inaudible) feeds available online, and most of this you will see in big counties and the issue with this and with so much else that we are talking about here today has to do with money. And as Trey referenced earlier, while the federal government gave some money to elect--to election officials to help with the additional costs that they're facing because of the pandemic, it wasn't nearly enough and Congress is negotiating right now about whether or not they're going to include any money for our election officials that desperately need the funds to pay for PPE, for the additional equipment and the additional people necessary to ensure the integrity of the election when so much of how we're putting vote by mail. So, just echoing what Trey said, so please reach out to your federal elected officials and encourage them to ensure that elections funding is included in this next stimulus package. FASKIANOS:  And we're going to go to I think, Bethany Hallam will have to have the last question. Q:  I'm Bethany Hallam, I'm Allegheny County council member at large. I'm also on our board of elections here. Again, also in Pennsylvania. So we really had an overhaul this year of a lot of changes along with a pandemic. So it was really a perfect storm. But my big concern is one of the new changes in the Pennsylvania election code was the ability for folks to apply for a mail in ballot up to seven days prior to Election Day. So a big problem that I saw was so many folks who never received a ballot at all and had to put their health and well-being at risk to go to the poll on Election Day and it was simply because we were not able to keep up with the demand of mail in ballots the first time we were ever able to no excuse vote by mail, and then also the pandemic. So I was wondering if any of you have any advice. Do you outsource your mailing to a company that specializes in mail? If you do that, how do you ensure the security and integrity of the process? I'm really just looking for how we can get ballots out quicker because we recruited dozens of additional workers for our elections division. We really thought we did everything that we could and it didn't work. It wasn't enough. So I'm just looking for advice on that. WAY:  Well, what I can say is, and I think I mentioned it earlier on, is in light of the mail delivery situation. That's why in New Jersey, we had extended the receipt date by I want to say a week. I also know, you know, on a national front, secretaries of state, you know, are in constant communication through our organization, the National Association of Secretaries of State, in terms of the any postal service issues. On a local level, I can speak in New Jersey, my counties actually had a postal service representative who they liaised with, not to say everything was picture perfect, but if there seemed to be a slow delivery that was impacting various counties or what have you, our director of division of elections, his team, the local election officials, were in constant communications with the Postal Service and I truly believe, not, again, saying everything can be utopic, but we have to communicate across all spectrums. With voters with, you know, poll worker recruitment. Former Secretary Grayson he mentioned that he said, you know, there needs to be a wider bench in terms of getting poll worker selections. It's going to take all hands on deck in terms of us moving forward into November and that is why we have to be transparent. We have to be able to get on the phone. We need to show our support if there's the need for an amplified--if there are the need for state resources, for better and more optimal equipment to process ballots by way of example. So again, it's going to take all of us not just the secretaries of state or the county clerks or county boards, or supers, it's really going to take a united front for the election to go on and, of course, be as successful on all fronts as possible. GRAYSON:  I can add to this a couple quick things. You know, one, I would say, you know, some jurisdictions have had success with mail houses. So that can be something to look at it, you can do that in a secure manner. The second thing is that working to try to--and this costs money--but the intelligent barcodes which allow you to track the ballots along the way and it also helps the postal service out so they'll probably mail it a little bit quicker, or processes a little bit quicker. And the third thing is working really hard with, again, the media and I would say the campaigns and the political parties to get people to request them just because you can do it a week out doesn't mean you should. And that should be a last resort. Because the reality is, is that getting, even in states where the ballot can be postmarked on Election Day and received later, getting a ballot to a voter and getting it back within a week turnaround is really hard. And so maybe, you know, part of this is just communicating proactively request it now, request it now, request it now. Do not wait. You don't actually have to mail it back, though, you know, as soon as you get it, you can wait and see in case there's some last minute thing happening with the election that might cause you to change how you vote. But get that request in early. Don't wait until there's a week out or whatever the law allows. There's needs to be some responsibility on the voter to self care, if you will. And I think communicating that out and maybe those allies can be helpful in communicating that message out. FASKIANOS:  And Liz, do you want to wrap up with any last thoughts? HOWARD:  I just want to echo I think what Secretary Way said that this is, you know, we election officials across the country are facing the most challenging circumstances that I've ever seen and this is absolutely going to take teamwork. And, you know, I know that there were some hiccups in the primary but I think the most important piece is that we learn from those mistakes, as we all work together to help election officials administer an election this November. FASKIANOS:  Fantastic, there's been--I haven't flagged all of it. I hope that you all have been watching the chat and people's sharing what's happening in their states and their communities. It's really been great. So thank you for contributing your thoughts there as well and for all of your questions. So we appreciate you all being with us. A big thanks to Secretary Tahesha Way, Secretary Trey Grayson, and Liz Howard for today's conversation, for taking the time, we appreciate it. And if you want to know more, you can follow them, and I will go in alphabetical order. Secretary Grayson on Twitter at @KYTrey, Liz Howard at @LizLHoward, and Tahesha Way at @SecretaryWay. So I encourage you all to follow them. We will be sending a link to the audio and video and transcript of this webinar so you can review it, share with your colleagues, and others. And please do let us know how we can continue to support the important work you are doing by sending us an email to [email protected]. So thank you all, stay safe, stay well, and we look forward to continuing the conversation. WAY:  Thank you. FASKIANOS:  Thank you. (END)
  • Public Health Threats and Pandemics
    Resurgence of COVID-19
    Play
    Thomas J. Bollyky, senior fellow for global health, economics, and development, and director of the Global Health Program at CFR, discusses the resurgence of COVID-19 cases and the effects of reopening economies around the world.  FASKIANOS: Good afternoon to all of you. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials webinar. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We’re delighted to have participants from forty-three states with us today. So thank you for taking the time to join us for this discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan and membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by combining analysis on a wide range of policy topics. And we also are the publisher of Foreign Affairs magazine. We are pleased to have with us today Tom Bollyky. We previously shared his bio with you, so I’ll just give you a few highlights. Tom Bollyky is CFR’s senior fellow for global health, economics, and development, and director of the global health program at CFR. He is also an adjunct professor of law at Georgetown University. He is the author of the book, Plagues and the Paradox of Progress: Why the World is Getting Healthier in Worrisome Ways. His book was included on Bill Gates’ booklist, so I commend it to you all. And he is also the founder and managing editor of Think Global Health, an online magazine that examines the ways health shapes economies, societies, and everyday lives around the world. The site offers useful resources on COVID-19 and other topics, so I again encourage you all to go there. Visit ThinkGlobalHealth.org. All right. So let’s get to it. Tom, thank you for being with us. We are seeing an increase of COVID-19 cases in many parts of the United States. Can you talk about this trend that we’re seeing and any lessons we can draw from how other countries have handled and are handling the pandemic? BOLLYKY: Great. Thank you so much, Irina. This is one of my favorite calls to participate in at CFR in this program. I really do enjoy the opportunity to speak with state and local officials who are at the front line of all public health issues really, but this one in particular. So I look forward to this conversation. And thanks to Irina and her wonderful team for organizing it. So the eyes of the nation are rightly focused on what’s happening domestically with regard to the coronavirus pandemic. This is understandable, of course. It’s what we all experience in our home lives, in our—in our communities. And as state and local officials, it’s where your responsibilities lie as well. But we are not alone, of course, in experiencing this pandemic. There are now over 180 countries in the world with reported cases of coronavirus, thirteen million have been reported infected globally, nearly—or, more now than 570,000 have died worldwide. There’s no sugarcoating it. The U.S. is anomalous, particularly among high-income countries, in how we are experiencing this pandemic. The U.S. represents 25 percent of all cases—reported cases of the coronavirus globally, and nearly a similar percentage of the number of deaths. New cases of COVID-19, the disease, are expanding at a rate of 1-2 percent daily in the United States. On Sunday, Florida reported fifteen thousand new cases. That’s three thousand more cases than all of Europe combined. So we are anomalous, unfortunately, in that regard. The U.S. is one of ten countries that represent 80 percent of the increase of reported cases that have occurred in the last several weeks, globally in a number of cases, after plateauing in April have started to increase in May. Most of—we are the only high-income country for which that is responsible for the bulk of this increase. Most of the remainder in countries like Brazil, India, South Africa, and Peru. That said, again, we are not alone in this. We’re all in the same epidemic curve together. And it’s important as policymakers and members of the interested public that we, in our attempts to surmount this terrible outbreak—or, pandemic, rather—together, that we look to learn lessons from the countries that are ahead of us in this experience. I’m going to focus my initial remarks on schools, in particular what we’re seeing abroad on schools. Obviously, it’s a topic of interest. We are not alone in having—most communities having shut down schools. Worldwide 1.5 billion school-aged children have been kept home at one point or another by this—by this pandemic. That has, of course, had dramatic educational consequences for the students that have missed the opportunity for in-person learning. It’s, of course, disproportionally affecting the poorest students with the least ability to obtain those services remotely. It also has dramatic economic and social consequences. In the United States, one-third of our workforce has school-aged children. I have school-aged children. You may hear them on this call. So we all feel this from that perspective. But it’s also been associated with higher rates of abuse and mental illness. So this is having a significant consequence that extends beyond just the educational environments. We all have an interest in addressing this. What can we learn from abroad with how other countries have addressed it? And the good news in terms of thinking for future is that since June, by early June, rather, more than twenty countries that had shut down their schools have reopened them worldwide. There are several countries that never shut down their schools—Taiwan, Sweden, and Nicaragua. I’m going to draw three broad lessons from those experiences, things to keep in mind in this context. I am going to focus on the lessons that emerge internationally. I will not be exhaustive, although we can talk about some of the research coming out domestically about what to do about schools. But I’m not going to focus on elements of that that extend beyond what we’ve seen internationally. So in my initial remarks I’m going to focus on the international lessons. Not exhaustive. After this call I am going to send to Irina and her team, and we will post it, and maybe there’s some way to circulate it to the participants, several documents that are going to be important. One is the CDC guidelines that have emerged on children, and infants, and adolescents. I’m also going to circulate a good overview article from Science that focuses on the international experience. And last, from the—from the American Academy of Pediatrics has also put out a set of guidelines. And those are the three documents we’re going to include. And you should definitely reference those. All right. So let’s get to the three broad lessons. What are we learning from abroad? We are certainly learning that the risk of this virus is lower for children, but it’s not nothing. The experience also differs somewhat for underage children and adolescents. So we have seen uniformly fewer cases in children, but again not none. There have been some. Children under the age of twelve are—appear to be, our latest estimates, one-third or one-half as likely as adults to contract this virus. The risk appears lowest for the youngest children. In the United States, Spain, China, Italy between 0.5 and 2 percent of the confirmed cases in those countries have been in children. That said, a number of those—a number of countries, including elementary schools in Israel, daycare centers in Toronto, have suffered outbreaks among children. So it’s certainly possible, even if it is a lot less frequent. There is no question the risk of spread is higher for adolescents—thirteen-year-old children and older. A recent study in France found in a high school that antibody testing showed that 38 percent of the students, 43 percent of the teachers, and 59 percent of the non-teaching staff had become infected. Among the worst school-wide outbreaks we have seen have been in a middle school and a high school in Jerusalem, where 153 students were infected and twenty-five staff in May and June. The studies involving nasal swabs of older children have shown a very similar viral load as to what you see in adults. So that suggests a similar level of contagiousness. In general we have seen less severe outcomes, but again they do occur infrequently. The largest study of pediatric patients remains in China, a study involving roughly two thousand, a little bit under. There, you saw the rate of children developing severe disease with low blood oxygen being around 5 percent. Critical cases involving respiratory distress or multiorgan dysfunction represented—or, occurred at a rate of 0.6 percent. U.S. data is broadly similar. There have been fewer children requiring hospitalization among overall patients. And ICU, intensive care unit, admissions have represented between 0.6 and 2 percent. That said, there have been severe complications that have occurred in children as young as four, or nine, or twelve. They do appear to be infrequent. Many of you have no doubt read about this multi-inflammatory syndrome that presents with a persistent fever and has been shown to cause damage to hearts and other organs. This is something we’re still studying. It still remains quite infrequent, but it’s real. And that is—that is something to watch moving forward. So, again, lesson number one is risk for school-age children is lower, particularly for children under twelve, but not nothing. All right. Let’s move onto lesson number two from what we’re seeing abroad. There has been a variety of approaches used on social distancing, masks, and testing that we’ve seen so far, with some success in all cases. Netherlands has cut class sizes, but otherwise did not enforce social distancing in children under the age of twelve when they’ve reopened. They have now extended that policy to children seventeen and under. Denmark and the province of Quebec have assigned children to smaller groups. That’s been the strategy, where they can congregate and interact but it’s smaller groups. You have probably—may have seen, Germany, Canada, and England have all announced a similar bubble model as a way of reducing transmission, where you have smaller groups that don’t interact with other classes as a strategy, so you can potentially isolate effects. Societies that are more comfortable with masks—China, South Korea, Japan, Vietnam—have adopted them, even for young children. Many countries in Europe at first required masks, but most of them have dropped them for younger-age children, under the age of twelve, and moved to a more optional model. The U.K. and Berlin has been exploring doing regular surveillance testing as a way of identifying cases as they arrive. I am very sorry to report, despite looking I have not found very good studies internationally on special education. If we do find any, we will let you know. But it is, unfortunately, an area where little research has been conducted to date. All right. Lesson number three, and this is, of course, the hardest—has proved the hardest one for, I’m sad to say, our country—is reducing community spread. All other countries, with the exception of one which I will get to, have suppressed the spread of the virus ahead of reopening their schools. Most that have done so were successful in doing so. There were a few exceptions, the largest one being Israel, where infections have increased steadily after schools reopened. But this also paralleled a similar increase nationwide and it is not clear, as of yet, whether the schools were drivers of that overall national increase or just yet another symptom of that overall national increase. That said, Israel by mid-June had closed down 350 schools. Other countries have adopted a policy where, you know, they’ve been closer to really crushing the curve, that you’ve heard about, in terms of new daily cases. So when there have been resurgences, they’ve responded quite aggressively in shutting down schools. South Korea closed down two hundred schools when they had a resurgence—or, a spike of cases in Seoul. Hong Kong has also intermittently closed down schools when they had increases in cases. Now, keep in mind their number of cases are quite low relative to the United States, but they have really focused on trying to drive down that number to zero. All right. So now to the exception. The only exception out there really is Sweden which, again, never closed down schools and has a high rate of transmission and spread throughout. Unfortunately, Sweden didn’t do any testing serological testing to show the different effects of different policies, school policies, for keeping them open. They have had some episodes. In one school, a teacher unfortunately perished, and fifteen—eighteen out of the seventeen staff tested positive in a school about of roughly five hundred students. The one serological test they have done of a couple of thousand did suggest that the virus had been spreading in schools, though it’s not clear how much. Unfortunately, they did not design policies to study this, and that’s their loss but ours as well. Some caveats about Sweden that I do want to point out, though, is that by and large Swedish—the children in Sweden have much lower rates of asthma, diabetes, and other comorbidities—other illnesses that have been associated with worse outcomes than we do in the United States. So that’s a significant difference. Also unfortunately the U.S. daily rate of cases now is between—this is population adjusted, so per one million people—is 130 to 180. That is higher than it’s ever been in Sweden, let alone any of the other countries we’ve talked about so far today. Israel is climbing now to closer to levels of new cases that we’re seeing in the U.S. but, again, they’ve had to shut down their schools. The numbers look a little bit better on deaths, where Sweden had much higher population-adjusted death numbers than we’ve seen. But it’s now lower than what we have in the United States. And we’re increasing on that metric as well. I won’t spend a lot of time on policies or other activities in these initial comments for what has happened around resurgences, but I’m happy to do that in the question and answers. I’m really looking forward to hearing what you all are doing with schools. Again, in addition to looking at this through this cross-country comparison and our work at CFR, you know, we all—many of us have children or relatives that are impacted by this in one way or another, and we’re all in this together. It really—it’s a fundamental issue moving forward for our country and our community. So I look forward to learning from you about this as well. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you very much, Tom. That was a terrific overview. And let’s go to the group now for questions. (Gives queuing instructions.) The first question is from Jeffrey Dahlen (sp). And I you could identify yourself and what state you’re—where you are, to give Mr. Bollyky some context. Q: Sorry. I accidentally hit the button. FASKIANOS: OK. Let’s go to Martha Robertson. Q: Hello. Thank you so much. Martha Robertson. I’m a county legislator in Tompkins County, which Ithaca, New York is the home—the county seat. So Tompkins County, New York in upstate, the Finger Lakes. My question about schools—and there’s no question of the huge disadvantages of keeping kids out of school and trying to do remote learning. We had the last third of the year with a grandson, a high schooler, doing remote learning with us, and so I can tell you how hard it is. But my concerns is that what about the teachers and the staff? If kid went to school by themselves, that’d be one thing. But it feels to me that people are only talking about health impacts of the children, which are obviously critical, but how do we—how do we, you know, consider this equation without really looking at what happens to teachers and staff? In particular, I’m concerned about asymptomatic or pre-symptomatic children. So what do we know about the prevalence of that in kids, and what happens to their adults? Thanks so much. BOLLYKY: Great. So a couple of things to point to. I mean, the main answer is we don’t know a lot about asymptomatic spread in children. Again, by what the—all the research that we do have suggests that they spread less frequently than adults. But again, it does happen. They are also, of course, and anybody who spends time with children, or has, can tell you they engage in activities that maximize their chances of spreading, even if they themselves are less likely to be prone to spreading. So that is a real risk. In terms of—there isn’t a lot of experience. I mean, again, we’ve seen—as you mention, we may have seen, when I mentioned some studies—observational studies—identifying the numbers of teachers and staff who get infected. It happens—or, it has happened in other countries. Particularly given the high prevalence in the United States and depending on your community it’s going to be really important to have personal protective equipment—whether the children wear masks, the teachers may want to do so, or should do so. And this is going to be an important factor moving forward. Again, we had seen infections of teachers and staff. It’s not entirely—it’s difficult to know for certain, without serological tests, whether that’s come at school or come independently. But we’ve certainly seen this, particularly in Sweden. And we did have that one unfortunate example that I mentioned in Sweden of a teacher perishing at that school amid an outbreak. So these risks are real, and we have to account for them and protect them because, as you rightly suggested, you know, children are only one part of a functioning school. And it will be critical to protect staff and teachers as well. FASKIANOS: Pamela Pugh, please. Q: Hi. This is Pamela and I am in Michigan. And I’m a member of the State Board of Education here in Michigan. My concern is returning to school, obviously, as everyone here. We are concerned with the social, emotional, physical wellbeing of children. My background is public health and environmental health. I’ve studied the indoor environment for most of my research career. My concern, we just had children that returned to Detroit. Eighty-three percent or more African American. The balance is probably—is Latino children. And so, as you all know, Detroit is one of the hardest-hit communities in this country. My concern is we’ve just acknowledged that airborne—or, transmission through airborne—the virus being airborne is real. And so, thank God, we’ve had over two hundred researchers that have come out and said that. We were just fighting in Detroit around not having adequate ventilation. I guess my question is, what are we doing to address that? Air conditioning may not be the answer, it may actually be a problem. Who is looking at and who is pushing for adequate ventilation plans and that fix, looking at the air quality, looking at the air movement, and the air turnover in these schools, before we force our kids to go into these closed areas, as well as the educators and the people that they will be contacting—parents, grandparents? BOLLYKY: Really great question, and an important one. The short answer is I’ve seen nothing on that. Domestically, it may be that the CDC has taken it on without reporting it, but I—but I haven’t seen a particular study of ventilation in school systems. Perhaps there’s somebody on this call who has seen it. But we did not, in the review that we did ahead of this call. I will say, with the data, it is still the—people are much, much more likely to become infected through direct exposure of respiratory droplets. As you very rightly said, that doesn’t mean you don’t see airborne spread. But in terms of priorities ahead of reopening in the short period of time, certainly minimizing to every extent possible the possibility of direct exposure infection through respiratory droplets has got to be the priority. But there really needs to be a greater study of ventilation, particularly in settings or communities where outdoor instruction is not going to be possible, because that is something else that we’ve seen some of internationally, where schools have really looked at the opportunity to educate children outdoors. That’s not something a lot of places can do, and certainly not something they can do indefinitely. So this is going to be important to study moving forward. I’m sad to report I haven’t seen one that’s happened. FASKIANOS: Sorry. So, Tom, there’s a follow-up from Pamala. Should our children be forced to go to school if we aren’t sure of the indoor air quality and ventilation systems? BOLLYKY: So, I mean, this is—these decisions really—and this is another point that less emerges internationally but is part of the—should be part of at least our conversation domestically. There is—I have not heard very much support from anyone on the public health side for the idea of a strictly national approach to these issues. Obviously, this should be tied—decided individually by states and communities, depending on what their local situation is with the virus is, what their schools look like, what the environment looks like in terms of the different mitigation strategies that can be employed. It’s going to be a balance of risk no matter what, reopening schools. And that’s something each community is going to have to decide. And there’s going to be a lot of unknowns. We don’t really know why children aren’t spreading, for instance. We still don’t know, as I mentioned, exactly what is driving this multi-inflammation syndrome. There’s going to be a lot of uncertainties heading into the school year that we will not be able to resolve. And, you know, this is—this is something that will have to be decided by state and local governments. It’s inappropriate to assume that there should be a nationwide approach to these. It’s going to have to be something considered. The balance of the benefits of reopening versus some of the risks. But there are going to be many unknowns under any circumstances as to what this will look like. FASKIANOS: Great. I’m going to go to the next question, but before I do, Ron Mann (sp) in the chat talk about is comparing case rates might be problematic because—have you balanced that with the amount of testing that’s being done? Because obviously I think here in the United States we’re not doing as much testing as other countries. So have you adjusted for that in your numbers, Tom? And then the other—just a note about UV light and what you know about UV light helping to reduce the spread of virus, especially in enclosed spaces. BOLLYKY: So on the first question, on comparing numbers of cases, it is true, particularly internationally, that there have been a great variety in the degree of testing being done. That is a little less true on the population-adjusted level, when we’re talking about other high-income countries, like the ones that we have. The U.S. had conducted a great many tests, of course, at this point. We did conduct them, by and large, relatively late in this pandemic. So the bulk of those tests came a bit late. So we’re not comparing quite apples to apples in terms of when the tests occurred. But I think at this point what most would say in terms of the case numbers for—when comparing to other high-income countries, we’re not expecting to see a great difference in terms of underreporting in those settings. When we’re looking at some low- and middle-income countries, absolutely, there’s a great deal of underreporting. But when we’re talking about many of the East Asian nations that we’ve been talking about, or the European nations we’ve been talking about in this comparison, I wouldn’t expect a great difference in reporting rates. FASKIANOS: Great. OK, Meredith Childs (sp). Q: Hi. Thank you for taking my question. Again, I’m Meredith Childs (sp). I am in St. Louis, Missouri. And I’m with one of the health plans, Anthem, working on social determinants of health. What I’d like to know, or what I’m curious, is anyone collecting data surrounding those supportive services that our children and families are needing in order to deal with all of the ramifications of COVID-19? I recognize and realize just in my area and with the work that myself and my team are performing that definitely housing instability is one of the issues when you are moving from home to home, or couch surfing, or you don’t have housing, or adequate housing, or safe housing at all, then it’s very difficult to do things like practice social distancing. So I’m wondering, is there any information that’s being collected and what type of resources may you be—might you be aware of that is connected to maybe federal funding or assistance to address those issues for our children and families? Thank you. BOLLYKY: Great. Really great question. So on the federal level there—I mean, in general there’s been an increasing amount of research into the role that social disparities have played in this pandemic, because we’ve certainly seen it in the outcomes. So it’s—there is more research. Some of that is on CDC’s website in terms of moving forward. They’ve been a little bit slow in issuing guidelines, but they are—they are doing it. It is clearly one of the lessons of this pandemic moving forward that in addressing these social disparities or mitigation strategies to address them should be part of any pandemic response and part of pandemic preparedness. I have not seen as much in terms of resources that really has been to some degree at the state and local level, how different governments have responded to support people in that environment. I will say, more broadly, to tie back to our conversation around schools, as you know for many disadvantaged communities a lot of the social services children access are really through the educational system. So that’s one of the things people have looked at in terms of engaging some of those community—some of individuals that are under less advantaged circumstances and providing these services through those—through those contexts. And that’s going to be important. I did see someone mentioned, and I did forget to respond to the UV light question, so forgive me for that. It is—one of the thoughts as to why we’ve seen less spread outdoors is UV light. As a general matter UV light is inhospitable to viruses and other microbes. Obviously, you have a lot of air circulation as well. I haven’t seen beyond—haven’t seen many studies indoors. The only thing is, of course, you can’t irradiate a room with UV light with people in it. And in terms of cleaning products by and large people have—there are other options that can be effective in cleaning surfaces. So I’m not sure it’ll play too much of a role in the conversation we’re having. But it certainly is one of the factors that people expect to account for the fact that the virus spreads far less frequently outdoors. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Heather Hillard next. Q: Hi. Thank you for taking my question. I am here in the greater New Orleans area, where we are right now competing to be number two or number three with the number of cases we have. And my question is, the antibody results that are coming back, that if you’ve been exposed, and positive, and recover, that now the antibodies are not as prevalent in people. And even Tom Hanks is saying, because he’s part of the original, you know, study, since he got sick so early on. Do you see an antibody factor in this, that if teachers had been exposed and recover that they could have gone back to teach in classroom, in situ, or is there some aspect of this that it’s not just the nasal testing but there’s another aspect of this with antibodies that we might be able to capture, to provide a safe environment for children and teachers? BOLLYKY: So the primary—great question and thank you for it. The primary question—or primary use that people have made of serological right now is to get a sense overall of the spread of the virus and the extent of the population being exposed. There are a number of reasons why people have been hesitant to use it as a form of kind of immunity passport for people operating in settings. One is a lot of the serological tests haven’t been particularly accurate. That’s improving over time but has been an issue. The tests of infection are a lot more accurate, particularly the PCR tests of infections are a lot more accurate than the serological tests. So that’s one. The second reason is you don’t want to give people a perverse incentive to get infected, so they can work. So there have been a lot of reluctance in that setting. The third reason is there is still some open debate—and this ties to your Tom Hanks comment—about the degree to which people clear the virus. We do—you know, for most coronaviruses you would expect to see some acquired immunity. It is—we’re still not one—you still see some anomalous reports of people who had been previously infected testing as not infected and then later testing as infected again. And it’s not entirely clear what’s going on in those cases. They’re not common. But you know, again, this is a novel virus and—a novel virus. And to that extent, we don’t know. And I saw your comment. And please don’t—I’m saying more for the group, not because I think your question in particular was suggesting that teachers go out and get sick so that they can work. But giving the broader notion why people are hesitant to use serological tests as a condition of employment. But I don’t mean to suggest that you were implying that they should do so in this case. Please. FASKIANOS: Sorry about that. I’m trying to unmute myself. Let’s go next to Susan Hairston is up next. Q: Thank you for reengaging these calls, Irina. I have missed you all. You have really—I’m a councilwoman in Summit, New Jersey. And I have found these calls to be ahead of the curve in information on what’s been happening in the New York-New Jersey-Connecticut area. So glad you’re back. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Q: And thank you to Thomas for this information. I want to follow up on two questions. We know that there is the racial disparity. And I haven’t heard talk about it with children. And so if you can share specifically if you’re finding that to be the case. And I relate that to the studies that you’ve done overseas. And so I don’t hear anything highlighting what you’ve learned overseas about racial disparities, especially in the countries that you’ve chosen. And I happen to have a call with a client in South Africa who was really speaking about the low incidence that they’re having. However, they are taking it very, very seriously, and in lockdown. And so I wondered if that was how you were relating when you said there’s underreporting happening in other countries. So I don’t want to mucky up my question too much, but I hope I’ve given you enough to go on. Thank you. BOLLYKY: Great. Well, first, let me start by saying thank you for the kind comments of the great work that Irina and her team are—we are CFR—are doing with these calls, and the other programs they run. We certainly—everyone at CFR certainly agrees they’re doing a really great job, but it’s kind of you to acknowledge it. In terms of racial disparity among school-age children, I mean, as you probably know domestically there’s been an enormous underreporting by states of this information. So we’ve been really hamstrung in term of making these—having—we’ve been hamstrung in general in terms of having good data broken down by race in many U.S. states. We’ve been even more hamstrung by data breakdown both by race, and age, and gender in many states. So this is really something that I’m hopeful is one of the broader lessons to emerge from this pandemic is to dramatically increase the quality, the timeliness of our public health reporting. It is true that many of those, as you probably have seen from news reports, still come from faxes. I’m appalled to hear that. I worked at the New York City Department of Health in the mid-’90s, and of course that’s how we were getting these kinds of information then. It is sadly still largely the case. I have not seen enough—I have not really seen anything, I should say, internationally that looks across within country racial disparities. I will say, as you point to South Africa or other countries, South Africa’s testing rates have been a lot lower. I am sad to report, as someone who lived in South Africa for a year and a half, that South Africa is one of the ten countries that is growing fastest currently in number of cases. So they had been really broadly seen, and many of us were cheered by this, as a success story. And I’m sad to say that is becoming less the case. There have in general in sub-Saharan Africa, the number of—the reporting, testing rates have been a lot of lower. So it makes it a little more difficult. There are countries that people believe may be being successful, but it’s difficult to have a really good handle on it with the low rates of testing that we’ve seen. Overall the continent last week reported a 25 percent increase. And you know, we’ve had a resurgence in this country, so it’s taken some degree of the global attention away from what had been seen as now the epicenter of the pandemic, which is South and Central America, and India to some extent, South Asia. But everyone really expects sub-Saharan Africa, unfortunately, to be after that. And many countries will not have the ability to impose the kinds of social distancing that they did early, from an economic perspective. They just can’t afford it. So this is a—this is going to be a challenge moving ahead. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Denise Garner. And thank you very much for that wonderful comment, I should say that. I appreciate it, Susan. Q: Thank you very much. I am a state rep from Arkansas. My background is in public health and I’m on the education committee, so I’ve been kind of overwhelmed with all of the information coming in. I really appreciate the information that you’ve given on schools. That will be extremely helpful. We’re in a state that has some out of control spread. We never shut down. We don’t have a mask mandate. We have problems in—with testing supplies, the supply chain. So we’re under-testing. I’m also in a community where undertesting is extremely low. We’ve got percent positivity rates between 30 and 50, very high. And we are also the home of the University of Arkansas, which is getting ready to start. So not only are we starting our public schools, K-12 schools, we’re going to have an influx of twenty-five thousand people into our community of eighty thousand coming from all over, but particularly, 50 percent, from Texas, which is even higher than we are. So what can we do even locally. I’m trying to help locally because our state had not been—I think we’ve—in my opinion, we have been a little bit—our risk-balance has been toward the economy and not toward health. So in that situation we’re really trying to work locally. So what can we do locally as the university gets ready to start, as our public schools get ready to start? And we have been told that schools will start as usual, and with the blended learning. So there is an option for virtual, and that the university will start as usual. So given that, what do we do? (Laughs.) BOLLYKY: So it’s a difficult problem. I mean, as we’re starting to see from many states, the decision between the economy and public health is a false one. If people are becoming infected at high rates, if health systems are becoming overwhelmed, you see deaths going up, people aren’t going to be going to restaurants, and bars, and movie theaters under those circumstances. And you’ve started to see some of the states that had reopened—California obviously most notably this week—have pulled back on that in response to resurgences. So just to make that broader point, which you may be appreciative of already, but I think is important to remind everyone. In terms of moving forward, you know, the most important thing that can be done both for the school setting and the community setting, of course, is to suppress the spread of the virus to every extent possible. It is not rocket science in terms of what the strategies are. And there are all the ones that you know well. They’re where—I mean, my colleague Tom Frieden likes to refer to them as the three Ws, but wear a mask, wash your hands, and watch your distance is a big component of it. And it needs to be combined with strategic testing, isolation and contact tracing, and supportive quarantine, where we can. All these are going to be important moving forward. But on the broader level, it really is the wearing of a mask, washing your hands, and watching your distance. All these are cheap, for the most part. Distance can be a little bit complicated, depending on housing situations, but for the most part quite cheap. It’s matter of getting people to adopt them. And obviously that has been a bit of the challenge with the degree to which these issues in some communities have unfortunately been politicized. But there really is—there’s no other solution to suppressing the spread in this environment. I don’t think we’re going to see broader shutdowns. As you suggested, these things are moving forward. So it’s really at a local and community level trying to approve—improve their adoption. You’re right to be worried about university settings. They really have emerged—bars, and fraternities, and sororities in particular—have emerged as great sources of spread. And it’s something that we’re all concerned about. In the school setting, particularly in an environment that’s high burden, I would really advise you look at the American Pediatrics—the Academy of American Pediatric guidelines, which do have a lot of a more tiered structure of the degree to which some of these social protections, nonpharmaceutical interventions for reducing spread, should be adopted in schools. Obviously in an environment which is really high spread, and if you can’t move to remote learning it’s important to adopt as many of them as possible. One worry I have, in addition to ones you’ve mentioned about testing shortages, is trying to secure protective equipment for teachers, particularly in high-burden settings, in advance. So this is something that really people should be moving towards because particularly in high-burden settings, as another official mentioned earlier, it’s the teachers that are at greater risk. And it will be important, particularly in a setting like that, to do everything we can to protect them. FASKIANOS: Great. Tom, we’re going to go next to—oh, let me open the list—DeAnne Malterer. And I’ll just draw your attention, there were two comments in the chat section, so maybe you can weave those in, about contact tracing. So let’s go next to DeAnne Malterer. We have several more in queue, so I’m going to try to get to you all. Q: Thank you so much. DeAnne Malterer from Minnesota. And I come from a rural part of the state. Is there anything that we can learn internationally to help us deal with what are typical rural disparities in dealing with this disease? Obviously, Minnesota, by the time it gets to be October and November, we’re going to be inside most of the time. And that’s going to be so until we get to April. It’s just the way it is here. Broadband access in rural Minnesota is not good. So we’ve found online instruction, particularly for the kids who need it the most, their access was very limited. And then just lack of daycare in rural Minnesota is a big issue too. Is there anything internationally that we can learn to help us address some of these things? BOLLYKY: Really great and well-delivered question. So thank you for that, identifying the challenges that you’re facing. So I have not seen great breakdowns between rural—whether it’s in the educational environment or urban environments. There’s been a lot on the spread in terms of mitigation strategies. There’s been less, but we’ll look into it. One thing I will say that is going to be important, you know, much of the U.S. is going to have a rough ride the next four to six weeks. Where you see a rapid increase in cases, an increase in deaths will follow. And people—virus spreads among young people won’t stay there. I am hopeful, of course, and remain—I am cognitively optimistic. So I will remain hopeful that we are able to suppress this somewhat, because when we do move to the fall we will see resurgences, for all the reasons you’ve suggested. It will also be flu season. So one thing I do want to identify is, boy, is this an important year to make sure as much of the population gets their flu shot as possible, because if, particularly rural health systems that are confronting both a surge in influenza, as well as surge in coronavirus cases—you know, we’re not likely to have a vaccine prior to the beginning of next year. And who knows exactly how long it’ll take to distribute to many Americans. We will have flu shots. And it’s important that people get them. But you know, this is something where we really need to press state and federal officials for is more on the housing and the isolation capabilities, even in rural environments, to enable people to do distancing, where you do have people in houses that become infected and there’s not an ability to shelter, and for other members of that household, to shelter in place. So this—these are the kinds of things we need to be preparing for now. So I’m glad you’re raising them. I wish—I don’t know what’s happening on the Minnesota state government level. Perhaps somebody else on this call does. But I would love to see more from the federal government in terms of supporting communities that need to make this kind of particularized adjustment to their circumstances. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Lee Gilbert. Q: Lee Gilbert, county commissioner in Rockwall County, Texas. Are you aware of any studies of perception of the American public, or are we doing anything—and I’ll give you the personal experience here in my county and my precinct. At best, coronavirus is viewed as a 50/50 deal, half the population taking this seriously, following the governor’s orders, local orders. The other half are reluctantly following or not following at all. And how can you stop a pandemic if only half your population participates? Thank you. BOLLYKY: So this is a—there have been polls and surveys in general to the degree to which people across different states, across party lines, across age ranges view the coronavirus as a threat. So those polls do exist. The main challenge, of course, is you need to see consistent messaging at every level of government around the fact that people should take this seriously. One of the challenges we have with this virus is it is, and I’ll say something that seems odd at first but stick with me, mainly is it’s not deadly enough. It is not deadly enough to inspire the behavior change that we need to see in people, but it is seriously enough and causes serious health consequences enough and it’s deadly to vulnerable and older populations. So it’s not deadly enough to get younger populations to do the behavior changes that we need to see, but just serious and deadly enough to overwhelm health systems and have a disparate effect on the vulnerable and older populations. And in that sense, you know, much of our pandemic preparedness assumes really high rates of case fatality. And as, you know, the more bad case, worse-case scenarios of what we can see from a pandemic, and what has been revealing about this particular pandemic, is, again, the rate at which it spreads asymptomatically, overwhelms health systems, but isn’t quite deadly enough to get young people to take it seriously has really been a disastrous combination, particularly for this country. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Arianna Calderon. Q: Hello. This is Arianna. I’m District 16’s aide in Florida—Tampa, Florida. So it is commonly known that the degree of danger from COVID is seen as a bigger threat to people with compromised immune systems. We are all here discussing and debating opening schools for this fall when we don’t have a lot of studies or research to help guide us in how to do that safely. And it is also known that in fall and winter everybody’s immune systems are lower, viruses spread quicker because the temperature is lower. Parents are constantly complaining that when one kid catches the flu everybody in the household gets the flu. So I just want to hear more on, like, your opinion and the studies that you have witnessed and everything on how you think it’s going to, like, affect the fall, because we’ve been dealing with COIVD since, like, February here in the United States. And that was coming out of that season. BOLLYKY: Yeah. So I will first conceded I was not one of the people who thought this would be seasonal. A lot of coronaviruses aren’t. So I’m a little less surprised to see, but the main reason—we will see resurgences in the fall. And we’ll see them mostly because people are crowded together indoors. And again, the primary way—the overwhelming way this virus spreads is through respiratory droplets through direct exposure. And people being indoors and close to one another is the most likely way that is going to happen. Everybody expected to see resurgence, a second wave, in the fall in the United States. What we hadn’t really expected is the fact that we’ve had this continued churn in between. That’s important, because what you’d really like to do ahead of the fall is to drive down the community transmission to levels that give your health system a bit of headroom so that if you do see resurgences you can adjust and move personnel around, move equipment around, try to address those hotspots and control them to the extent possible. We’re—you know, last week there was a day when we had nearly seventy thousand cases. We are not in that circumstances in some states, and unfortunately Florida in particular. So this is—we should expect resurgences in the fall. And to the degree that we can’t protect people from influenza, we should expect the consequence of both conditions to hit the health system like a hammer. And it is incumbent on us to do everything we can ahead of that to reduce—to reduce community transmission as low as we can go because there will be undoubtably some amount of spread. Whatever anyone thinks about the school, to tie this to our topic of conversation, lower risk, high risk, it is not—there will be some risks. There will be some increase of spread that happens with schools. It’s a risk-benefit analysis for communities to identify whether to reopen them. But as we reopen them. But as we reopen schools, as we move to winter, it’s important to get the background rate as low as possible and make as many of the preparations that we’ve talked about here today as possible. I see we’re out of time. I’m happy to field questions through email or other things. Again, we’ll post those sources for this group. And, you know, thank you for all that you’re doing to combat this pandemic. I’m very grateful to state and local officials for that hard work. FASKIANOS: All right. I second that. Thank you all for all that you’re doing, and thank you, Tom Bollyky. As Tom said, we will send an email out with the links to the resources that Tom mentioned. I also encourage you to follow him on Twitter at @TomBollyky, and also visit ThinkGlobalHealth.org for more resources, as well as CFR.org. We’ll also include a link to the transcript of this discussion, as well as the webinar. And please let us know how we can continue to support the important work you’re doing. You can email us at [email protected]. So thank you all, again. Stay safe. Stay well. And we’ll just have to continue thinking through these issues and figuring out the best way to move ahead. (END)
  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    Local Leadership in Times of Crisis
    Play
    Eric L. Johnson, mayor of Dallas, T​exas, discusses ​local leadership during times of crisis and uncertainty, drawing on his experiences as mayor during the recent protests against police brutality, the COVID-19 pandemic, and ​other events. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon to all of you. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We’re delighted to have participants from forty-six states with us today. Thank you for taking the time to be with us. Today’s discussion is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. And we also publish Foreign Affairs magazine. We’re pleased to have Mayor Eric Johnson with us today. We previously shared his bio with you so I’ll just give you a few highlights on his distinguished career. Mayor Eric Johnson was elected mayor of Dallas, Texas in June 2019. Previously he represented Dallas as a member of the Texas House of Representatives from 2010 to 2019. During his tenure in the Texas House, Mayor Johnson served on numerous legislative committees and is the chairman of the Dallas Area Legislative Delegation. And he is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. So welcome, Mayor Johnson. Thank you very much for being with us today. The past three months have been quite challenging—ranging from COVID-19 pandemic, protests against police brutality, and so much more. So it would be terrific if you could talk about how you approach local leadership and what you’ve done during these really tremendous times of turmoil. JOHNSON: Well, thank you very much, Irina, for that introduction. And thank you for the opportunity to be with you all today. I appreciate you having me. Incredibly honored to speak to my fellow CFR members for the very first time. And I’m also quite honored to speak to my fellow state and local government officials from around the country. We are having this discussion at a very consequential time in both world and Dallas history. Because of everything that’s been happening, I’ve had very little time to reflect until last week when I celebrated the first anniversary of my inauguration as mayor of our nation’s ninth-largest city, which sits at the heart of the fourth largest metro area in the United States. I grew up here in Dallas, and it’s a tremendous honor for me to serve as its mayor. It’s been a trial by fire, not just for the past three months but right from the very start. I came into office on the heels of a significant spike in violent crime. While Dallas is undoubtably safer than it was when I was growing up here, we saw violent crime totals last year that we had not seen in this city in more than a decade. And during all of that, we had the trial of a Dallas police officer who entered the wrong apartment and shot and killed the young Black man who lived in that apartment. That case had the very real potential to spark the kind of unrest that we’ve seen around the country in the wake of the killing of George Floyd. And then in October, Dallas was hit by an EF3 tornado that the Insurance Council of Texas called the costliest tornado in our state’s history. We incurred more than $2 billion—with a B—billion in property damage from that tornado. And now we are, of course, dealing with the unprecedented challenge of COVID-19, all while our country grapples with the legacy of centuries of slavery, and Jim Crow, and systemic racism that we’ve never really fully addressed as a nation, let alone as a city. So I’m going to start by talking about COVID-19 and our response here locally. We started preparing for COVID-19 in earnest back in late February when we started hearing about the terrifying potential impact of this disease. I convened a meeting of some of the biggest decisionmakers in Dallas to talk about their COVID-19 preparations. We engaged our K-12 schools, our higher education institutions, all of our transportation agencies, and our hospitals, of course. We felt prepared in some ways, but we also felt that to some degree we were at the mercy of something that we really couldn’t control. We were working hard to prepare for what was coming with very limited information. The situation became real about two weeks later when I faced a very difficult decision that seems rather obvious only in hindsight. And that was whether or not to cancel our city’s annual St. Patrick’s Day parade, which attracts about a hundred thousand people to a relatively small area within our city. At the time, the answer was not so clear cut. We guessed that COVID-19 might already be spreading throughout our community, but perhaps only on a limited basis. The problem was we didn’t have the testing to prove that. Nobody did, in fact. Tests at that time still had to be sent to the CDC for confirmation. And we had done only a few tests, and they had all come back negative. The city of Austin had just cancelled South by Southwest, which seems like a turning point now, in retrospect. But that decision wasn’t as applicable at the time to other cities. Austin based its choice on the face that South by Southwest was a festival that brought in an extraordinary amount of travelers from around the world, including places where COVID-19 was prevalent. Our St. Patrick’s Day parade, by contrast, was primarily a local event, one at which people would be partially spread out and it would take place mostly outdoors. We weren’t getting very much guidance from the CDC at that time. The federal government had not provided much in the way or warning or resources. We were a city reacting to truly global forces. We had not yet had any confirmed cases of community spread. Our public health authority, Dallas County, was hesitating to give us any recommendation. Our city’s medical team, when pushed by me for a recommendation, suggested that the parade could actually move forward as planned. But my gut was telling me to cancel the parade. Compounding the difficulty of that decision was the fact that I’m someone who tends to like to rely on expert opinions. I asked those hospital leaders, that I mentioned before that I convened a meeting with, what they thought. And they told me that we should not risk it and that we should cancel the parade. Finally, our public health authority concurred, and we cancelled the event. Later that same day, we started to see a cascade of similar decisions nationally. Event cancellations piled up. The NBA season was suspended literally as teams were preparing to take the court before full arenas. What we had in the days in that followed were extremely difficult decisions. In no way was I excited to shut down our city’s vibrant economy. Public health came first, but we had much at stake economically. In the Dallas area, our gross metropolitan product is $620 billion, the fourth highest in the United States behind only the Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York metro areas, and ahead of the Washington, D.C. metro area. If the Dallas area were an independent country we’d be in the top twenty-five in the world in terms of GDP. And we were growing very fast before COVID-19. We had just attracted Uber’s second headquarters to our downtown area. They were planning to bring 3,000 jobs to our city. Goldman Sachs just announced they were expanding their footprint in Dallas. And we were in talks to bring several other major companies’ headquarters here. Dallas was a city on the rise, but to preserve what we built we knew we had to put our economy into a coma. The stay-at-home orders we implemented helped us make strides in testing and prepare our public health response. We coordinated numerous philanthropic efforts during this time and worked closely with our congressional delegation. We helped get an overflow hospital at the Kay Bailey Hutchison Convention Center ready, and also a socially distanced homeless shelter. And I required data on testing and hospitalizations be reported to the city. We released that information to the public every single day. That kind of transparency has been critical to our understanding of COVID-19. And I’ve seen other jurisdictions follow our lead in the weeks and months since then. I also appointed two city council committees focused on different aspects of our COVID-19 recovery. Those committees facilitated the creation of a $19 million relief package for small businesses and residents, and an ordinance to help slow the evictions process. I also knew we would need to galvanize our private sector. So I asked Richard Fisher, the former president and CEO of the Dallas Federal Reserve Bank and a former deputy United States trade representative, to lead a taskforce focused on our economic recovery. And I appointed a highly respected health care executive to serve as our city’s COVID-19 czar. One aspect of this person’s job was especially important to me, analyzing disparities for underserved communities, including communities of color. You heard me mention earlier that I grew up in Dallas. I’m from a working-class family. And the neighborhoods where I grew up, West Dallas and Oak Cliff, were historically underserved. Early on we saw disparities in national numbers of COVID-19 cases. Black and Latino communities suffered disproportionately worse outcomes. I worried about neighborhoods like those I grew up in, and people of color who were economically disadvantaged and preexisting health conditions and lack access to quality health care. I pushed for data, and I’ve been a strong advocate for greater testing and access in our city’s most vulnerable communities. These kinds of systemic issues are, I believe, at the core of the protests that followed George Floyd’s killing in Minneapolis. This movement is not new, but we seem to have reached a tipping point where what has been talked about extensively in the Black community for many years is finally gaining acceptance in mainstream conversation. I have to admit that I was surprised to see the national outpouring of support for Black Lives Matter. The movement has clearly gained allies that or years sat on the sidelines as the list of names of Black men and women killed by law enforcement steadily grew. Perhaps it’s because people are more reflective right now as the world has slowed down due to COVID-19. Maybe seeing those eight minutes and forty-six seconds was all the evidence anyone needed to finally say: Enough is enough. Regardless, I am very pleased to see the peaceful protests that are taking place literally all over the world. In Dallas, we had some early issues with rioters and looters using these protests and cover to cause mayhem. And we had an inadequate police response in the beginning, to be frank. I am also still waiting on complete and official answers about the use of rubber bullets and teargas by our police department during a peaceful protest that took place on June 1st on the Margaret Hunt Hill Bridge in Dallas. Since then, our protests have been largely peaceful and without incident. And their message has been clear: That the status quo is unacceptable. Our city council will have to tackle these difficult issues soon. And we have a community police oversight board in Dallas that will play a critical role. Oversight is often overlooked, but it is one of the most important functions of government. As the mayor in Dallas, in our somewhat unusual form of government, I do not decide who the police chief is. But I can do my best to hold our law enforcement leaders and other decisionmakers accountable. We can create all of the policies we want, but accountability is the only thing that will bring about true change. Now we have to figure out where we go from here. I’m committed to building a more equitable society in Dallas. I grew up as a person of color in some of our city’s most dangerous and underserved communities. What we’re talking about today are issues that have hung over us for my entire forty-five years of life. But turning protest into policy is not easy. I’ve been a policymaker for ten years, and even some commonsense legislation—such as a bill I authored when I was a state legislator to require the reporting of police shootings to the state’s attorney general—took extraordinary effort to pass. This dialogue we’re now having as a society will require us not to retreat into our respective camps. Meaningful change does not occur in echo chambers. And this is going to require a sustained and principled effort. There is no easy cure here. No single plan is going to solve everything. We are not just talking about police misconduct and brutality. That is merely a branch. We have to be willing to talk about the tree that is racism in America which, yes, has its root in slavery. We have to look beyond slogans and talk about the whole of our priorities. And public safety will always be at the core of what city governments do. Like I said before, we were in a violent crime wave just a year ago. And our budget last year reflected the concerns of the people in Dallas, including those who live in historically underserved communities. So we invested more in retaining and recruiting new police officers after watching hundreds of our officers leave over the past few years because of pension issues and low pay. We also will be facing a budget shortfall of at least $60 million in the next fiscal year and will have to make some very difficult decisions about what our priorities are and what will have to be cut. Now I want to close by talking a little bit about the future. I know that everything is so uncertain right now. We are still in the middle of battling COVID-19 and, at the same time, dealing with the daily protests in response to the killing of George Floyd. In the absence of broad federal action, cities like Dallas are leading the fight against both the pandemic and systemic racism. I’ve read a lot lately about the presumptive exodus from cities after this, the idea that people will flee dense population centers because of the pandemic and civil unrest and seek the space and tranquility that suburban or rural living provides. Maybe we will see that, in some isolated cases, but I generally do not believe that’s going to happen. For one, because I do not believe people who are afraid of COVID-19 are going to want to live in places where you won’t find anyone wearing a mask or where level one trauma hospitals are hard to come by. But I also believe cities are going to continue to thrive because of those statistics I mentioned before about the economic vitality of the Dallas area. We are going to recover. When the jobs come back, they’re coming to a city like Dallas, that has problem solving in its DNA, and the infrastructure in place for now and for the future. They will go to the places where the gross metropolitan product is the highest. And when it’s safe to do so again, people will once again fill our restaurants, and our museums, and our symphony halls. Cities are built to be resilient. Dallas especially has proven to be incredibly resilient. We have an extraordinarily diverse economy and we have all the assets to bounce back quickly. This latest pandemic has changed a lot of things in the short term, but it will not change the fact that we are built to last. Thank you so much. I appreciate you having me here today. And I’ll now turn it back over to Irina to handle the Q&A. Thank you so much. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you so much, Mayor Johnson. We really appreciate your remarks and thoughts on leadership, and racism, and dealing with the pandemic. So let’s now go to the group. (Gives queuing instructions.) So let’s go to the group. And we already have hands held up. We’ll go first to Representative Scott Holcomb. Q: Thank you, Irina. Good afternoon, Mayor Johnson. This is Scott Holcomb from Atlanta. The background noise is I’m the floor of the Capitol right now but couldn’t miss an opportunity to be with you. My question is, how would you rate the federal government’s response and assistance to helping you navigate the pandemic and the associated economic issues accompanying that? JOHNSON: First of all, it’s great to see you virtually, Representative Holcomb. It’s been a long time, and I do appreciate you taking time from the Georgia House floor to join this call. You’re a great leader and I just am deeply appreciative of our friendship. And I appreciate the question as well. I think the federal government’s response has no shortage of people willing to discuss and talk about, you know, where they’ve fallen short and where they’ve even done OK, and where they’ve done a great job. And I think there are people who, you know, are all over the map on that. But let me tell you from my experience as the mayor of Dallas, because I’m not really here to give you any punditry about what I think they’ve done around the country. The first experience that we had, I think, with the federal government in this entire process was in dealing with trying to get testing—trying to get testing set up where we have some idea of where this disease was in our community, how it was spreading, whether or not we had community spread or if it was still being spread only by people who had traveled abroad or other places. And it was just extremely difficult early on to get any answers about testing, to get any clear guidance about when we’d be able to get our testing capacity increased, about, you know, when we were going to be able to get more testing kits. It was just—testing was just, early on, really, really not handled well. And what we really needed was some strong leadership and, I think, a national framework for getting testing. Eventually we started to see more resources from the federal government deployed to help increase the amount of testing we were doing. But there was a lot of confusion about the right testing protocols, and who should be eligible for testing. Should we just be testing first responders, which is I think how we started. You know, only folks who are going to have to be interacting with the public because it as their job, frontline workers were added to that list. And when I say frontline workers, I mean frontline retail workers and others. But initially I think it was just first responders. And there’s just always so much confusion around testing and, you know, who was able to get tested. We did eventually get some help, but I want to give the government some credit here. We did get two federal drive-through testing sites relatively early on in the process for folks to be able to have access to testing if they met certain criteria for being symptomatic, and some other things. And so we were appreciative of that, and we’ve had a couple of extensions. They were planning to leave Dallas a couple of times, and they’ve actually extended, every time we’ve asked them, their stay here. So I’m appreciative of that. But as far as federal help with other aspects of our pandemic response, the last thing I would mention is the federal government did help us stand up an overflow hospital that we’ve not had to use yet, but I mentioned in my remarks, at our convention center. Initially the U.S. Navy was here, the National Guard was here to help us get that stood up. And it’s available for use. I think it can expand to a few thousand hospital beds if necessary. And so we are appreciative of that. But what we’ve needed, and I think we still could use help with, is even more testing availability and help with contact tracing. That continues to be a very elusive and difficult thing to do. It requires a lot of manpower. It requires resources that, frankly, cities like ours do not have in their budgets to do and are dealing with several other aspects of this pandemic response. And we could use some federal resources in that regard. And so I’d say it’s been a mixed bag, for sure. And we probably could have used some—a lot more help early on with testing. We could probably use some help with messaging on the importance of mask wearing. And that would be the last thing I’d say, Representative Holcomb, is that it’s been difficult in a state like Texas where, you know, you have a lot of local control, and a lot of local autonomy, and local leaders saying one thing, and then the governor and the local leaders are not always on the exact same page. And then you have the federal government saying in some cases nothing, in some cases sending contrary messages about mask wearing and its importance. So it’s challenging. It is challenging here at the local level. But that is the full answer to your question. It’s been a mixed bag. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Martha Robertson. Q: Hello. Thanks, Irina. And thank you, Mayor Johnson. My name is Martha Robertson. I’m a county legislator for the last nineteen years in upstate New York, centered in Ithaca, New York. Any of those city-dwellers who think they’re going to come to the—up to the county—up to the country and have great broadband and cell coverage, they might want to think again about that. So my question is, you mentioned the federal help and the mixed bag. And of course, you’re a city of more than six million, so you’ve gotten some help that lots of the rest of us haven’t even—hasn’t even—you know, we haven’t even smelled it. How do we get the federal government, how do we get the Senate I think in particular, to recognize that you can’t just bail out big corporations? You can’t even just bail out small businesses or families, but that local and state governments run our schools, our hospitals, our contact tracing, you know, everything. So how can we convince—and I’m really frustrated that the message has to really come from, let’s be honest, the red states, because I don’t think Mitch McConnell’s listening to anybody from a state like New York. What would you suggest? How do we get that message across? JOHNSON: First of all, I have been to Ithaca, New York. And I really love your city and your area. It’s beautiful. Q: Awesome. JOHNSON: And I appreciate you being on the call today. So thank you for the question. So, look, I mean, I’m loving this discussion. And I’m going to give you what is my humble opinion about these things, but I do not hold myself out to be an expert on federal advocacy. I’ve never been a registered lobbyist at the federal level, or—but I am a mayor who spent quite a bit of his first year on Capitol Hill lobbying for various issues and things that are important to my city. So I will share with you just some of my experience and what I think can be done. I think first and foremost, you have to rely very heavily on your local congressional delegation. And I think you have to do it without regard to the party of the members of your delegation. You have to engage both sides, red and blue. And you have to come to them from the perspective that I’ve come to them with in Texas. And I will say that I think I have a really strong working relationship with all of our members of Congress, especially from our North Texas area, whether they are Republican or Democrat, because I come to them with this perspective: I tell them, these are our mutual constituents. These are people who are counting on us to make their lives better. And they are dealing with a situation that is not of their own creation and is causing all sorts of mayhem in their lives. It is causing death. Physical death, and it’s causing economic destruction like we have never seen. I mean, truly like we have never seen. And they need help. And this is an issue we’ve got to put down, the R and D, red/blue labels and work together on. And I’ve gotten a great response in terms of the appreciation for that attitude. Now, translating that into what does that mean for policy, here’s what I’ve been telling our congressional delegation. I’ve been telling them: Look, guys, what we need more than anything is flexibility in how any aid that comes from Washington is used. The last round of CARES Act funding that came to our city—and I would point out that you mentioned Dallas is a city of six million. That’s our entire metro area, is about seven million. Dallas itself is about a million and a half. Still, it’s the ninth largest city in the U.S. as a stand-alone city. It’s a large city. It’s the fourth-largest metro area in the country. It’s a big area. And I’ve emphasized to the folks in our delegation that we need the flexibility to be able to use CARES Act funding in however we see fit to replenish lost revenue. And that is different than saying we can use whatever money we get from the CARES Act to reimburse us for coronavirus-related expenditures. And I’ll give you an example of what I mean by that. Because of coronavirus we’re having to do all sorts of things that we didn’t have to do before. I’m just going to give you a simple example. You know, we’re having to clean City Hall, you know, however many times a day that we didn’t have to do before. You know, that’s hiring a private contractor to come in and do—that’s a cost that we would not have incurred, but for coronavirus. The CARES Act money is clear, that we can use it to reimburse us for costs like that, up to the amount that we received. But what is also clear in the CARES Act that really needs to be changed in any subsequent round of funding, is we can’t use it to offset the gaping hole in our budget created by the fact that we had to shut down our economy when we went to stay at home that caused people to stop being able to spend money in our restaurants, in our bars, and at retail establishments that really hurt us badly at the municipal level, that depends on sales tax. In Dallas, sales tax is nearly a quarter of our—of a four-legged, you know, stool of taxes and fees. And so, you know, we really were hurt badly by the stay-at-home orders that we all agreed needed to be done that, you know, everyone in the country did it, for the most part. Wasn’t something unique to Dallas, but Dallas is really paying a price for that decision. But we can’t plug holes in our budget that were created by that decision. So now that we’re having to go through rewriting a budget, you know, what do we do about our libraries? What do we do about our parks? What do we do about providing all the different services that our city has come to expect of us, not to mention public safety and things like that? We’re missing a large chunk of our revenue. And the current CARES Act does not allow us to just use CARES Act money to plug those holes. And it probably ought to—it definitely ought to, if you ask me. So we are advocating, through our congressional delegation, for that type of thing. But we’re also utilizing organizations that we are members of. And in your case, if you’re a county elected official I’m sure you’re a member or you’re familiar with the National Association of Counties. We have National League of Cities. I’m a member of the U.S. Conference of Mayors. And we do a lot of advocating as a group nationally for these priorities. And I would encourage you to do that as well. But the overarching theme that I can’t emphasize enough—and I think, honestly, makes me a little bit different than some of the mayors around the country who may be elected on a partisan basis, who may be on a slightly different posture, or maybe other elected officials at different levels of government who are certainly partisan, is I have thoroughly embraced and enjoyed the nonpartisan nature of the role of mayor of Dallas. And I do not participate in what I believe are efforts to advance one party’s interest or the other at the other’s expense. I’m about this pandemic and how we respond to it and getting this right for our people. And I think if you take that attitude, as hard as it can be at times particularly when you have that red-blue dynamic within your own state—but if you take that attitude and you try to embrace that spirit of bipartisanship in your advocacy and say: Guys, you know, this disease doesn’t care if you’re red or blue, or Democrat or Republican. And mask wearing shouldn’t be a red or blue issue. It’s just factually it works. Scientifically it works. If you keep that attitude, I think that’s the best chance you have to being successful in advocating for your community in Washington. Q: Thanks so much, Mayor. And look forward to having you in Ithaca again soon. JOHNSON: I can’t wait to get back. I love those gorges up there. FASKIANOS: (Laughs.) So many hands raised. Let’s go to Gregory Rose next. Q: My name is Gregory Rose. I’m the city manager for University City, Missouri. And I want to first start out by thanking Irina for having me. And Mayor Johnson, I’m going to put in a shameless plug. I actually graduated out of Carter High. So it means a little different when I say: Go Cowboys. JOHNSON: Oh, wow, you’re a Carter cowboy, for real? Q: I certainly am, right in south Oak Cliff. JOHNSON: Oh, wow. That is incredible. Thank you so much for joining. Q: Thank you for being here. You know, one of the things about the Black Lives Matter movement is that one of their central focuses is on police reform. So I’m just curious as to what your thoughts are relative to what do you think are the key focus points for reforming police? JOHNSON: Thank you for the question. And thanks for joining the call. Got to love David W. Carter High School in Dallas, Texas. Q: That’s right. JOHNSON: So, you know, look, I think it would be disingenuous with a group of folks this sophisticated to pretend like this—I think actually mentioned this earlier—you know, there are no easy answers here. This is not going to be a simple there’s one change we can make and this problem is going to go away. And it has to do with the fact that I firmly believe that police brutality and the issues that the George Floyd killing as sort of brought in the mainstream are really just a branch of the tree that I call the tree of racism in this country. It’s a bigger issue than just police brutality. And we’re going to have to address some of those systemic issues. But specifically with regard to policing and reforming our police departments, I think the first thing that, you know, we probably have to go through in every—and I will acknowledge right now, with a call full of state and local government officials—I understand every one of your jurisdictions is different. And I respect that. I do not mean by any stretch of the imagination to imply that anything I’m about to say applies to every single one of your jurisdictions in terms of, you know, some of you are further down the road than others in terms of reform. I’ve done some of these things already, so take all this into account when you think about what I’m saying. But I think some acknowledgement of the presence of implicit bias throughout our society has to be part of this discussion. It’s just long overdue. The United States of America never had anything like a truth and reconciliation process when it came to American slavery and the legacy of it as manifested in Jim Crow and subsequent discrimination throughout our society. We’ve never really had the true conversation about how being Black in America is different, makes life different, no matter—and this is a conversation I’ve had with so many people, people who are not Black. I think most Black people get this, but a lot of people who aren’t Black just are surprised to find out how universal some of our experiences are. There’s just no insulation against the racism that you will encounter throughout your life at different points if you’re African American. Being wealthy is not a shield. There’s no geographic shield. There’s no—there’s no educational shield. Oh, you know, I went to this school, so racism is not going to happen to me. Serving in the military is not shield. There’s nothing you can do to change the fact that in this country being African American presents a set of challenges. And the fact that we’re having that conversation right now is great, but there’s going to have to be some real acknowledgement in the halls of power. And that means Congress. That means state legislatures. That means city councils. That the implicit bias that throughout—through no even intention of an individual is just present in our society, from the imagery we see in the mass media, in movies, in television, to all kinds of things. Until that’s acknowledged and addressed, it will continue to seep into all sorts of institutions, including but not limited to our police departments. So we’re going to have to acknowledge that. The second issue, I think, that we have to acknowledge is that there probably needs to be in most jurisdictions some analysis of use of force policies, and the use of chokeholds and strangleholds, and when it’s OK to use various types of force. And I think that’s a conversation that a lot of activists have been asking us to have for a long time. Different departments are at different places with that. But that’s a conversation that is definitely taking place here in Dallas right now and is probably taking place in a lot of your jurisdictions. And that’s an important conversation to have. And, you know, I think the conversation around community policing and the reliance on law enforcement for various tasks that if you ask even people who are in law enforcement whether or not they thought they’re the most qualified to be doing, you will get in some cases, I think some of you might say, surprising answers. We have become—in Dallas, as I can attest to, and I’m sure in many of your jurisdictions—we’ve become reliant on the police for a great number of things that maybe they are not the best suited for. Maybe people who are trained to arrest criminals are not the best people to send to respond to a mental health emergency. Maybe not every call to 911 needs to be responded to by a uniformed police officer. There are different types of 911 calls. How sophisticated is your 911 system at, you know, triaging those calls, and winnowing them out, and sending the ones that require, you know, an armed police officer to from the ones that require a different type of response? Because we’ve seen situations where, you know, situations have escalated from neighbors calling the police on neighbors because of noise or something like that, that have escalated to people being shot. Well, there are ways to address that to prevent them from ever escalating in the first place. So I think those are all things that are going to be discussed here in Dallas, and they’ll be discussed across the country. And they’re all great places to start. But we can never forget that at the end of the day this is a conversation that’s been being asked for for a long time by our African American community. And I think it’s long overdue. And I’m glad that we’re having it. Q: I was just going to say, I think that whatever we do we will need to greatly reform policing. That the same personality that you hire to go into a very dangerous situation where bullets are flying may not be, as you’ve indicated, the best personality to address mental health. So I do believe that social workers will have a place up under the policing umbrella in the future. But thank you so much. JOHNSON: Do you mind if I, I just as a follow up, Irina, to that, just ask kind of a quick question for the caller? FASKIANOS: Sure. Sure. JOHNSON: Because I’m very curious, because one of the things we’re going to have to discuss in Dallas, and this is getting into—you state and local government folks are probably loving this, because it’s a little bit what we do, getting into the weeds like this. But I’m curious, in your jurisdiction, University City, how much do you guys get into social services? Do you do health? Do you have a health department that’s city run? Do you do a lot of—are social workers within your jurisdiction? Because I can tell you that the Texas model is primarily dependent upon the countries for things like mental health. Most of that funding comes from the state via our counties to address those issues. So cities are severely limited in the resources that they have to actually address a lot of these types of reform issues that involve using different types of personnel. Cities have spent a large portion of their budget traditionally in Texas. Dallas is in line with the major cities in Texas in spending about 60 percent of its budget on law enforcement total. And that’s not—I should say, on public safety total. Not just the police, but also fire, and our ambulance services, and things like that. But that’s largely a product of just, as I said, social services and mental health being primarily the county responsibility here. How does it work in Missouri and in University City? Q: In University City the structure is roughly the same, that we are heavily reliant on the county in order to provide those services to us. And often, right or wrong, the county’s focus in typically on unincorporated areas, and they leave the incorporated jurisdictions kind of on their own. So we’re going to throw out that whole model and do two things. One is to be crystal clear with our delegation, both at the state level and at the federal level, these are our needs. No matter who provides it, the needs aren’t going to change. It’s how do you address them? And right now, our needs are not being addressed. So we are going to become in the future less reliant on another jurisdiction or another entity to provide those services. We want to take greater control over our own destiny in that area. And be crystal clear as to the services, the social working, whether it’s health, whether it’s dealing with the homeless population. I think that we have to look at all of those areas that impact our ability to be successful and have more hands-on in those areas. JOHNSON: I appreciate that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Police Chief Rodney Brimlow. Q: Good afternoon. Thank you for taking the call. So I’m in Deerfield Beach, Florida, which is just north of Fort Lauderdale, Florida. We have similar funding issues of what you’re talking about as well, where county gets monies and cities kind of do their own thing. From a police chief perspective, and a lot of my colleagues share my thoughts similarly, we agree that there are many types of calls for service for which we are either ill-equipped or that would better be handled by other entities. You know, the difficulty and the danger for our calls for service, whereby we bring force to every call for service—just armed presence, with firearms, and secondary weapons. That’s our presence, is a presence of force. Is wholly inappropriate in a lot of situations, anywhere from 25 to some places up to 40 percent of the calls for service are perhaps not the best calls for law enforcement to respond to. Unfortunately, we are neither in charge of the funding for those programs that would better suit folks in our community, and we also are very weak at being able to push that because most of us work for city managers. Sometimes we work for a strong mayor, depending on the governmental structure of the city. But even organizationally we are very weak at being able to try to get society, the communities, the government on board with providing appropriate mental health services, appropriate drug addiction facilities, appropriate outreach to the people who are experiencing homelessness, alcohol—all of the problems that we end up coming into. We even have seen nationwide some jurisdictions that won’t respond to calls for service that involve mental health issues because the problem is, is there may be a mental health crisis, and then suddenly we bring force there by our very nature, which agitates the situation. Now suddenly the person in crisis picks up a crowbar, some other weapon, or whatever, and now we have a lethal situation. How do police chiefs get into the game here to really put pressure on the governmental entities to begin to go backwards, perhaps, in time, and begin funding the proper programs, once again, to address these situations? Law enforcement should not be the group that is just putting a lid on the problems that society’s dealing with. And it seems like we have really gone far away from funding the right kinds of programs, and certainly having the right kind of professionals in there to deal with folks who are suffering a variety of issues—lack of education, whatever it might be. And unfortunately, because we are the ill-appropriate mechanism in place, we’re also the ones that are going to suffer the consequences of being there. So I just would like to share that with the group and get input on that for you. JOHNSON: Well, first of all, Chief, I appreciate you joining the call today. And my response would be that I think it depends, again on the form of government you’re in how much you can do what I’m about to suggest. I’m not sure, you know, which of you police chiefs who are on the call report directly to mayors or which ones report to city managers. But I would say this: I think it’s probably true across jurisdictions that police chiefs get a lot of respect before legislative bodies. And by legislative bodies, I mean the United States Congress. I mean state legislatures. When I was a state legislator and I was involved with the public safety committee, and I remember when chiefs would come and testify people perked up in our chairs, and we listened. Because, you know, chiefs carry that weight. And I think it’s true with city councils as well. And so I think as a police chief you should use that authority and that weight to make it very clear what it is that you believe you really need to do your jobs well, and what you don’t need, and what you think would be better spent the ways we’ve been talking about on this call. And so here’s what I mean by that. I think for a long time law enforcement has benefitted from a lot of presumptive goodwill from most law abiding citizens. And so when it comes to funding police departments, hasn’t been that tough of a sell. You know, the police say they need it and so the public says we’ll give it to them. Well, I think we’re entering a period now where people still respect the police and will still listen to the chiefs, but they’re saying now—you hear people say things like defund the police. I’m not a defund the police person, to the extent that that means—you know, I read an article in The New York Times recently that says that, at a minimum, slashing police budgets by 50 percent but it really means abolish the police. You know, wherever you fall on that spectrum, from cutting 50 percent to cutting it to 100 percent, I’m not there. But here’s where I am, and I think I’ve said this on this call other different ways, but I’ll say it again. I am for looking at what we’re asking the police to do, figuring out where everyone can agree that there are better folks to do that job, and then taking the parts of the police budget that are associated with supporting those types of services and reallocating it towards the places where it needs to be so that those services can be provided by the right folks. We’re going to need police chiefs to tell us what—their perspective is going to be important to us policymakers to understand where those areas really are. We can’t listen to only one side of this discussion. There will be people who believe that the police shouldn’t respond to anything, essentially. I mean, there are abolish the police movements out there. And there will be people who think that the police ways that it works now, the status quo, is working just fine. Somewhere between those two, I believe, is the answer. And police chiefs are going to have to be a part of that conversation. So we’re going to need you to be able to come before our city council, or our state legislature, or the U.S. Congress as a group—I’m sure you have national organizations, or state organizations, or individually if your mayor or your city manager blesses that decision if you can’t make it autonomously. And use the weight of that office that you hold and that responsibility that you have for people’s safety to say: I think it would make our community safer if we spent $5 million less on X, Y, and Z, and put that into a blight reduction program or improving the lighting in certain areas, or a violence interrupters program, or something that’s going to reduce crime but use less police resources. That, I think, will be well-received. And I think people will trust you and take your lead on it. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Debra Cates. Q: Hi, Mayor Johnson. My name is Debra Cates and I’m from Fulshear, Texas. I’m the city council member here in Fulshear. And so I’m glad to be on this call. My question to you is I do—I do think it’s very unfortunate with regard to the George Floyd situation. My question, though, is in your opinion there was another individual. And his name was David Dorn, seventy-seven, a Black police officer in St. Louis, right? He was shot in cold blood by a Black. And his life, in my opinion—and I watched all the coverage, as probably everybody else did—did not get the attention. And he was a good man. He was a good man from everything I see. He was doing everything that he could possible, even at his last breath. So why, in your opinion, did his life not get the celebration and the coverage as well? That’s my question. Thank you. JOHNSON: Well, Ms. Cates—Council Member Cates, I appreciate you being on the call as well. I will do my best to answer that question from my perspective. Again, I keep using that as a preamble, because I’m not an expert. I’m a guy who’s a father of two boys and a husband and who happened to get elected mayor of Dallas. And so I’m doing the best I can to work through a lot of complicated, messy issues, the same way everyone on this call is. And I don’t presume to know any more than anybody else on this call. But I will tell you, you know, look, I’ve been mayor for a year, and I’ve been a legislator for ten. And I still can’t account for why the media makes the decisions it makes. So I will never be able to tell you why they cover certain things more than others. I feel like they should cover a lot more of the stuff that I’m doing at city hall than they do here in Dallas. But that’s sort of above my pay grade, what they decide to cover. But as far as how people have reacted, here’s what I do think. I think that at some point in this conversation that I’m saying needs to be had between folks who are African American, like myself, and those who are not but who want to have the conversation in earnest and go through the truth and reconciliation process that we’ve never really had in this country, are going to have to face what is a—just an accepted belief amongst those of us who are African American, for the most part. And that is at some point it should not matter. It should not matter what a person did for a living, or what our assessment of their morality, or the existence of a prior criminal record, or anything else when it comes to the moment that we are looking at, on video in this case, of someone’s life being taken. Either it was right, or it was wrong. Either it was justified, or it was not. And that is really all that matters. We don’t want to—I don’t—look, I don’t want to be in the business of assigning worth to people’s lives and saying that, you know, someone on this call who I think is less of a nice guy than I am’s life is worth less than mine, or anybody else’s. I think we have to look at each of these situations for what they are and determine whether or not we believe that justice was done, and whether or not we believe what was right was done. And we can’t get into, you know, what their past is, or their value to society. And I mean that very sincerely, meaning I don’t think it should matter that I’m the mayor, of that I’m anything else, that I’m an educated person. My life doesn’t matter more than one of the homeless residents of my city if we’re talking about being unjustly killed by the police. I don’t think that that really should factor in at all. So I think what people are responding to in the George Floyd case is the sheer cruelty of what they saw on that video. It’s nearly nine minutes of someone kneeling on another human being’s neck while other people watched and pled with that officer for that man’s life. The man himself, who was on the ground, pled for his life. He called out for his mother, who’s deceased, in his last minutes on Earth, as he felt his life slipping away. It’s just, how do you watch that and not feel pain and hurt? So I don’t think it matters. I’ll just be honest; I don’t think it matters what his criminal record. In that moment, what was happening to that man was cruel, and it was unjust, and it was wrong. And I think that’s what people are reacting to. FASKIANOS: One—oh, sorry about that. I’m back. I just hit my unmute and I stopped my video. So sorry about that. We are out of time, but I just want to take one last question. We have so many, and I’m sorry we couldn’t get to you all, from Iowa Representative Charles Isenhart. And if you can make it brief, sir, so that we can—and Mayor Johnson, you can close it out. Q: Thank you. I’m at an outdoor coffee shop. Hopefully you can hear me. You addressed very early in the remarks there was a question regarding the city’s relationship with the County Board of Health. How have you seen that evolve? And what continuing role does there need to be, assuming there’s going to be more public health issues in the future. Relationships between the county boards of health and county governments and cities when it comes to responding to these emergencies? JOHNSON: I’ll be as brief as I can here. I think it’s been written about in economics books since we’ve had cities and counties. There can be a free-rider problem in counties, particularly in counties that contain within it a large municipality. And too often in Dallas, and I bet it’s the case in—and I’m sure I’m upsetting some of the folks here from the country, but I got to tell it like it is from the perspective of a municipal mayor—too often we are left holding the bag or asked to foot our own bill for things that our county should be helping us with because they figure, hey, they’ve got money over there at the city. They can handle that. But the reality is we really don’t have money for that. We need the counties to step up. And, in the case of Dallas, we need help with contact tracing. We need help with expanded testing. We need help with getting messages out, and all that type of thing, that the counties are just better situated to do. They have the money to do it. They receive CARES Act money to do it. And we can’t—and in fact, even enforcement of our health orders, in many cases, end up falling—in the case of Dallas—that they fall into our local city code compliance officers and our police officers. We just need them to help us foot the bill for the things that are rightly within their jurisdiction. And so I’m a big believer in everyone doing their part. And we work together. But the free rider problem and the economics, there’s a real problem when it comes to cities and counties. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much, Mayor Johnson, for being with us, and to all of you for your questions and comments. I’m sorry we could not get to you all. We will continue this discussion and this forum, but it’s really great to hear what you’re doing in your city of Dallas. We appreciate your leadership and service, and for this frank and candid conversation. I think candidness and clear communication is so important during these challenging times. So we all need to strive to do that. So thank you again. We will be sending a link to the video and transcript of the webinar to you all soon. So look out for that. And you can follow Dallas mayor’s office on Twitter at @DallasMayor. So you can check out what he’s doing there, including his milk initiative, which is so interesting, and it looks like it’s a great success. And please, to all of you, let us know what else we can do for you. Send your ideas of speakers and topics you want us to continue to cover in this forum to [email protected]. So thank you all, again, for joining us. Stay well. Stay safe. And we will meet up again.
  • Public Health Threats and Pandemics
    Assessing Public Health Risks
    Play
    Dr. Leana Wen, visiting professor of public health at George Washington University, and former health commissioner for the city of Baltimore, discusses COVID-19, ​considerations for reopening, and best practices. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon to all of you. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan organization, think tanks, and publisher, focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. We also publish Foreign Affairs magazine. This is a challenging time for our country, so we thank you for being with us today. We have participants from forty-four states who will participate in this discussion, which is on the record. We are pleased to have Dr. Leana Wen with us. We previously shared her full bio, so I’ll just give you a few highlights. Dr. Leana Wen is an emergency physician and visiting professor of health policy and management at the George Washington University’s Milken School of Public Health, where she is also distinguished fellow at the Fitzhugh Mullan Institute for Health Workforce Equity. She’s an expert in public health preparedness, and previously served as Baltimore’s health commissioner. Dr. Wen is a contributing columnist for the Washington Post and a frequent guest commentator on the COVID-19 crisis for CNN, MSNBC, and BBC. And in 2019, she was named one of modern health care’s top fifty physician executives, and Time Magazine’s 100 most influential people. So, Dr. Wen, thank you very much for being with us. It would be great if you could begin with an update on where we are now with the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, and how state and local officials should assess public health risks as we see the states beginning to reopen. WEN: Thank you very much, Irina. And I want to thank you and CFR for hosting this briefing today, and also thank our local and state health officials and officials who are on this call. Actually, you know, as Irina mentioned, I served previously as the health commissioner for Baltimore, and think so much about how all of you are on the frontlines now in every way. And I have so much appreciation for what you do every single day. I had the opportunity to testify in front of the U.S. House of Representatives yesterday. The Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus crisis held a briefing on COVID-19 and racial disparities, which turns out to be exactly the right time for us to be having this conversation about structural racism and how that goes into the disparities that we see and manifests itself in COVID-19. But one of the things that I emphasized very strongly in that hearing is the importance of local flexibility and local funding, because it is all of you on the local level who understand best the needs of your communities and are the best positioned to address them, for COVID-19 and otherwise too. So I want to talk today about three topics based on the framing that Irina laid out. First I want to talk about where we were, what we’ve tried to do. Then I want to talk about my concerns about COVID-19 at this point. And then finally, as practical individuals, as state and local officials, I want to think about things that we can do right now. So where we were and what we tried to do. You know, I put this in even though I know we’ve all been dealing with this, because I think there is still this misconception that again came up in this congressional hearing yesterday, this misconception that somehow we as public health experts want to close down the economy forever. (Laughs.) Right? I mean, this was actually directed as a question yesterday about how is it that public health experts want for everything to be shut down in perpetuity until we have vaccine? I have never heard any public health expert say that. And I think it’s important to talk about what we were trying to do. What we’ve tried to do with social distancing was to say: Look, we have this virus that is extremely contagious, that is also very fatal. It’s not like the flu. It’s killing people at unprecedented numbers. It’s the greatest public health catastrophe of our lifetimes. And so we have to have social distancing to rein in the number of infections, to do the so-called flatten the curve, so that we could prevent the health-care system from being overwhelmed at once, but also to buy us time because ideally we could get to the point where the number of infections is steadily declining, and at the same time we are building up the public health capabilities. We are getting the testing, contact tracing, isolation, treatment capacities to be built up so that we can get the virus contained enough. That’s what we did. And actually, in many ways we were successful. There was a Health Affairs study that found that if we had not put into place the social distancing/shelter in place orders, that we would have been more than ten times the number of infections as we currently do now. Now, the probably though is that unfortunately we did reopen, I think many would argue, too soon, in a sense that we did not use the time that we had to rebuild our capabilities the way that we should have. That we should have much more widespread testing than we do now. And unfortunately, we are reopening despite not having all these things in place. And what I have argued is that we are essentially in a new phase of this pandemic. We have decided to reopen anyway. And as a result, we are in a phase that I call harm reduction, which is the idea—this is a concept we know well in public health—if you are going to be engaging in a behavior that has risk, at least we can try to reduce that risk as much as possible. And that means we should have guidelines in place to protect our workers, for people who are riding in public transportation. It’s not 100 percent safe, but there are things we can do to make it safer. And I think that’s the phase that we’re in now. So my concerns—this is the second part that I want to talk about, my concerns. Of course, I am concerned that with reopenings occurring, also in the setting of these mass protests that are happening around our country, I am concerned that we’re going to see a surge in the number of cases. And I think the key at this point now is for us to make sure that we detect these cases, ideally a soon as they happen, because my concern—also as we’ve seen in nursing homes, in other congregant settings like jails and prisons—is that once you see one case there are actually many dozens, maybe hundreds of others that we’re just not picking up on. Another concern I have is the misunderstanding that somehow reopening means that we are now safe. That’s not what this means. Reopening just means that we are reopening. The virus itself has not changed. We don’t have a vaccine. We don’t have a cure. And we still need to deal with the fact that we have a very contagious virus, and we all need to keep up our guard. I have another concern too that the CDC guidelines that came out unfortunately came out too late. And I don’t think that they’re as specific as they could be to be fully useful for all of you as state and local officials, and for our employers, to help people, again, just to come back to work and be part of society as safely as possible. So in the setting of where we are and my concerns, getting to the third part, what is it that we can do? So I have three recommendations for state and local officials. And, again, happy to talk about this in much more detail. But three things. First is, I think we should prepare for a surge. That surge may come in the next few weeks given the reopenings and protests. I don’t think it actually will be substantial until the fall, when we could be hit with a double whammy on influenza season combined with COVID-19. And if that’s the case, then we cannot afford to run out of masks, and ventilators, and personal protective equipment, and other supplies. We know that that could happen because it almost happened next time. And in fact, we did run out of PPE in many places and left our frontline health-care workers without the protection that they need. We cannot have that excuse again. That last time we could say we just didn’t know it would be so bad. Now we know this could be so bad. And we should not—we should be doing everything now to get ready for that surge. Second, we need to develop public health infrastructure. Again, this is something that we know we need. We know we need widespread testing. We know that we need surveillance also. We cannot just be testing people who have symptoms. We should be doing surveillance—random population testing—to find out who has—or, who is—who is at risk in those at-risk populations, but also testing the population at large so that we can identify spikes before they become outbreaks, and outbreaks before they become epidemics. In addition, we need better demographic information for testing as well. We should not just be finding demographic information of those who get infected, but those who have testing to figure out if we are targeting testing to the right populations. Then the other parts of the public health infrastructure are contact tracing and quarantining and isolation. One of the elements that I talked about yesterday during my testimony to Congress was exactly this. How am I going to tell someone who lives in multigenerational crowded housing that they just tested positive, they have to go isolate themselves and forgo their wages for two weeks? That just is not practical for many of the people who live in our communities. And we need to develop these types of capabilities as well. Third component to this element of harm reduction is that now that we recognize people are going back to work, we are reentering society, we have to help our businesses as much as possible. CDC does lay out pretty good guidelines. I mean, they are qualified in a way that I’m not used to seeing from the CDC. For example, they’ll say things like: We encourage people to do social distancing. We advise masks, if feasible. I think these should be requirements, not just something to do if it’s feasible. But I do think that we can use them as guides on the local and state level for regulatory purposes too. I think in terms of harm reduction we should also continue to do public education, again, making sure that we do not let down our guard. And ultimately, we cannot forget our most vulnerable. Actually, our most vulnerable are the ones who are going to be affected the most by COVID-19, as they are by all other unfortunate health conditions. And we need to even double down and address these long-standing disparities that have plagued our society for so long. In closing, I just want to say that this is a new disease, which is hard for us to imagine given how much our world has changed in the last six months. But we were not talking about COVID-19, we didn’t even have the name COVID-19, six months ago. We have as a nation failed on many levels when it comes to addressing this disease as early, as urgently as we could have. But we need to look forward, not backwards. We need to think about this is where we are now. Maybe we don’t agree with all the decisions that have gotten us to where we are, and it is true that hindsight is 20/20, but given that we are where we are now your leadership is needed more than ever to get us to a place where we can contain COVID-19 as much as we can, and recognizing that our individual efforts are going to be reflected in the collective efforts and the collective results that occur, and where we will go from here. So thank you very much, and I turn it back over to Irina for your questions. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much for that. And after this call we will be sure to circulate your testimony, which I’m sure is online. So let’s go now to the group for their questions. And we also want to hear what you’re doing in your communities. This is to be a forum to share best practices and exchange ideas. (Gives queuing instructions.) And the first question comes from Dr. Paul Hendricks. And please accept the unmute prompt. HUGHES: It looks like we’re having some technical difficulties with that, Irina. We can go back to Paul. FASKIANOS: OK. Let’s go next to—thanks, Maureen—let’s go to Michael Cahill. Q: Hold on just a second. FASKIANOS: Are you there? Q: Hello? FASKIANOS: Yes. We can hear you. Perfect. Q: OK. Great. Thank you. Thank you for doing this and thank you, Dr. Wen. My name is Michael Cahill. I’m a state representative from New Hampshire. And we’re opening things up I think rather too soon. Next door to us is Massachusetts, which as many larger—more cases. And we were reluctant about the beaches, but today the government says you can go to the beach, and put out your towel and blanket, and have crowds. And not everything, but I think we’re opening too soon. I’m also concerned about the testing, because you say testing, testing, but the tests themselves are not reliable. So you could have a test that might tell you you’re negative or your positive. It’s kind of fifty-fifty. So that’s where we’re going on this. We’re getting testing. Most of the fatalities have been in the nursing homes, congregant housing, like that. But people are ignoring the fact that the young people are dying from this, or they’re getting very sick and having kidney damage. And they’re just thinking that it’s only the old people, so why can’t I go out to a restaurant, or go to the beach, or do whatever I want to do? So those are my concerns. Mostly the testing, because I’m alarmed because most of what I’ve read about the antibody testing or even the nasal swab that the president’s visiting today, they’re not accurate. And you could be—or, even if they were accurate, you could be having the infection, what, two days later, and then you’re positive. So where are we going to end up with this? Thank you. WEN: Yeah. I mean, this is such an important question. And I’m glad that you brought up the issue of testing because I actually—as much as we’ve been talking about it, I don’t think that we’ve been talking about it enough. And so let me first of all distinguish between two types of tests, because this is really important and all of you will be asked, I’m sure, questions from your constituents and those you serve as well. There is the PCR test and then there’s the antibody test. The PCR test if what looks for if you have an infection right now, right? So if you have symptoms, and you’re going to the doctor to see if your symptoms are coronavirus, that’s the PCR test. The antibody test looks to see if you’ve had exposure before. Maybe you had COVID-19 before and just didn’t know it, or you had symptoms before, and you want to know whether you had coronavirus. The antibody test I would not recommend right now for really anyone, and I don’t think should be counted as part of the testing that’s done, because the antibody test, to your point, I think, is the one that’s really unreliable. There are a lot of tests out there that are basically a coin flip. You can’t even tell. I mean, if you get a positive result or a negative result, it’s basically a tossup as to whether it’s accurate or not. So obviously I don’t think it’s particularly reliable. Also, we don’t know at this moment if antibody means immunity. So you could well have a positive test, but we don’t know if you’re protected against getting COVID in the future. So it’s not a particularly useful test. The PCR test is a useful test. And actually, the reliability rate for that test is much higher. What we need to know is that there should not be a high false positive rate, which—so we need to—and also, obviously, you don’t want to a high false negative rate either, because you don’t want to be accidentally told that you’re negative when you’re not. But that test is relatively reliable. And now there are increasing numbers of these tests that are being produced, especially rapid tests that are produced the same day. So I think it’s critical to scale up production of that test, and to have it widely accessible, because ultimately testing is really critical to getting the economy back and to getting people reassured that they can go back to work and kids can go back to school. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I’m going to try to go back to Paul Hendricks. And we’ll see if it works. OK. Maybe you could type in your question since the audio doesn’t seem to be working. You can put it in—respond to Maureen’s chat to you. And let’s go next to Suzanne Howard. Q: Hi. Suzanne Howard from Sharon, Massachusetts. And I’m interested to know what your thoughts are about schools starting in the fall, and what are some of the key things that school administrators can do to keep the children and the staff safe. WEN: Yeah. It’s a really great question. And the second part of the question is actually easier to answer, because the CDC has put out detailed guidelines. And I would, again, just recommend for everyone if you have questions about how to best advise the institutions, the entities in your communities that the CDC website does actually have very good guidelines about it. So for example, some of their guidelines include looking at staggered start times, spacing out desks six feet apart, trying to do as much outdoors as possible. Not having lunchrooms, but instead serving lunches with disposable utensils at kids’ desks. I mean, things are really practical that I think are useful. Even on buses, I mean, there are some guidelines around assigning students spaces on buses that may be helpful too. The American Academy of Pediatrics I think also has some good guidelines in this regard as well. Now, the first question is harder to answer, which is: Is it safe for schools to reopen? And I will say that at this moment it’s hard to say that anything is safe. There are things that are safer than others, but nothing is 100 percent safe. Just like there’s nothing that’s 100 percent risk. It’s not like whatever you do will definitely give you coronavirus, versus nothing is going to protect you 100 percent from it either. I think that that needs to be a decision that is carefully weighed. Obviously, there are many downsides to keeping kids out of school too, including widening educational disparities and, for many kids, how schools are maybe their one safe place, and the place where they get meals and social supports. And so I think this is a really complicated issue. And it’s going to depend on the risk/benefits for each—for each individual community and the—also the rate of transmission that’s happening in your area too. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Rod Cleveland. Q: Hi, Doctor. My question is, as an elected official—I’m a county commissioner in Cleveland County, Oklahoma. And one of the frustrations that I had as an elected official was, I guess, the Privacy Act or, you know, the HIPAA laws, and getting the information that we need to get to set public policy for where the infections were happening at, where they were—you know, where we’re getting—what might have been the hotspot in our county? Was it—was it isolated? And as it ended up, we’ve had a lot of long-term care facilities—that was 60-65 percent of our cases. And we didn’t know that for the longest period of time, so that we can make determinations as to public policy. So going forward to contact tracing, that seems to be the buzzword. But how can we get that from our health departments, so that they can get it to us, so that it’s public knowledge then and everything and stuff, so that we can actually be able to use it for public knowledge, not just for kind of research and for the health side? WEN: So thank you for that question. And I think that there are two components of this that I want to—that I want to separate. And please tell me if I’m misunderstanding it. I think there are two things. One is how can we identify hotspots so that we can act on these hotspots? And then I think the second thing is on contact tracing. And maybe there’s a third component of HIPAA too, which I can also address. So the first thing is, I do think it’s important that we look to see in each community what are the areas with congregant living that are likely to be the highest rates of infections, such that when there is one case there is often ten, twenty others among the individuals who are there and the staff as well? Nursing homes, jails and prisons, homeless shelters are those settings where there actually should be regular, ongoing testing of these sites because, again, once you find one positive, you can almost be certain that there are many other positives too. So I think that if that’s not already happening in your communities, you as an elected official can ask that there is surveillance testing happening in these particular settings. Because I think that is just really important to identify. I think the second issue is separate. The contact tracing should not be made—I mean, you know, contact tracing already is hard. Contact tracing already depends on trust of individuals to tell you all the places that they have been. Sometimes there are sensitive areas that people have been. You know, you could imagine that somebody may not want maybe their spouse to know that they were with somebody else. Or you know, they might also have been involved—or they may have been when they were supposed to be at work. Maybe they were in places where they shouldn’t be. I mean, that contact tracing really requires that the individual is totally honest with the person that they’re speaking to. So if that information is somehow disclosed the public, you could imagine that that would then shut the individual down and they wouldn’t want to disclose that information. So that’s why it—I don’t think that the right answer is that we should make that kind of information public, but rather that we should make the surveillance information—the things that we talked about in the first category of the surveillance of institutions—make that information available so that decisions can be targeted and interventions can be targeted accordingly. I do think though, just one point about HIPAA, I think HIPAA is often misused as a concept. That so often data are not collected under the auspices of HIPAA, when actually HIPAA is meant to protect the individual, not the collective of the data. And so I think when in doubt you can always consult with the state’s attorney general or other state legal entities to help to discern. You know, I know that as a former local official I often had people telling me, oh, I can’t give you that data because of HIPAA. But that’s an easy cop out—(laughs)—for lack of a better word, when people don’t want to give you that information. And so when in doubt, you can always consult your legal entity to figure out if you actually can get access to that information and HIPAA is just being used as a—as an easy excuse. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Representative David Tarnas. Q: HI. This is Representative David Tarnas. I’m from Hawaii. And I’m really curious about your suggestions for making our air travel safer. We’re currently requiring a fourteen-day quarantine for any traveler coming into the state. We need to reopen, but we’re trying to figure out how to do it safely. Should—you know, is testing a possibility? And if you get tested negative, that you don’t have to quarantine? Or any suggestions? WEN: Yeah, it’s a really good question. But here’s—and I think here’s the problem with all this: There’s still a lot of unknowns and I think a lot of barriers that unfortunately are still in the way. I mean, I would love to see a situation, right? We don’t have this—this is my ideal. I would love to see a situation where we have widespread enough testing that, let’s say, when people enter an aircraft, or when they plan to go back to work, or when they plan to go back to school, they’re able to get tested. And we can do that regular testing. You can’t just have the one-time test because you could be negative today but be positive next week. I’d love to have widespread testing for us to do that, and for us to make decisions accordingly. Unfortunately, we don’t have that. We have screens that come close, but not quite. As in, we can do temperature screening, we can do symptom checking. They don’t come nearly close enough to the type of sensitive result that we would get from testing. And so unfortunately those results are not totally reliable. And that’s why I think we have to rely on these other things in the meantime. We have to rely on airlines enforcing policies on masks, doing temperature checks themselves, and symptom checks themselves, doing deep-cleaning protocols. I think though that in the meantime because we don’t have that widespread testing on the front end or on the back end, self-quarantining is still the most useful tool, as is, unfortunately, trying to limit not essential travel. I think that that’s still going to be the bedrock of our response too, that companies that don’t need their employees to travel should continue to limit air travel, which I think actually makes it safer for everyone too. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Robert Melanson. Please pronounce your name correctly for me. (Laughs.) Sorry for butchering it. Q: OK. It’s actually Melanson from Lafayette, Louisiana. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Q: No problem. Yeah, Lafayette Consolidated Government.  One of the concerns I think everybody has is the obvious risk of a second wave. And one of the particular challenges we face here is, is there a possibility that a second wave could be hiding out in our most vulnerable populations? And I’m not necessarily talking about poverty-stricken populations, but non-English-speaking populations. I’ve heard very, very little in terms of how to reach out to these populations. And just in order to avoid reinventing the wheel, can you either—can you make a couple of comments about strategies, or can you refer me to resources that would give me information about how to reach out to these non-English-speaking communities? WEN: It’s a really good question. And unfortunately I don’t have a great answer for you. One is because of lack of data. The data that we have so far for demographics, for racial demographics and geographical demographics even, are really limited. And that’s one of the problems. I heard yesterday that the statistic—I have not confirmed this myself but this at the congressional briefing yesterday—that only four states have required collecting racial demographic breakdowns for COVID-19, which is obviously a big problem. And then you’ve got further problems. For example, the Asian-American Pacific Islander community tends to be grouped together all in one, which isn’t particularly helpful as another example. So I think we’re missing a lot of data about the impact on non-English-speaking communities, though one would certainly anticipate that there are huge disparities in that population for all the reasons that you mentioned. For language reasons, because these individuals also tend to be essential workers. Also there may be fear of authorities and fear because if immigration fears, and other things. So I think that they key is going to be relying on the local health department and local community-based organizations that are seen to be the trusted messengers. And so this will be particularly important I think for contact tracing purposes. And I think at the moment there aren’t a ton of resources available for this, simply because I think this is a neglected area all throughout our country. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Gregory Rose next. Q: Dr. Wen, thank you for having this forum, first of all. I think it’s been very helpful, at least for me. I had a—my name is Gregory Rose. And I am the city management for the city of University City in Missouri. I had a question because we are challenge with whether we should or should not open our pools. And I don’t know that I have enough information relative to whether you can actually contract COVID-19 in the water. So I guess I was curious as to what your position is on the opening of pools and water parks, and whether indeed you can or cannot contract coronavirus in the water. WEN: That’s a great question. And actually I’ve been asked this basically every time there’s a town hall or an event of some kind, someone asks this. So I’m really glad that you’re asking it. So there’s a straightforward answer and a not-so-straightforward answer. The straightforward answer is, no, you cannot contract COVID-19 through the pool water. It’s not transmitted that way, as far as we know. So that’s a straightforward answer. The more complicated answer is that pools tend to be areas where people congregate. And places where people congregate you could—of course, that would increase the chance of transmission significantly. And also we know that this is a virus that’s primarily transmitted through person-to-person contact. So if people are standing in close proximity to each other for a long time, they could give it to each other that way. I cough, the droplets land on you, you get sick. Also, it’s transmitted secondarily, but still transmitted too, through surfaces. So you could imagine that at a pool where there are lots of different shared surfaces, where there are loungers, and tables, and cups, and other things that different people are touching, bathrooms, faucets, doorknobs, that those could all be areas for transmission too. I think if you are going to be opening the pool I would say the most important thing is to limit capacity, and to keep up that social distancing somehow. So you could make it—you know, some ideas—you could make it a 20 percent capacity. You could limit the number of people entering. You could have people signing up in advance that they want to enter, and only be there for a short period of time. Like, a family could sign up for an hour at a time instead of going for the whole time. And also making it clear that the high-touch surfaces—like doorknobs, faucets, et cetera—that people need to clean them or wash their hands after touching them, or that they also need to be—and that they need to be sanitized by someone working there as well. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Doug Glaspell next. Q: I’m Doug Glaspell in Montrose, Colorado. We’re beginning to get a lot of negative feedback about people who are saying either on the internet or social media about masks not being healthy for you and wearing of masks may cause you more illness than what it’s giving you for protection. Have you heard anything on that? WEN: Yeah. I mean, I was asked this question earlier today. And frankly, it’s surprising because it’s just not true, right? It’s not true at all that masks somehow make you sick. In fact, it’s quite the opposite. So a mask—I do think it’s important to point out what a mask does and does not do. So we’re talking about the cloth face covering, a surgical mask, you know, just something that you wear that covers your mouth and your nose. The idea of a mask is that it protects you—or, rather—that it protects other people from you, if you happen to be an asymptomatic carrier of COVID-19 and just don’t know it. The thing is, if everyone wears masks, then we all protect each other from each other. And studies have shown that universal mask wearing with reduce COVID-19 by at least 50 percent. Some studies show that it’s up to as high as 90 percent. So I just—I say this in the context of imagine if there is a vaccine that’s able to be distributed right now that lowers your risk of getting COVID-19 by 50 percent, maybe 90 percent. Wouldn’t everyone want to get that vaccine now? So knowing that that’s the case, we should all be wearing masks when we’re going to be around other people, because it reduces the risk of COVID-19 for everyone around us. So it’s just not true that somehow it makes us sick or something else. I do think we should emphasize, though, that masks are not a replacement for social distancing. So I do get concerned about this. Some people think that, well, now I can be around other people, and play with my friends, and go to school, if I wear a mask. That’s also not true. A mask is not a panacea. But it is important for reducing the rate of transmission. And all of you, as your local leaders, as state leaders, the people that others turn to for information, you could help us to spread accurate information. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I remind everybody to raise your hand to ask a question. And we did we hear from Dr. Hendricks. His microphone is obviously not working. He’s a county health officer in Hamilton County, Tennessee. And he wanted to ask whether antibody tests might be an appropriate surveillance tool to detect where the virus has been. I know you touched a little bit upon this, but if you have anything to add that would be great. WEN: Yeah. I mean, so antibody testing could be useful for your understanding and my understanding as local, state officials, as public health experts, because that just—that gives us a better idea of potentially what percentage of the population in your area has had COVID. That’s interesting, and good for us to know, because that gives us public health surveillance information. I would not recommend antibody testing for the individual, as in if an individual wants to know have I been—am I now protected from COVID because I now have the antibody. That’s what I would say don’t do the test without reason, because I don’t want someone to get the false reassurance that they can go back to society and they’re safe, when actually we don’t know that information at all. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you very much. Looking to see if others have questions. I have a question. If you were in your former job as the health commissioner—(laughs)—how would you—what would be the first thing you would be doing—or, what would you be doing now? You know, any sort of practical things if you were in that seat right now, beyond what you’ve already shared with us? Oh, there you go. WEN: I think a lot of people want clarity. I think that actually—you know, I hear—and I was asked this yesterday too, about, well, shouldn’t—why should there be federal guidelines? Local officials know the best. And that’s—and we need for local officials all to be—you know, to be—to be responding to the needs of their communities, because they know the best, because they know their communities the best. I mean, agree with that, of course. Our local communities know the populations that they serve the best. But actually guidelines are really helpful and empowering. I think at this point I’ve talked to so many businesses in Baltimore and around the country that just want that clarity. They want to know, if I follow those fifteen steps I can at least relatively safely reopen? Again, knowing that there’s no such thing as zero risk. But if I follow these—if I have a checklist of twenty things, and I can do this. It also, frankly, gives them cover because they can say: I follow these best practices. And if somebody still gets sick, I did my best. And now I’m going to follow these next ten steps for what happens if somebody gets sick in my establishment. And so what I would be doing is coming up with these checklists and guidelines, based on the CDC guidelines, but tailored for my community. And, again, I think that these guidelines, these checklists, are really helpful and empower businesses. Everyone wants to do the right thing. I don’t know, and I’m sure all of you agree, I don’t know one business owner who wants our employees to come back to work and get sick. My husband is a small—is a small business owner. I’m sure—you know, nobody would want, you know, their customers to come back, or employees to come back and become ill as a result of our actions. And so having those concrete guidelines would be really helpful. And I think also a lot of public education is also what I would be doing now—what I am doing—but I think what all of us should be doing now as local and state leaders. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Henry Granison please. Q: Yes. Can you hear me? FASKIANOS: We can. Q: OK, thank you. Thank you, Dr. Wen. I was wondering what you think—in your former job—what do you think of the issue of limited liability in terms of what you’re just talking about, the guidelines for jobs, whether or not we could also, you know, limit the liability of businesses or whatever to prevent them from being sued. WEN: Yeah. I mean, this is a great question. And I do wonder about this. I mean, I’m not a lawyer and so can’t—you know, I don’t know if what I’m about to say is legally accurate or not. I have no idea. But this is, again, why I think the guidelines are so important. I think that businesses, from what I understand, are looking for this kind of guidance so that they could say, hey, look, I did my best. You know, we’re—all of us are swimming in the dark a bit here, right? Like, we don’t know a lot about this virus. We think that we’re operating based on the best available science, but that best available science is also changing all the time. Also, you could be following all the right guidelines and doing all the right things, but someone could still get sick, and could even get really sick, and succumb, and die from COVID-19 too. So I think that’s why having these guidelines would be really helpful. I know that in past outbreaks when I was the health commissioner it was really useful for us to always fall back on the CDC and say, hey, we followed the CDC guidelines here. And businesses would then be able to say, hey, we follow the health department’s guidance here. And so, again, I think—I don’t know the legal aspect of this, but I would imagine that having those checklists, those guidelines in place also provides some level of cover for businesses too. FASKIANOS: Leana, before we go to the next question, you said that you were surprised that the CDC guidelines weren’t as specific in some areas as they potentially could be. Is there a group of physicians working to come up with, you know, some additive—I mean, the CDC is our source—but some supplementary guidelines that state and local officials could turn to or think about? Or is that not happening? WEN: As far as I’m aware, no, because this is just not what—nobody that I know, no public health expert that I know wants to override the CDC, because we—the CDC is our gold standard. And we’re used to turning to the CDC. I mean, in the middle of Ebola, Zika, measles, whatever other outbreaks we’ve had before, I went to the CDC website every day, maybe every hour, to look at their guidance. I mean, we don’t—that’s their job. They are the best of their kind in the world for translating scientific evidence or scientific studies into practical guidelines. That’s what they do. Let me clarify though, Irina, because I think you brought up a good point. I’m not saying that the CDC guidelines aren’t good. I’m saying that they are qualified in a way that I’m not used to seeing from the CDC. There are so many guidelines that will say things like “if feasible,” “if possible,” “when possible.” They are encouraged, not required. So I would just say take out all those qualifiers and you’ve got yourself a great set of guidelines. FASKIANOS: That’s a great point. And I’m glad that we both clarified. Let’s go next to Alicia Lekas. Q: Hello. This is Alicia Lekas, state representative from New Hampshire. And my question has to do with herd immunity. I have heard that now being summertime is a good time to be open and let people develop herd immunity before the flu season in the fall starts again. What do you think of that? WEN: I’m really glad that you asked the question because I want to make it very clear that herd immunity is an extremely dangerous concept when applied to COVID-19. So herd immunity refers to the idea that if somewhere between 60-80 percent of the population get a disease, then you protect the entire population from it. That’s what happens with vaccines. If you’re able to vaccinate a large—a percentage of the population, potentially there are some people in the population who cannot get the vaccine for some reason, and you’re able to protect them too. I understand why it’s an attractive concept. If it actually is true, let’s say, that—if it’s true, which it’s not. But if it’s true that there is a certain percentage of the population who get really sick from COVID, you can shield them and everybody else can sick, and maybe they don’t get that sick. And so you can basically say, let’s get herd immunity and protect all those people who otherwise would have gotten really sick. That’s an attractive concept to think about. And I think that’s why there is—there are theories around this. But it’s not true. And here’s why: We don’t know that you actually get immunity from COVID-19. We don’t know this. We think that maybe you get immunity, but we don’t—based on other coronaviruses—we don’t think that you get immunity for very long. And the immunity may not be complete. So the idea of getting 60-80 percent of America really ill where the mortality rate is 1 percent, and potentially young people are dying also of this really mysterious illness that causes toxic shock and multisystem organ failure, and we’re talking kids who get this, and people in their 30s and 40s are getting debilitating strokes and ending up in ICUs and potentially never speaking again, and making that kind of huge sacrifice and getting all these people sick, for the possible concept that maybe they get immunity, we can’t do that. And so I really do not—I think it’s important that we all say that herd immunity is not something that we can strive for because of how dangerous it is, and how unlikely this is to happen. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Susan Albright. Q: Hi. I’m on the city council in Newton, Massachusetts. And our state guidelines in Massachusetts for daycare requires more space than daycares really have available currently. And it requires keeping children six feet apart. It requires little children wearing masks. And I’m just—it feels like the people who made these guidelines may not understand children very well. I’m wondering what guidelines you might have for children in daycare. WEN: So I have a toddler who is three, almost three. And so I speak as someone who—at least, I understand toddlers, and I understand daycare, and little children on a very personal level. I also have a baby too, but that’s a, you know, different conversation. If somebody has a baby question—a two-month old also. But the—so the question about daycare, you know, it is really hard. You know, I am not at the moment sending my toddler to daycare, and actually have a hard time imagining what kinds of things have to be in place for that daycare to actually be safe, because little kids, I think to your point, asking little kids to practice social distancing is just—I don’t know how one actually does that. Little kids also, as much as I want to tell my son sneeze into your elbow, don’t touch surfaces after somebody else touches them, that’s just not going to happen. So I think what’s happening with the guidelines, like you’re describing, is the best-faith effort at trying to do these best practices. It’s they’re trying to do this, right? They know that kids are not always going to be staying six feet apart. But the least we could is to reduce the capacity and have more—and have a better student to faculty ratio so that they can at least try to separate children as much as they can. I do think that wearing masks is something that they—is something that everybody should be doing. Kids above the age of two should be wearing masks. And you know, I think that there’s some other things that daycares can and should be doing. Again, the CDC outlines this very well. For example, removing all toys and objects unless they can be easily washed and sanitized. Trying to, again, stagger out the recess time and play time, so that—and then wiping down pretty frequently the high touch areas. So I think that there are common sense things that can be done while also recognizing that it will be really difficult to keep little people apart from each other. FASKIANOS: Thank you. While we wait for others to queue up I wanted to ask if you could talk a little bit about where we are on vaccines. WEN: Yeah. So we are—there are a lot of clinical trials that are ongoing for vaccines. And I’m glad that you asked this question, because I think there’s a lot of news also coming out all the time about this. So it’s important to clarify where we are. Dr. Tony Fauci has said that the soonest we—that it’s possible that we would have a vaccine in a year. I mean, that is an extremely optimistic timeline. That would require us to achieve something we’ve never been able to do in all of humanity. I mean, we’ve—the quickest, I believe, that we’ve developed a vaccine in the past is five to six years. And so doing this in a year would be extraordinary. Is it possible? I would never want to contradict what Dr. Fauci has said. I would just say that it seems—it seems like it’s extremely optimistic for us to meet that deadline. Also, it’s not just developing the vaccine. We also have to manufacture hundreds of millions of doses of this. We also need to ensure that this is something that is actually safe and effective, because the last thing that we want is to give credence to the antivaxxer movement and have people say, oh, well, this vaccine caused all these problems. We don’t want that to happen. And then also at the end of the day, we also need to gird ourselves for what happens if the vaccine is not 100 percent effective. The flu vaccine, for example, is 40-60 percent effective every season, and we have to take it every year. I think it’s possible, if not likely, that the same thing might happen with the COVID-19 vaccine. That it may provide protection partially and for a short period of time. And we need to—maybe we need to think about this more—less of a vaccine as a cure all, and more like we have to be living with this disease, and vaccine will help us to better do so. FASKIANOS: Are there any lessons that you’ve seen of what other countries are doing that we could look to? WEN: Yes. Other countries have been effective in containing COIVD-19. And I think it’s actually—it helps as a way for us to think about this, because there’s a lot of people who say, well, no matter what we do, we can’t contain this. Well, that’s just not true, because other countries have been able to contain COVID-19. That’s the combination of testing, contact tracing, isolation that has—that has worked in other places. I think other countries have also shown us that social distancing measures work when they are applied, and when they are applied early. And so that’s important for us thinking forward, as we are now reopening. But might we need to reimpose these restrictions moving forward and remembering that early surveillance is important and applying these actions early is going to be important too in our response. FASKIANOS: And are you confident that—or, are you hopeful—confident might be too strong a word—that we are shoring up our PPE and all the things we need if/when there might be a resurgence? WEN: No. There has not been a coordinated national strategy from the beginning. And you, as local and state and health officials, I think have seen this firsthand, of what happens when states are bidding against each other for ventilators. When in my state—I mean, I couldn’t believe this—when my governor had to secure five hundred thousand tests from South Korea. I mean, why are states negotiating with other governments about this? And securing—after securing these five hundred thousand tests, it was reported at least, that these five hundred thousand tests were kept locked up by the National Guard to protect the federal government to confiscating the state supplies of tests. I mean, who would think that’s a thing that happens? I’ve watched also as my colleagues ran out of masks, and gowns, and goggles. And my—and nurses were asking over Facebook for people to buy masks at Home Depot and Lowes and lend it to them. I mean, how is that a thing? And so I’m still not confident that we have a national strategy for coordinating supplies should there be a surge in the fall. I actually don’t know that there’s even agreement by our federal leadership that there is going to be a surge in the fall, and that we should be doing this work. So I am really deeply concerned. And that’s why I’m urging for all of you—you know, we’re all about practical solutions. If we’re not going to be seeing this work done by the federal government. We need all of you to step up even more to do this. And I recognize that that’s not ideal, and that you all have been doing a lot. But that’s, unfortunately, the situation that we’re in now. FASKIANOS: And is there any—I know state and local officials—is there any place where there is a sharing across states, because so much has been done state-to-state, to share the information, share the data on contact tracing? Where is all that information funneling up and going to? WEN: What do you mean? Can you say that again? FASKIANOS: I just want to make sure there are no other questions. Is there a place where state and local officials can consult and confirm best practices across—you know, because it seems that everything is state by state, in addition to the CDC, of course, but. WEN: Yeah. I mean, I think that there is a lot of—again, a lot of great work being done on the local and state level. And a lot of data collection being done that’s really exceptional. But ultimately, this needs to be a national effort. FASKIANOS: OK. So we are almost at the end of our time. And I just wanted to ask if there were two or three things that you wanted to leave the group with. WEN: Clear, direct communication is critical. And your role as the leaders that your community turns to is absolutely essential, number one. Number two, do not let down your guard. This is a time where we should be on guard even more than before. The virus is still as contagious as ever. And with reopening, it means that we are going to see more transmission occurring. And third, be ready, because we have not seen—we’re still at the beginning of this pandemic, and we are going to be living with this for some time to come. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Leana. That was—that was really terrific, to have you with us for this hour. We appreciate it. Glad we got through it without your child waking up from the nap. So thanks to all of you for being with us. We really appreciate it. We hope that you will follow Dr. Wen on Twitter at @Dr.LeanaWen. We will send a link to the audio and transcript of the webinar to you all soon. But please continue to reach out to us by sending an email to [email protected] if there are areas that you want us to cover or issues that we should dig deeper into. And again, please visit CFR.org, ThinkGlobalHealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for the latest analysis on COVID-19. So thank you all. Thank you, Dr. Leana Wen. We appreciate it. WEN: Thank you. (END)
  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    The Future of American Infrastructure
    Play
    Heidi Crebo-Rediker, adjunct senior fellow specializing in infrastructure policy and other topics at CFR, and chief executive officer of International Capital Strategies, discusses the future of infrastructure in the United States in light of the budget challenges facing state and local governments due to COVID-19. This session is part of CFR’s State and Local Officials Webinar series. FASKIANOS: Good afternoon, all. Good morning to some of you. Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations State and Local Officials Webinar. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. We’re delighted to have participants from forty-three states joining us for today’s discussion which, again, is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher focusing on U.S. foreign policy. Through our state and local officials initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local officials and governments, and by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. We also publish Foreign Affairs magazine. We want to thank you all for joining us today during this challenging time. We recognize that many of you are on the frontlines of responding to COVID-19 in your communities, so thank you for all that you are doing. We are pleased to have Heidi Crebo-Rediker with us. We shared her full bio prior to the call, so I’m just going to give you a few highlights. Heidi Crebo-Rediker is an adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. She specializes in international political economy, U.S. economic competitiveness, infrastructure policy, and women in the global economy. She is also chief executive officer of International Capital Strategies, a boutique advisory firm. She served as the State Department’s first chief economist under then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and provided advice and analysis on foreign policy issues with economic and financial components. And she previously served as chief of international finance and economics for the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, following nearly two decades in Europe as a senior investment banker. So, Heidi, thanks very much for being with us today. It would be great if you could begin with an overview of the status of infrastructure in the United States and trends you expect to see given the budget challenges that state and local governments are facing as a result of COVID-19. CREBO-REDIKER: So, first of all, thank you so much for the invitation to speak today, and thank you, everybody, for joining us. Again, we all appreciate everything that you’re doing and that you’re giving us your time and attention. And I’m particularly grateful that you tuned in for this particular subject. I have long been an advocate for increased investment in infrastructure, particularly federal investment in infrastructure. I believe very strongly that robust, reliable, and long-term federal funding is a very integral component of our infrastructure in the U.S. And I don’t think it’s about spending the most. I think it’s investment. So I’ll talk more about investment than spending, even though in D.C. people tend to talk about spending as if it’s a huge cost, without the upside that you get from an investment. I think it’s important when we think about federal that it’s meant to complement and support state and local governments, that it’s complementary to what you’re already doing. I’m a huge fan of streamlining red tape across federal, state, and local, and harmonizing different regulatory procedural processes across federal, state, and local, because I think that is one of the—one of the keys to unlocking greater investments in infrastructure. And I also believe very strongly that, this is sort of longstanding pre-COVID, that we have multifaceted challenges in how we approach infrastructure investment. And so all the solutions that we talk about need to be as well. They also need to be creative and use all the tools at our disposal. So just in terms of background, I think we were already in a pretty dire state when it comes to how much we’re actually investing pre-COVID-19. And the lack of investment has been—you know, has been a drag on our growth, it’s been a drag on our productivity, our competitiveness. And it puts our citizens at risk, you know, going across structurally deficient bridges or drinking unsafe water. I mean, it’s been that way for many years. And you know this, obviously, because that’s why you’re joining us on this call today. When I talk about infrastructure, just for a definitional, I look pretty broadly at things that move people, goods, energy, water, information, data—sort of in a twenty-first century sense. So not just—not just the traditional roads and bridges. And I do think that it is—it’s important and has been important for us to consider not only the growth in jobs element to why it’s important to invest in infrastructure, but the competitiveness issue, the public safety issues around safe infrastructure, climate resilience. But going back to the jobs and growth, it’s never really been more important right now to think about jobs and growth, and the opportunity that a large, particularly federal, support for state and local governments investment in infrastructure could actually do. So I do look at this as an important component of how we can end up revitalizing our economy right now. We actually have Governor Cuomo in town today talking at the White House with President Trump about using infrastructure investment to revitalize the U.S. economy. So it’s really coming to the top of mind right now. And I think it’s going to be increasingly on the top of people’s minds, because if you look at the unemployment situation right now, we have—you know, we obviously are facing the biggest challenge that we’ve faced for, you know, on record back to World War II and to the Great Depression, in terms of numbers and percentages. So even, you know, the White House estimates are that we could go up—end up with a number more than 20 percent across the country before we’re over the worst of this. April’s unemployment rate was 14.7 percent. And the White House thinks that we could still be over 10 percent come November. So we could see, even with furloughed workers coming back, if we have the economy coming back on track, we’re going to have very stubborn residual unemployment issues that we have to face. In terms of our immediate response to COVID-19, the spending that we’ve been doing is exactly the right thing, as the Fed has been doing, to support the economy—exactly the right thing. It’s the biggest economic shock in modern times. And the fire fighting in terms of emergency safety nets and protecting people, and jobs, and businesses is front and foremost. But also part of that is the triage around state and local government support for infrastructure investment because, as you know, state and local governments are taking a huge hit, and will need to prioritize moving forward. They’re responsible for schools, and public services, and paying for police, and firefighters. And so, you know, what will likely happen is that infrastructure will get cut. It’s always been a shared responsibility between the federal government and state and municipal governments. It’s always—you know, the roughly 25 percent federal component to the 75 (percent) state and local, mostly state and local raised through the muni market, and on the federal side you have the Highway Trust Fund. In this time, when we are thinking about moving from triage to massive support for recovery, it’s important that the federal government, I think, step up and provide much more significant than the 25 percent that we’re thinking about right now. You’ve got state budgets that are completely constrained. We have a need for support for larger projects that are of regional and national significance, that are hard for single states to pay for in the first place. And I think we have a lot of very specific infrastructure challenges that are coming out of—on the other side of the COVID-19 pandemic. So looking at the jobs and growth scenario, I do think while the challenge is going to be massive we already have good metrics for looking at if you spend—if you’re investing smart, you can get a big return. So just on the jobs and growth side, we have, you know, a lot of good reports out there, that roughly they all averaged around 1.3 billion (dollars) in investment in infrastructure gets you a 2 billion (dollars) in growth on the other side, and around thirty thousand jobs. So we sort of—we have enough history, we know from the IMF, from rating agencies, from different groups who’ve looked at the numbers and evaluated what the payback is. We know that a dollar in is going to result in far more than a dollar on the other side. And we are at a point in time where we have very low interest rates. So I was a big fan of using cheap debt for long-term borrowing for infrastructure on the federal level before we cut to effectively zero. So I think not only will—is that an opportunity to use low-interest rates right now to borrow in size and at low rates, but also if you look at the other side of this, if we are going to borrow significantly, the only way to really put ourselves in a position to pay back that debt longer term is through growth. And so if you’re taking that—if you’re taking that money that you’re borrowing and investing it in something that’s going to give you a really positive return, that is one of those—that’s one of the ways that you actually get yourself out of the problem of supporting this crisis through the issuance of so much debt. In terms of the crisis response, I do think we’re going to see some larger package post-firefighting come out, regardless of—you know, we’re in the context of an election, obviously. But I do think that this is going to be something that has to—it really has to happen. It’s sort of a no-brainer. And the message I would say right now is to plan now, because one thing that we learned from the last—from the great financial crisis—is that if you’re looking for “shovel-ready projects,” quote/unquote, and you are looking for a pipeline, and that pipeline doesn’t exist, you know, ready to go, then it makes it much, much longer term in terms of the amount of time it takes to get projects, good projects, up and running. So I guess my message would be to plan now. The other is, as you’re planning for looking at how a federal package to help for infrastructure would be—you know, would be allocated and invested, I think we have to reimagine some of the ways we invest in infrastructure in the past. So it’s not just that you’re losing jobs in the construction industry, but in order to get people back to work again you’ve got to fix mass transit. I mean, you can’t—you can’t get people back to work if they’re not feeling safe getting on the bus, getting on the train, getting on the subway. So until we actually think about how we make mass transit safe—which is going to take investment—then, you know, it’s going to be very hard to actually get the whole of the economy back in a year, again. Do we know if we’re going to see more cars on the road? More car use? Less car use? More air travel? Less air travel? It’s a really big question because a lot of your governments actually have funding models that depend on fuel and truck taxes. You know, you’ve already seen a downturn in these income tax, payroll tax. Everything’s really down because economic activity has been so far down the past several months. We’ve really never seen a hard stop to an economy the way that we’ve just had. So it’s going to hit state and local governments really dramatically. And, you know, that’s also true on the—you know, on the—on the federal side. So we have the Highway Trust Fund that relies almost exclusively on the gas tax. Well, that’s been a broken model for a long time. So we have—you know, we have to think about how we’re going to invest in infrastructure and look beyond the gas tax. We have—you know, we’ve always had issues with that because we had fuel efficiency kicking in, we have electric cars, we have, you know, different ways that people are thinking about using cars. And so the—you know, the formulas that we’re used to using, I think, both at the state and the federal level, have to be—have to be revisited. So funding models, how do you pay for it? And the last big thing is I think broadband is front and center. We’ve had sort of the biggest shift in our economy, given COVID-19. We’ve seen everyone start to—you know, everybody’s kids are home doing Zoom school or, you know, trying to keep up with schools—you know, school systems being shut down. And you have to remember that there are twenty million Americans right now who don’t have access to high speed internet and broadband. So we’ve had a digital divide for a while. But if you end up making this shift to virtual work, to virtual schooling, to virtual medicine—which we mind have residual on the back of this—then we really, really need to make sure that we have—that all Americans can access, you know, reasonably priced high-speed internet. And if we don’t have that, then I really worry that we’re going to have a much greater divide come out of this—out of this crisis. The federal—I know that there are a lot of discussions going on right now about how much to provide for broadband in any legislative movement in the next—the next time we—in the next bill that’s being discussed. And maybe even doing a much larger, more substantial broadband package. Infrastructure is a very popular issue. Both sides of the aisle at the top line. Always the devil is in the details. But I think when it comes to broadband and watching how everybody had to really move to an online world, it’s really—you know, we’ll either—we’ll either make that leap and help people, or we’ll exacerbate an existing problem and then there’ll be far more people left behind. So I guess I would leave it at that. My recommendation to the federal side has always, you know, go big, go bold. This is going—there’s going to be the right time for a recovery bill that’s going to be very—that should be very heavily weighted on infrastructure. But for state and local governments, if you would assume regardless of who wins we’re going to have to get ourselves out of this, infrastructure is clearly a no-brainer in terms of where the emphasis should go. And in your—you know, in your sense, where you sit, plan beats no plan. So plan for where—you know, where your most important needs are for infrastructure, and figure out where that federal piece could actually play a catalytic role in the immediate term. FASKIANOS: Heidi, that was great. Thank you so much. Let’s go now to the group for your questions and comments. Again, I want to encourage you to share your experiences, as this is a forum for best practices as well. And please identify yourself so Heidi knows what state and your position. It will help contextualize her answers to you all. So let’s open up and see. (Gives queuing instructions.) And we already have four up. Martha Robertson, we will start with you. Q: Thank you so much, Irina. Thank you, Heidi. This is—I couldn’t agree more with, well, everything you said. But first I want to put in a little commercial. With forty-three states on the phone here, I hope everybody is encouraging every one of their citizens and employees to call their congressional and senators’ offices. Everybody is affected by the crash in income for state and local governments. And Heidi everything you said is great, but when we’re furloughing and laying off—you know, we’re laying off 16 percent of our people. I’m a county legislator in Tompkins County, which is Ithaca, New York. So we’re laying off, you know, hundreds of people with the city and the county. And so we really can’t—literally can’t afford to do the right things. And we seem to not be able to move the needle on state and local aid. It’s beyond me. What do you suggest? I mean, as I said, I think everybody needs to be an advocate and gets folks in all the states, not just New York or California, but all the states to call their legislators’ offices. There really needs to be a groundswell. Is there anything in particular that you think can change that conversation? CREBO-REDIKER: So I—you’re preaching to the choir. So I completely—I hear you, in terms of, you know, frustration, because you’re not—you know, all the states and local governments are in a similar position right now. And New York in particular. I would do two pronged. I would so the individual calls to Capitol Hill. But I would also, you know, speak with one voice as well and make sure that it is—you know, it’s not—it’s not just—it’s not one state playing off another, that it is a unified request to Congress and to the White House, that this is—that state and local governments really need to be able to provide the services and the jobs that are critical right now, during this national crisis that we’re in. I would do both. I would do individual offices and I would do, you know, through any kind of a united platform that you have. Q: Thank you very much. If I could just ask, does childcare fit into your—(laughs)—definition of infrastructure? CREBO-REDIKER: So childcare—I am—I am a passionate supporter of providing—of support for providing childcare. I wouldn’t—I don’t put it in my infrastructure bucket. I put it in an essential bucket, but I don’t put it in the infrastructure bucket. But it’s—if you don’t have support for childcare you don’t get, you know, 50 percent of the workforce back to work again. Somebody’s got to—somebody’s got to stay at home and raise—and raise—and raise kids, if they’re not going to school. Q: Thank you very much. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Martha. Let’s go to Shahid Shafi. Q: Thank you very much, Heidi and Irina. I serve on the city council of Southlake in Texas. It’s a small suburban town in Dallas area. Two questions. Number one: You know, we are expecting a 20 percent decline in our revenues this year, in FY ’20, primarily related to a decline in sales tax and permit fees of various sorts. And in FY ’21 we are probably expecting a larger decline—well, that depends on the property tax valuation at that time. So at this time there’s very little appetite locally to—for any new debt, for the city to incur any new debt. So how—if you can address that with us. We know—I know fully that the interest rates are at historic lows. It’s a good time to borrow. But still our ability to pay it back it back is an important concern to us. And my second question is about—you talk about broadband. Do you mean 5G infrastructure? And if that is the investment you’re talking about what is the role of private entities that are going to profit from those 5G infrastructure? What is their role in putting up this money? CREBO-REDIKER: So in terms of the first question, obviously states need to balance their budgets. And the idea is not for states to put themselves in a greater financial disadvantage moving forward because they borrowed in order to compensate for losses in revenue during this pandemic. That’s one of the reasons why I do think that it’s—this is not just an opportunity but it’s an imperative for the federal government to use its balance sheet and, you know, near zero rates to support state and local governments. This is a shock that’s come, that has not—it’s not any one state’s fault. It has been—it’s a global issue. It’s been a global shock. The Fed has stepped up and is playing, you know, a very important role in supporting many aspects of the economy, including buying certain types of municipal debt. But, you know, that’s—I do think that there is a much greater opportunity for the Federal Reserve to borrow in order to fund a fiscal plan that would come out of Congress that would support specific types of investment in states, and support for—you know, which is coming, and we’ve seen in recent packages, coming out of the Hill. But I just—I think the emphasis has to be a much greater one on making sure that we don’t lose—we don’t lose states’ viability and ability to make sure that teachers, and firefighters, and police are able to keep their—you know, keep their jobs, that government services can still be provided. You know, and the first thing to go is going to be, as we started with, infrastructure projects right now. So I think that there’s a goal for the federal government to play using its balance sheet to help states and local governments that are—that are trying to do the right thing. On the second question, on broadband—(background noise)—sorry. I live in a city. That’s a sign of the times in the background, unfortunately. So yeah, I mean, we have a—you know, these are—these are obviously—broadband is obviously—you know, our telecommunications system is a privately—it’s a private part of our infrastructure framework. And I do think that the—you know, the FCC should really look at what COVID-19 has taught us about how Americans are using broadband to learn, to work, to interact with medical professionals, and figure out in any kind of major broadband legislation, to make sure that it’s—that it’s—you know, that it’s done. I’m not deeply familiar with how the FCC is going to be working on this, but in terms of the high-level imperative, yes, we do need broadband. Yes, it is a focus of Congress. And, yes, the private sector will play—will play a part. But I do think that accessible and reasonably priced access to broadband is going to be key. If you have broadband in your area, that’s great. But if you can’t afford it, then you’re as much at a disadvantage as you were if you didn’t have broadband in your area at all. Q: Thank you very much. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Shayne Thomas. And you need to—we need to unmute you, or— Q: OK, my mute— FASKIANOS: There we go. You’re— Q: OK, great. Thanks. Shayne Thomas. I’m president of the Board of Commissioners in Seneca County, a rural county in Ohio. And my question is on infrastructure as it relates to active transportation, and how you see that being a part of the overall infrastructure play. One thing we’ve noticed from this whole pandemic is that people need to take a lot more responsibility for their own health. And so some of the comorbidities that are out there, you know, we need to help people address those. I also noticed that as people started working from home, and being furloughed, and—they were spending more time outside walking, walking their dogs, walking their families, dusting off their bikes. And so if we are going through an inflection in our economy where it’s adapting, would it follow that we need to invest in our active transportation network—bike lanes, bike paths, sidewalks—as well? And if you think that’s possible or probable, is there a funding paradigm that works? You know, obviously folks aren’t that aggressive in using gas tax money to work on bike paths. And there’s not necessarily a direct link to the gas tax money. So looking for some comments there. Thank you. CREBO-REDIKER: So I think, you know, we have to use a lot of imagination right now and see, you know, how even other countries around the world are responding after they are coming out of the most—the height—the height of their own cycle of the pandemic right now, and see what—you know, how people are behaving. Because I agree that looking at bike paths—and just anecdotally, bike sales are up, and people are out more. They’re walking more. They’re doing what they can to avoid—you know, avoid being in close spaces with other people. And until we get to a—you know, a point where we’re not concerned about our health in a group setting, then I think we have to think about what the alternatives are. I mean, getting mass transit right is going to be key, especially because that is how—a good deal of people of people take the bus, or the subway, or the train to get to—to get to work. So looking—figuring out mass transit is going to be part of it. But also looking at the reaction, what are people doing right now? Because infrastructure is primarily funded and paid for at the state and local level, and a lot of decisions—like whether you take—whether you go for bike lanes, or if it makes sense, and what that investment should be, it is—it is a matter of figuring out what—you know, what the community wants to do. So if it’s a community that’s conductive to using bikes, then I would imagine that the support for making an investment in bike lanes is going to be much—is going to be much higher, especially on the back of COVID. So I agree with you. But I think in the larger context we need to actually be thinking: How are people going to behave, and how are we going to invest differently based on behavior? Q: Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Mary Dye. STAFF: Please accept the unmute prompt on your screen. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Maureen. Q: Hey. STAFF: There you go. Q: This is Mary Dye. I’m from the 9th Legislative District in eastern Washington. I live very rurally, so I hope you appreciate my internet and capacities. (Laughs.)  So I would support some help—I’ve done some rural broadband work. And I would support the idea of doing an open-access dark fiber network that’s constructed by a public entity, whether it’s a court district or whether it’s an economic development council, that can receive the funding and partner with a private company that would be the macro-level operator, and then lease capacity on that fiber, so that many small ISPs and internet service providers can provide the services to rural. Because that would get us the opportunity to receive the same quality at the same prices as the more urban areas, by laddering the system into place using public-private partnerships and dark fiber being owned by the public entity. And that would help us a lot. And I don’t know if anyone is contemplating that model, but it’s working really well in Washington state to get very affordable and high-speed internet. Unfortunately for me, I’m still one of the ones that’s left behind. Then the second—and my signal comes on, your internet connection is unstable. My second thing is that I was wondering where the infrastructure package is in Congress now. Is it being written in the committees? Is it a place where we can have some input into the language? And what would you suggest? CREBO-REDIKER: So first, on the—on your proposal on broadband access and rural access, and one of—the good news is that there is a—there are a lot of representatives in Congress who are very focused on making sure that there is equity between what urban centers get and rural gets in terms of infrastructure investment, in my experience. And focusing on—focusing on rural broadband is key. You have—so the most recent numbers that I have from Pew Research is you have about 79 percent with home broadband in suburban. You have about 75 (percent) in urban. And rural is about 63 (percent). So those—you’re going to have to come up with creative ways for the private sector to engage in rural communities where you won’t have the same kind of revenue streams as you would in suburban and urban areas. But I think that this is the time for creativity, and making it work so that you do have—you do capture that rural population in particular. In terms of what the—I mean, the next big piece of legislation that was due to—due to expire on September 30th is the Highway Trust Fund, which is the main vehicle for the federal contribution to highway spending and also public transportation. There’s an act that was passed through committee, through the environment and public works committee in the Senate. It’s called America’s Transportation and Infrastructure Act. And it basically laid the—at least the Senate’s view on how they were going to think about replacing the FAST Act, which was the one that—the previous act that funded—that funded the Highway Trust Fund. Now is the time to—now is the time to weigh in. And if you—you know, if you’re in touch with your—you know, your legislators in Washington, this is—this is the big conversation. They were going to have to do a transportation infrastructure bill anyway. They were going to have to figure out how they were going to pay for, which is always a big question, how they were going to pay for that infrastructure bill. And this is—this is—you know, there are hearings going—there have been hearings going on about this topic. And it’s something where there’s a lot of bipartisan support for getting this done. Now, it might—it could very well be kicked down the road because—not only because the focus is on the firefighting part of COVID-19 and support for, you know, unemployment, and small business, and many other important facets of making sure that the economy doesn’t go off a cliff. But this will have to be done at some point anyway. So I would absolutely encourage you to reach out in the context of even the Highway Trust Fund legislation. And I do think that that will be the vehicle for something that is larger, possibly post-election, in terms of providing a base for infrastructure form the federal side. So weigh in now with good ideas. Q: Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you for that. Let’s go now to Ann McDonough. Q: Yes, hello. Thank you so much. My first meeting, and happy to join. I am a Dubuque County supervisor. And I’m Dubuque, Iowa. Our county’s a hundred thousand people. Sixty percent live in a more urban area, 40 percent in a more rural area. And I wanted to address with you kind of a green infrastructure concept, because when you’re talking about firefighting and recovering from COVID-19, I’m talking about firefighting and recovering from erosion and water pollution, and the need for clean water. So I know that my gas tax is probably going to be off my revenue by 20 percent. That is massive, because I’m not building new roads. I’m not building great highways to anywhere. What I’m trying to do is repair and maintain what the continual flooding is taking away. And with the rain events that we have, getting—you know, Iowa’s known for, good or bad, our hog confinement. And so we have gravel roads taking us places that are so soft in the springtime that these massive trucks get stuck. So we really need to have somebody helping us advocate for these issues about water and about clean water. We’re working on projects that are hopefully going to alleviate the need for a new water treatment facility right here in Dubuque, Iowa. But we’re doing that with looking at hydrology studies, some engineering to see how we can put in things upstream to affect clean water. So any thoughts about—I just can’t have a conversation that doesn’t include green infrastructure. CREBO-REDIKER: So I think that that is—that needs to be top of the agenda. And if we are investing more in—more in infrastructure and willing to do, you know, a substantial federal package for infrastructure investment, it has to include, whether you call it green, or climate resilience, or—you know, whatever the label is, it’s got to solve the problems that are there twenty-first-century problems that we’re actually facing right now. And that is in—you know, an increase in severe weather events, an increase in flooding. We have—you know, the rebuilding of the infrastructure, if we have the funds and the political wherewithal to do so should not be to just rebuild the same thing all over again. If you have—if you know that there are—there are significant risks to resiliency of the same infrastructure, in the same place, in the same way, and built the same. It’s common sense, but it also is—it’s not a wise investment to not invest in resilience if you’re going to be putting money into infrastructure. So I could not agree more. FASKIANOS: Let’s go to Jay Rising. Q: Hi. I’m Jay Rising with the state of Michigan. A lot of people on the call may have heard about our significant infrastructure failure last week, with the rain that caused the failure of a privately owned dam in the—serving the city of Midland, Michigan. So I’d like to have your thoughts on the role of privately owned and operated infrastructure as part of the solution to infrastructure development. CREBO-REDIKER: So I have—you know, I’ve been a strong supporter of engaging responsibility private sector investments and money into infrastructure, just because the sums that are required to upgrade the infrastructure that we need to upgrade, they’re in the stratosphere. And so I am—you know, there are a lot of caveats to that. I think the last study that I saw that looked at the component of transportation infrastructure invested by the private sector in the U.S., it was in the low single digits. That doesn’t compare well with other advanced economies around the world. But we have a number of challenges in actually—in actually making sure that the—you know, that the engagement with the private sector in our infrastructure is the best use of taxpayer funds, because you usually need to have some support of taxpayer funds in order to make that work. We have a philosophical challenge, in that we tend to see certain types of infrastructure as very much a private sector, like, commercial rail and, you know, pipelines, telecommunications, very much in the private hands. And we’re very comfortable with that. Roads and tolling, bridges, airports, water not so much. But you know, other comparable countries around the world have a different philosophical approach. So you know, a good—a good proportion of the U.K.’s water is in private hands, and all three major airports in London are privately owned. And, you know, you have—so there’s a philosophical problem. There’s also, I think, a knowledge problem, in that some states are very, very good. They have their own PPP inhouse shops where they have—they’re very accustomed to using best practices and negotiating and realizing that it’s a risk sharing as much as a way to catalyze private investment. It’s not—that the private investment’s not the silver bullet. And other states don’t. They’re just not—they don’t have the legislation in place, they are not ramped up to actually negotiate with, you know, groups of private investors that might not necessarily have the public good in the front of them. They’re looking for commercially viable projects. And so it’s a balance. Not all projects are commercially viable. So, you know, you have—you can play around and be extremely creative in using, you know, multimodal types of infrastructure projects, particularly large ones, or grouping together projects, like Pennsylvania did with its bridges and packaging, so that you can actually attract private investment. There’s a lot of room for creativity. And I think that we have to—you know, we have to think how to better utilize private funds. But I also think it’s important that you engage the public in the conversations. You need to have the public onboard. And they need to understand the risks and rewards of using a private source versus the state, you know, raising money through municipal bond markets to fund in a traditional way. But I do think that we need to bring that number from, I think the last time I saw it was around 2 percent of transportation in the U.S. was actually—you know, had private—had a private component. And so I think that number should be greater, but I also think that we need to make sure that we are set up in our state and local governments to be able to negotiate on behalf of the public interest. And the best—you know, for the best of the public interest. Q: Thank you. CREBO-REDIKER: I can’t hear, Irina, if you’re talking. FASKIANOS: Oh, sorry. Yes. I did not unmute myself. Let’s go to Ed Kleckner next, and then to Mary Anne Butters. Q: Hi. Good afternoon, Irina and Heidi. Heidi, I’d like your thoughts on three infrastructure solutions, if you think they’re viable. First one has to do with our local county and community needs for building a local infrastructure hub. You made mention that we need to invest in projects that are shovel ready. Every county has a five year—and most communities—have a five-year plan for projects that are ready to go. We’re hurting for money because of the loss of tax, you know, sales tax, et cetera. And if we could just get the Congress to add some additional money to the existing program for funding—you know, assisting with funding these projects, that would not only alleviate some of the stress on the counties for their reduced revenues, but it would also employ lots of people who are both public employees and private contractors. So it would help the economy, as well as relieve the stress on the county budgets. And then the other idea is that regarding broadband, you know, I think everyone’s been noticing that our internet has been downloading things a little bit slower. This is the canary in the coal mine. We need to be impressing on our Congress and the FCC that now is the time to make these investments so when we get past COVID and we get back to normal operating we have the time to build out our system so that when we do end up in that situation where we can’t function properly, we will be prepared for it. The third thing is, regarding mass transit, and airline—airports in particular. We have a lot of people driving to airports every day. They have to pay almost as much for their parking as they do for their airline ticket. And at the same time, they’re congesting our roadways, they’re burning up more gas, and gas costs money. Our air would be cleaner, our congestion would be less on the roads, and we would have less payment for parking if we would just build out some rail lines that feed into the airports so that people in the major urban areas of the regional airport could take the rail line directly into the airport. And it would be much more convenient, it would cost citizens less money, it would be better for our air and clean water. What do you think? CREBO-REDIKER: Thank you. And I just want to add, you are with the Calumet Board—County Board of Supervisors in Chilton— Q: Oh, I’m sorry. I’m a county board supervisor. I’m in northeastern Wisconsin. We’re a mixture of urban and rural because we’re near the Fox cities. And the rest of the southern part of the economy is rural. FASKIANOS: Thank you. CREBO-REDIKER: So your first question sort of about support now for state and local who are—you know, who are hurting, I think that has to be part of the firefighting exercise. It has been, to some extent, but I think it needs to be, to a much greater extent. So I completely agree with you. In terms of broadband and invest now so that when we’re on the other side of this we’re in a better—a better position, I can’t think of anything in a 21st century economy that is more important. If you are going to, you know, bring down the cost of education for people who—you know, across the board, in doing skill building—there are so many different ways that you can actually use online learning. We might actually be in a new paradigm on the other side of this. You’re already seeing companies say that they are going to, you know, move workers to work from home status moving forward. Those are usually, you know, more high-paying jobs that you can actually do from home. And if you want to, you know, make sure that people have access to those jobs, so that they can move into them if they don’t have the ability to really work in a 21st century economy, then they will not benefit from any of those new—those job opportunities to work remotely. So I couldn’t—I couldn’t agree more. I do think we’re going to be in a new paradigm on the other side of this where we rethink—we rethink, in particular, working from home, learning from home, and telemedicine, and how we can make all of those cheaper by investing and making sure that we have, you know, reliable and reasonably priced access to broadband. And I think it’s not out of our—it’s not beyond our capability to do that. And on airports and rail lines from cities, so what I—you know, in my past I spent many, many years working in Europe, and watched in many European cities, including the one that I was living in, London, build up the Heathrow Express while I was living there. And I thought, you know, the complaint in the U.S. is that we have a lot of permitting, and we can’t go through public areas, and we can’t, you know, disrupt—you know, we can’t disrupt the—a lot of different reasons why we give ourselves the excuse of not being able to provide rapid rail transit to airports. And I just look at the major cities of the world that are, you know, in advanced economies who have done it. And they have the same—you know, the same constraints around private property issues and regulatory issues that they figured out. And I have never understood why we haven’t been able to figure that out. I just—it’s just—you know, it’s beyond me why we don’t have something that is—that is comparable to what most of the major economies in the world have with their metropolitan centers and their—and their major airports. So, you know, I don’t know how we get past that. There are certainly—you know, there’s certainly many initiatives to try and get, you know, rail services into airports from metropolitan centers. Washington, D.C.’s a good example. It’s been—in the decade-plus that I’ve been living here, it’s been an ongoing project. I think New York has something similar, going out to—Irina, you can correct me if it’s JFK or LaGuardia, where they’ve been working on a rail project to go out to serve the airports for a while. So it’s a puzzle to me. I think it should be easy—it should be much easier to do, and we just haven’t gotten our heads around it. FASKIANOS: Well, hopefully the pandemic will help us reimagine a lot of things and get some of these problems or these—address some of these challenges. Q: I’m funding a group of students in Bolivia to get a university education. One of my recent graduates is working on a rail line for the city of Cochabamba, Bolivia. This is a third-world country and they’re building a rail line. And we can’t even get that done with our legislature here in Wisconsin. So it’s an embarrassment to us. FASKIANOS: Let’s go to Lawrence Chiulli. Q: Good afternoon, everyone. I hope everyone’s well. Lawrence Chiulli, head of emergency management and code enforcement, village of Port Chester, New York. I have a comment and something that probably will draw up some issues. I was in the epicenter right near New Rochelle. I have a density of forty-five thousand—well, let’s say thirty thousand. but the police chief and I had figured there was about forty-five thousand in 2.2 square miles, which makes my community as dense as the Bronx. The COVID thing has been a real issue. And what I’m seeing coming forward with the budgets that are coming through with the local governments is cuts are going to be going to personnel who were in the epicenter of saving lives, whether it was properly guidance with the businesses that were essentially open with social distancing, whether it was flyers and information to the multifamily residences, whether it was educating the community on what we had to do to stay safe. I’m not going to comment on my opinions on how this was run in different levels, but we’re learning from it because no one really had the answers going in. But where my statements come in, where I see the problems is laying off personnel that risked their lives, some of which actually contracted the virus and went back to work, OK, and because of budget problems could lose their jobs, OK? Where I’m seeing the problem is, with the bill, is that we need to stay focused, like we do with disasters. I’m used to doing storms, which would be like Superstorm Sandy, or any other storms we do. And, you know, it’s about getting power back on, getting the stuff rebuilt, getting infrastructure rebuilt. But this is the same. It’s just not being treated the same way. FEMA should be coming in with disaster relief, treating it just like a storm. And I don’t think that we should be overloading this bill package, at the least the initial one, to incorporate everything else but what it should be taking care of, which would be the disaster relief from this pandemic. Now, I’ll leave it up to you for comment. Thank you. CREBO-REDIKER: So I think—I did say that I agree with that in terms of what we should be doing right now. The immediate response is exactly what you described, which is making sure that there’s support, there’s safety nets for people, there are jobs that are—that are supported, there are businesses—small businesses that are supported, there are health care professionals and health care facilities—this is the—that’s the firefighting that needs to happen right now. And I think that’s where the bulk of the focus has been and will be. I do—I do think it’s important if we’re going to get the economy back that there is money that goes to particularly forms of mass transit that allow people to get to and from their jobs, as the economy starts to reopen again. I think if we don’t figure out how to get people back and forth safely that you’re not going to have people go back and forth. And if they do, they’re going to risk—they’re going to risk their health doing it. I do think that now is the time to plan. If you’re in state and local government, it’s a time to plan for down the line. And I do think that it’s probable that in a package that is a larger infrastructure package that it would be linked to the renewal of the Highway Trust Fund, which was something that Congress has been working on for a very, very long time anyway, and expanding that. And in the case that that happens, or there is a separate large infrastructure package that we can get political support for that state and local governments be ready with a plan and, you know, how to actually implement, as opposed to be surprised if you do have some kind of larger amount of support from the federal government, you know, on the other—on the other side of the firefighting. So I do completely agree with you, right now it’s the time to make sure that we support the employment of the—of people who are facing job losses right now, and support the health of people who are still getting—who are still suffering from sickness, and looking at hospital bills. We need to support health care workers. That is—that is the immediate firefighting response. But I do think some part of the triage is necessary to make sure that we do have public—we do have an infrastructure investment still going in to make sure that that transportation that we need for people to get back to work is actually functional and safe. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I know we’re at the end of our time, but I just want to try to squeeze in Mary Anne Butters. And my apologies to everybody—all the questions we couldn’t get to. Q: Hi, I’m Mary Anne Butters. I’m a Wayne County, Indiana commissioner. And I so hope that that federal aid will be forthcoming, but the problem when that 80/20 percent math comes forward, the federal standards for construction are so extremely high that coming up with that 20 percent match is difficult when the federal standards require you to have, like, a thirty-two-foot deck on a bridge on a road that’s only twenty-four feet wide. (Laughs.) In other words, that 20 percent match is ruinously expensive. I’m wondering if perhaps that the engineering standards might be relaxed somewhat because I really have heard from those who have their ear to the ground in the Senate that the Senate is really going to fund those firefighters putting out the COVID fire, but the infrastructure money is really going to help us grow our way out of this fiscal disaster. But without some value engineering to relax those federal standards, we won’t be able to afford that 20 percent match, because the standards are so extremely high. They’re Cadillac standards, and all we can afford is a used Chevy. CREBO-REDIKER: So I am not a specialist in the—in the standards of what’s required for the federal—for the federal match. I do know that there has been bipartisan support over the years for streamlining both at the—you know, especially at the federal level. If it was very easy to do, it would have been done years ago. It’s a work in progress. The FAST Act, which was part of—which was the last—the last funding of the Highway Trust Fund came with a lot of mandates for the Department of Transportation to look to streamline the rules and regulations, and to try and basically make it—make it easier to have infrastructure funded through the Department of Transportation. I don’t know where that stands right now. I know it’s sort of—it is a challenge for—everyone that I talk to is—you know, talks about the incredible amount of both red tape and the high hurdles. So I think you’re not the only one who’s flagging this issue. The only good news is I do believe there’s bipartisan support for streamlining and making it as—you know, easier for funds to be—to go to state and local governments. But I don’t know any of the specific details of which ones—which ones are being contemplated right now. Q: Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And with that, we are out of time. I am sorry we couldn’t get to the—all the questions. But we will keep convening. So Heidi Crebo-Rediker, thank you very much for being with us today and for your analysis, and to all of you for your comments and your questions. We will send a link to the audio, video, and transcript of this webinar to you all soon. We’ll also be sending out the link from last week’s call with Laurie Garrett. Again, as a reminder, go to CFR.org, ThinkGlobalHealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for the latest analysis on COVID-19 as well as on a whole host of other regions and topics. And we will be convening again on Friday June 5 with Dr. Leana Wen from 3:30-4:30 p.m. Again, covering COVID-19. So keep a lookout for that invitation. We want to support the work you’re doing. Please send us an email at—to [email protected] with any suggestions or comments. I hope you’re all staying safe. And thank you, again, Heidi. CREBO-REDIKER: Thanks a lot for having me. Thanks for joining.
  • State and Local Governments (U.S.)
    Risk of COVID-19 Resurgence
    Play
    Laurie Garrett, science journalist, author, and former senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations, discusses the implications of reopening states for a second wave of COVID-19 cases.  FASKIANOS: And good afternoon, and welcome to all of you, to the State and Local Officials Webinar, brought to you by the Council on Foreign Relations. I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here. We’re delighted to have participants from forty-nine states joining us for today’s discussion, which is on the record. As you know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher of Foreign Affairs, and we focus on U.S. foreign policy. Through our State and Local Officials Initiative we serve as a resource on international issues affecting the priorities and agendas of state and local governments by providing analysis on a wide range of policy topics. Thank you all for taking the time to be with us today. We know that many of you are on the frontlines of responding to COVID-19 in your communities, and we thank you for all that you are doing. We are pleased to have with us a colleague and friend, Laurie Garrett. We shared her full bio prior to the call, so just—I’ll give you a few highlights of her distinguished background. She is a science journalist and author. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for explanatory journalism in 1996 for a series of pieces published in Newsday on the Ebola virus outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo. She was previously a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, as well as a fellow with the Harvard School of Public Health, where she worked closely with the Emerging Diseases Group. And she’s the author of numerous books, including The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases and a World Out of Balance. She is a member of many organizations, the World Economic Forum’s Global Health Security Advisory Board, the National Association for Science Writers, and the Council on Foreign Relations. So, Laurie, thanks very much for being with us today and bringing your expertise to this conversation. I thought, you could talk to us a little bit about the status of the COVID-19 pandemic and what you see as the risks of subsequent waves of infections as the states are beginning to reopen. GARRETT: Thanks, Irina. And hello to everybody on the call, and on Zoom, and whether you’re with me in audio or visual I will apologize out the outset that there is some sort of police action going on outside my apartment and you may hear very loud helicopters soaring back and forth. Nothing I can do about it. So if I may, I’m going to go straight to sharing the screen and I’m going to take you through a PowerPoint presentation. Are we—are you seeing it? Excuse me, did it work? FASKIANOS: Not yet. If you could just try sharing one more time, Laurie. GARRETT: Let’s see. Let me try again. Share the screen. And here we go. And hello. FASKIANOS: Now we see it. GARRETT: Yeah. So, obviously, the issue on everybody’s mind as we’re going into Memorial Day weekend is, can we reopen? What does reopening look like? How do we do it? What are the risks? And we have not received consistent guidelines from the federal government that really tell every single state some consistent policy of the new CDC guidance that was released earlier this week. Let’s just say they put the burden back to the state repeatedly, and sidestep a lot of the very specific questions that I’m sure are on your minds like, do I have to test everybody? Who do I have to test? With what tests? And when, and how, and with what frequency? So let’s just remember where we were back in March 1, when the first projections were made about where our epidemic was headed. And at that time, it looked like the upper limit was going to be ten million people dying in the United States, perhaps even more. This was assuming that we didn’t go on lockdown, we didn’t shut down America, and we didn’t take the great economic burdens that we have suffered. But of course, we went in another direction. Many states went on lockdown beginning in March. And on April 16, the White House issued its guidelines for what barriers or gating should be achieved in order to open up again. The phase one openings, for example, called for very specific kinds of activities still limited, other activities allowed. But as you can see, the language was not specific. This was as specific as it got. Again, it threw the burden of teasing these points out to the states, and to employers, suggesting that they use some kinds of testing, but no specifics on when, and how, and where. Some kind of temperature checks but, again, no specifics. And phase two pretty much said: It’s up to you, states and regions. You decide what your phase two will be, what the gating criteria will be, and how you will execute it. Phase three, for both individuals and employers, put a pretty tough burden on the respective individuals and entities, the organizations, to make their own decisions and their own kind of calculus of what would be an appropriate algorithm for safe reopening and getting the economy rolling again. And as far as core preparedness responsibilities it was, as I’ve said several times, entirely really put on the states, and how the states would work with their municipalities which, as we have seen, has unfolded to be a tense relationship in many states, with cities taking one set of policies, the states taking another, protests leveled at tiers of structure for governments. Well, at that time, we also had a very wide range of forecasts of what might be the trajectory for the American epidemic, with Imperial College out of London giving the grimmest forecast and probably the most optimistic was the International Health Metrics and Evaluation Group at University of Washington. That, perhaps not surprisingly, became the key go-to group for the White House. But you’ll notice that at that time the reported levels were already very much mirroring the actual trajectories proposed by Imperial College. And that is the reported cumulative totals put together every day by Johns Hopkins University. If you looked at those models, you could see future death burdens across a wide range of estimates, but none of them looked particularly good. Any way we looked at it, New York City in particular, and state, were facing a very grim future, if severe lockdown didn’t go into place. It’s been in place now for quite a while. And the result has been a rising level of anger from what turns out, according to polling results, to be a small minority in American public opinion, certainly less than 20 percent of Americans, but nevertheless a very active and very loud one reflecting a lot of the economic pressure that the lockdown is bringing on every single state and municipality across the country. On May 17, HHS Secretary Azar said that it looked like everything was going gangbusters, that the spikings were not occurring where states had started to open up, and in particular Georgia had started opening up, and Texas, by this time. And it seemed that the overall net trajectory for the nation was quite promising, a downward trend. It was safe to look towards Memorial Day weekend as a big end of lockdown reopening period. So where are we after that time? Well, one key point that was missed right from the beginning is what it meant that New York City, New York state, Detroit, and New Orleans constituted the majority of the totality of cases of COVID-19. If you look them out of the equation of measuring where was the United States at that snapshot moment, as it turns out the U.S. was on a terrible trajectory, that what you were seeing as a downward trend was really a reflection of the success of the lockdowns in New York, Detroit, and New Orleans. If you took those big numbers out of the equation, suddenly the United States didn’t look ready to get out of lockdown at all. And if you added in the undercount of COVID deaths, the burden of deaths that has surely been the case everywhere in the entire world, in fact, not just restricted to the United States or to any given part of the United States, you could see that actually we were facing a far grimmer view of our epidemic than the official count would seem to tell us. And that’s because there was certainly a big, excess, overall mortality going on, but we weren’t testing everybody that died. Many people died at home or in non-hospital facilities. And the overall guesstimate of what mortality looked like in the United States was greater underappreciated. Excess all-cause mortality seriously skyrocketed in late March and into mid-April all across the United States. And these certainly were not counted totally as COVID deaths. Across the world, we see a similar trend, where there’s been a great undercount of the scope, and size, and scale of this COVID disaster. It you look particularly at the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain, you can see big spikes in overall deaths compared to their historical average. So the historical average is the blue line and the spike is the red line. And you can begin to see just how profound the differential has been. In New York City, it was really, really dramatic. And not—a very small percentage of that has been counted officially as COVID. Jeffrey Shaman just released yesterday—and you’ve no doubt heard about it—from Columbia University a very startling estimate of what just simply having started our lockdown one week earlier would have meant in terms of lived saved. If the lockdown had gone two weeks earlier, started in the first week of March instead of as was the case in most places well after St. Patrick’s Day, we would have saved some sixty-five thousand lives nationally and thirty thousand in New York area. And that, obviously, has ramifications for how we anticipate what we’re doing now. If we reopen too fast it would be like starting too late in the first place. And we would see, particularly in the tri-state area of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, perhaps a mirroring of what happened back in early March, with this skyrocket—if you look to the gray, that is the period of lockdown, the dark gray, when you see cumulative death tolls that are enormous, but they most reflect infections that took place before the lockdown went into place. Now where are we? And do we actually have standards met that say it’s safe to reopen, it’s safe to bring America back to full operation, or some sort of scale of operation that includes things like opening up hair salons, bars, restaurants, core businesses, travel, and so on? Well, one of the criteria set down by the World Health Organization is a consistent below 5 percent zero positivity rate. Meaning, you’re testing, you know what your rate of infection is of new cases, new infections. And you are consistently finding rates that are below 5 percent. Well, as it turns out, most of America’s states have not met that criteria. Twenty-six have failed to keep their levels below 5 percent. And Puerto Rico was at 100 percent. So this is not looking promising. If this is going to be your criteria for opening, it means it’s too soon to open right now. Imperial College just yesterday released a very startling report. And what it does is attempt to take the European standards, particularly the German standard as laid out by Angela Merkel for reopening and apply it to the United States. So what is that? They look at the R0, which I don’t need to tell most of you on this call but just for the handful that might not be familiar, an R0 is a measure of the rate of reproduction of an epidemic. And it’s a statistical measure that says: If I, Laurie Garrett, am infected, I am statistically likely to infect how many more people in the time that I am contagious? One? Two? Ten? We know in early-stage New York the R0 was five, which means that we—the epidemic was increasing fivefold in a very high pace from one step, to another step, to another step. A horrible, horrible rate of increase. And under the German model, and consistently adhered to across most of Europe, the goal is to achieve an R0 of below one, so that you’re shrinking your epidemic over time. In other words I would, Laurie Garrett, infect less than statistically one person during the time that I am contagious. If you look at this analysis released yesterday by Imperial College, the majority of the United States has not yet achieved an R0 of one or less. New York has, which is good news. And a few key states that already had low R0s to begin with have managed to succeed. But some of the states that are opening very rapidly, such as Texas, Arizona, Georgia, and the key southern states, and of course states in the industrial Midwest, have definitely not even come close. The probability that they have achieved an R0 is below 25 percent. That would argue that it would be a very bad idea to be opening wildly in most of these states. And this is the Imperial College estimate put out yesterday of the rates of infection—the total percentage of the population likely to have been infected as of May 17 in key states. Now this is important because many have argued that, well, we should just do the Swedish model, aimed to achieve a herd immunity, and let the virus flow while keeping the economy open. Well, herd immunity you would want to be up in the ballpark of 90 percent of your population has been exposed and developed antibodies. What this study estimates is that nationally we’re at about 4.1 percent, have tested or would best positive. Montana is at a low of less than 1 percent, 0.2 percent. New York is the highest at 16.6 percent. So despite our devastating epidemic here in the tri-state area, none of the three states have achieved anything remotely close to herd immunity, of course. So this leaves a lot of scientists to be very fearful that a rush to reopen is going to lead to a second surge of this entire epidemic. And not a surge off in the distant fall, but quite immediately—perhaps in July or even late June. And there are some special concerns that are brought to bear. First of all, several states, if you look for just have you met the gating criteria set out way back in April by the White House, you can see that most of the states have not. And they’re trending in the opposition direction from what even the White House gating criteria of April was. Nursing homes have proven to be horrible, tragic breeding grounds for COVID-19 spread. And we’ve seen outbreaks in almost every big center of nursing home populations across the nation. It continues to be very difficult to maintain safety for the housed population and for their staff. Similarly, meatpacking operations and food prep processing plants have had explosive outbreaks all across the country. And in many counties, particularly in North and South Dakota, in Minnesota, in Iowa, Indiana, we see that the meatpacking plant is the source of up to 90-plus percent of all contagion in the county and the number-one cause of spread and burden on the county health system. We also see a very disproportionate burden of deaths in counties that are heavily populated by African American and Latino populations versus white populations. So the highest death tolls are consistently in counties with high African American populations. And while there are many reasons given for this, none has been specifically highlighted as the key concern, although hypertension is the one clinical marker that seems to track with 100 percent of COVID deaths. And hypertension is, of course, much higher in the African American population compared to white population. There is a rising distrust of testing data and of overall reported deaths and other data in several states. This leads to a kind of public distrust of the what the government is telling them about the safety of reopening. Georgia, Florida, Texas, Vermont, and Virginia have specifically been highlighted in a number of reports for some suspicion of the reliability of available data. In Florida, there’s the notorious case of Rebekah Jones, who was the lead scientist in charge of Florida’s system of reporting. She was told, she says, to manipulate COVID-19 data in order to accommodate a positive image of the lockdown results, or the reopening—the ending of lockdown. She says she was fired. The state says otherwise. Stay tuned for more. Meanwhile, the Florida Medical Examiner’s database has been closed from public view. It was shut down, no longer can it be viewed, but it was already starting to show some very dangerous trends, especially associated with people with underlying chronic disease problems—diabetes, hypertension at the top of the list. Just this week the CDC released a major report and analysis of spread within a specific church population in Arkansas as a cautionary tale. This actually took place in early March, but it is demonstrative of what many people at the local level fear could happen with an overly rapid reopening and returns of congregations of all faiths to a sort of pre-COVID level of gathering and activities related to their religious faiths. And while everybody would like to have the communalism restored and the sense of support in all of these church settings, this is really a cautionary tale. I mean, a third of the church population acquired COVID-19 as a result of attending the church. And it killed three of them. That’s tragedy compounded many times over. And in New York, while we are declaring victory—or, at least the governor is—and saying that great things have been achieved with these tough COVID lockdown standards, it should be remembered that what we have basically achieved is getting back to the level we were at when things stated to skyrocket, which is hardly a level of safety given that what ensued when we were at that level back in early March. So we are still a long way from being at a level that would allow everyone to feel quite safe about returning to the office, returning to restaurants, and so on. And a big cautionary tale out of China. After the toughest lockdowns any nation has executed, with the possible exception of the lockdown procedures in Italy, China has now seen a resurgence in at least two different parts of the country and one hundred million people have been put back in lockdown this week as a result. Though, interestingly, the People’s National Party Congress is underway. It’s in its third day today in Beijing. And as far as I’ve been able to hear, there’s not been any mention of this whatsoever in any of the proceedings. So with that, I will exit the sharing—screen sharing, if I can figure out how to do so, and—or, you can exit my screen sharing from your end. And I’m happy to take questions and hear from the many people participating today. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Thank you so much, Laurie. That was really a great and upsetting overview. And the PowerPoint really helped bring it to life, to see how it’s—the graphics of it. (Gives queuing instructions.) In addition to asking your question, we encourage you to share, you know, best practices in your community. And for both Laurie and my sake, and all of our—the entire group, please say your name and identify who you are and what state. So it just helps with context and helps—will help Laurie give a better—a more focused answer. So let’s first go to Raphaël Debraine. Q: Hi. My name is Raphaël. I’m with the Lieutenant Governor’s Office in Virginia. I was just quickly wondering if I could get—or, if we can all get a copy of the data you provided, those slides, because it has a lot of useful information that I know my office would love to see. GARRETT: Well, that’s up to Irina. She’s got it now. (Laughs.) FASKIANOS: And as long as Laurie says it’s OK we will share it out with this group, because it really is a fantastic presentation. Q: Yes. Thank you very much. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Raphaël. Let’s go to Emma Pinter. Q: Thank you for that. My name is Emma Pinter. I am the chair of the Adams County Commission in Adams County, Colorado. And so we’ve been on the frontlines of COVID response. We have a rather large Hispanic population. Under the age of twenty-five are 56 percent Hispanic. But over the age of twenty-five are about 40 percent. And we’ve seen similar impacts like you described in your slides. One of the questions that we have been really wrestling with is, yes, there are hypertension and other health issues regarding the disproportionate impacts of COVID in Hispanic and Black populations, but also we found that those populations tend to have frontline worker jobs. And we have had a really hard time parsing out that data. Is this an economic justice challenge where folks of a certain community are more likely to have a frontline worker job? Or is it biological and health-related? And if you had any thoughts or guidance on that topic, I would be really interested in hearing it. GARRETT: I do. And I think that it’s a fundamental question. It’s one that everybody’s wrestling with right now. There’s a brand-new report just out I think today. I read so much, it’s like a firehose, you know, of data pouring in these days. But there’s a new study that looks at health care workers’ seroprevalence compared to the general population in the United States. And it’s quite startling that despite their daily exposure, health care workers actually have a lower level of seroprevalence compared to the general population in their respective communities. So that tells you that with the right protective gear you actually do dramatically reduce your risk of acquiring COVID. It also tells you that if those frontline workers that are doing things like making food deliveries, and handling sewage and sanitation, and farm work, and so on, are appropriately protected with the right PPE, that should greatly cut the risk for them. But there, I think, is a second thing to consider, and that is that, you know, we know the virus uses the ACE2 receptor in order to gain entry into cells, whether the cells are in your lungs or elsewhere in the human body, and particularly the kidneys and throughout the cardiovascular system. And we know that there’s a very diverse level of effects that this darn virus has on the body. We’re just now appreciating how great the burden is as a pediatric syndrome the mirrors Kawasaki syndrome. And so all of this put together tells us we’re dealing with a real monster here, but it’s a monster that has one specific receptor. It needs to have access to, that ACE2 receptor. And of course, the key thing about the ACE2 receptor is that it’s all about angiotensin and it ultimately regulates the cardiovascular system, your heart rate, and blood pressure, and so on. And so there’s such a deep relationship between the ACE2 receptor and hypertension that I am—I, for one, feel very strongly that health departments should as a side-by-side tandem effort with general COVID testing be administering basic blood pressure workups. Since they cost nothing, just slap the cuff on and, you know, you can train nonmedical personnel in how to listen for the blood pressure markings, and then perhaps add to it, you know, a handy-dandy pulse oximeter in order to test further what the heartrate and oxygen uptake is. These are so cheap to do, so quick to do, they’re noninvasive, they can be administered by people without really advanced medical training of any kind. Why not do it? Why not make it a consistent part of all COVID testing, so that you begin to offer the would-be client a double whammy. One, we’re going to let you know whether or not you’re infected, or if you’re doing antibody tests whether you historically were infected with COVID. But we’re also going to tell you if you are at risk, a special risk, if you get COVID of going into dire medical outcome and potential death. We’re going to tell you that. And add to it, we’re going to help you get services to deal with it because they’re so cheap, and the cost-benefit ratio, to my mind, is highly in favor of the states spending on that intervention versus what it will cost to treat them for acute COVID—put them on a ventilator and possibly face mortality. And so if—you know, imagine if the Latino population in Colorado is not only getting COVID tested, but they’re getting a blood pressure workup at the same time, and they’re finding out if their heartrate is too high, or if they have low oxygen uptake because of other underlying conditions. And then they’re being referred for free treatment. Put them on hypertension medication. Get them in the kind of care that can lead to lowering their overall risk and helping us to answer the puzzle you asked. Are these people dying because of their underlying biological susceptibility? Or are they dying because they’re more likely to be exposed? One, the solution is better PPE for them. The other, the solution is let’s deal with their underlying health condition. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Senator Karen Keiser. OK. You’re unmuted. Go ahead. Q: Well, thank you very much. Thank you so much for this presentation. I am—one of the jobs I do in Washington state is the chair of the Labor Committee. And I’m trying to figure out how we connect the dots between essential workers and their employers and the preparations and prevention steps that we can take. We’re looking at meatpacking plants, food processing plants, grocery workers, nursing home staff—all of these sort of hotspots where we really have very good knowledge there’s a higher risk of infection, but the employers do not report the cases based on their employees. We only get the cases through our Department of Health, not through our Labor Departments. And we don’t connect the dots. It’s a puzzle. I’m trying to fit the pieces together. Do you have any advice for that? GARRETT: Well, I’m not an expert in that area, but one thing I would suggest is that a lot of the regulations, particularly for all the health settings—or, the job settings you described, a lot of the regulations are set down by OSHA at the federal level and NIOSH, and then OSHA and NIOSH equivalents at the state level. And there is the capacity to enforce. It varies state by state, and I’m not familiar with the Washington state law, but I would imagine that, you know, it’s very hard for the health department in many states to have the legal right to do unwelcomed site inspection. You know, they have to sort of notify ahead of time they’re coming. You never know if you’re seeing the workplace the way it really is, or you’re seeing it spiffed up for the visit. Q: But our state labor agencies have that right and they have that standard. GARRETT: Exactly. Exactly. Q: So that’s why connecting— GARRETT: That’s where I was headed. Q: OK. GARRETT: That’s where I was headed, Senator, because that’s exactly the point. The legal right, the clout, to march in without advance permission, and to see on site, and to take reports on a confidential basis from the labor force, those rights are in the hands of OSHA and OSHA-equivalents at the state level. And if they are very clear about what they are supposed to be looking for, which I think is really important—you don’t march in, look around, and go, I don’t know. I think it’s crucial to know: What are the PPE you expect staff to have? What are the—what’s the nature of risk in those settings? And what sorts of mitigation should be taken and are a burden of the employer? And then do that level of inspection. Q: Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Gerald Sonnenfeld. Q: Hello. My name is Gerald Sonnenfeld. I’m the retired vice president for research— GARRETT: Gerald muted. FASKIANOS: Gerald muted. GARRETT: We lost him. Q: Can you hear me now? FASKIANOS: Yes, we can. Q: OK, good. I’m Gerald Sonnenfeld. I’m the retired vice president for research and economic development at the University of Rhode Island. So I now live in Arizona. I’m also an infectious disease immunologist. So if I were still working, I imagine I’d be pretty busy right now. My question is, since there are questions with the validity of the PCR test for—that’s used to detect virus and of most of the antibody tests, how valid are any of the data that we’re receiving, even if they are not all bad? GARRETT: So really important question that you’re asking, and I’m glad you asked it because I didn’t have time to put it in the PowerPoint. As you say, there are problems with many of the tests available, both the antigen tests, the antibody tests, and the nucleic acid test. So just for the sake of anybody on the call that doesn’t know the difference between these, let me just point out that the nucleic acid tests, if they’re working properly, give you one answer. And that is: This human at this moment that blood was drawn, or saliva, or a nasal swab—at that moment the person was infected with virus. If the antibody test is working properly, it’s telling you at some time since this COVID-19 SARS-CoV-2 virus appeared on planet Earth, this individual was infected and has made antibodies against it, which we are now measuring. Or if it’s an antigen test it’s not even measuring antibodies. It’s saying this person has some evidence of having had the virus in their body at some point. All three are important things to know, not about every individual but to know for public health purposes. And only the nucleic acid one is particularly useful as a diagnostic in a medical setting. All three are useful in different ways for public health tools, to guide policy, to help governors know what have I got here in the state, to help mayors know which neighborhood is getting the most new cases, and that sort of thing. But they are all flawed. And in this rush to produce test kits we’ve seen a lot of fraudulent, to put it bluntly, things hit the market. And then we’ve seen a lot of really great tests, like a couple of new very promising CRISPR-based tests never even getting bankrolled to hit the market at all, so they’re just not available. I think the really big cautionary tale here is what happened in South Korea. South Koreans unfolded with massive testing. It has had a huge impact on their capacity to bring their epidemic under control. And overall, the net benefit far outweighs any cost in terms of the scale and utility of their mass testing. It was key to bringing it under control in South Korea. But they did see, they thought, quite a large number of people who tested negative twice, were released from hospital or from whatever facilities they were in, an told: You’re healthy. You’re over COVID. You’re OK. And then either showed up sick later or tested positive in a subsequent test. And we now know, both in China and in South Korea, a lot of the later tests positive turned out to be fragments of dead virus. So the nucleic acid tests were actually overly sensitive and gave false-positive results. I personally think I’d rather have false positives than false negatives, but that’s up to you to decide. I would say at this point we don’t really have good protocols for how to use any of the three tests for public health purposes. We don’t have tests developed with the right level of sensitivity and specificity. The FDA has approved, I believe, the last I looked, ten antibody tests. I could be wrong. Haven’t looked today. And definitely most who have independently looked at the antibody tests have said the majority stink. They’re really lousy. So we have a long ways to go to get better quality, not just quantity, of tests. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Representative David Tarnas. Q: Thank you very much for presenting today. I live and work in Hawaii. And we have great health metrics right now with our virus. We are slowly reopening our local economy. But we for travelers are requiring a fourteen-day quarantine. That has reduced our visitors by 90-plus percent. There are very, very few coming in. We are struggling economically because we have a primarily tourism-based economy. So we need to reopen. Everyone’s pushing for some kind of protocol for doing that—testing visitors—testing travelers before they leave their point of demarcation. And yet, I worry about the efficacy of the testing, methodologies, technology. FAA has said we can require it, but do you think that we can actually set up a protocol that would be effective? So we’re really stuck. We need to open our economy to visitors. We’d like to get rid of the fourteen-day quarantine. But we don’t want to expose our residents to the virus again. So any suggestions? GARRETT: Well, aloha. And mahalo for your question. I would suggest that you not look to the mainland for answers to your questions, and instead look to New Zealand. If there is a success story out there with COVID, it’s New Zealand. It’s extraordinary how much they have almost completely eliminated COVID risk and yet, like you, they are very dependent on tourism. And of course, as an island nation, they are, like you as an island state, dependent on frequent movement between themselves and the rest of the world for trade, for their supply chain, for food, everything. And I think that a close study of what have been the measures implemented in New Zealand would likely offer you some sound advice. Specifically on things like how do you work with the airlines to ensure that passengers are not carrying COVID, and that you don’t need to bring them under a fourteen-day quarantine, and that sort of thing? I would say that’s beyond my personal expertise, and I would urge you to instead look and speak with your counterparts in New Zealand. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go next to Commissioner Daniella Levine Cava. Q: (Off mic)—much. What an outstanding presentation. I’m county commissioner in Miami-Dade County. And so we are another hotspot here. And we have been coming down in certain indicators. And what has recently been happening in terms of measuring the impact is an effort by our mayor to distinguish or to separate the nursing home related cases. And while obviously that is an area that is growing at a higher rate than others, I wonder your thoughts about that kind of segregated measurement. You know, whether—it’s good to know, but does it in any way suggest that we’re doing better with our containment efforts? Or basically, how should we read that, if we can look at specific populations that are more sequestered to see that they are the ones really growing? GARRETT: Thanks, Commissioner. I would say, first of all, most people in epidemiology, most people in public health would tell you the most disaggregated your data is, the more useful it is. If we can find ways to tease out trends down to the smallest, most minute level, there are more identified ways of intervening. We get more sense of pattern and who’s at risk and who’s not at risk. But of course, the problem is when highly disaggregated data goes public, there’s always the risk that certain people will see it through their political and cultural prism. An example might be if you are in a city where disaggregated data reveals that an excess of 50 percent of the deaths are in African Americans, the majority white population might become dismissive of the epidemic, might come to believe, well, it’s not my problem, and that somehow the virus knows your skin color. Similarly, in communities where a very high percentage of the at-risk population turns out to be in nursing homes, a lot of young adults in particular tend to then pooh-pooh the risk for themselves and to think, well, it’s just a problem for old people. And I, as a healthy, vibrant, jogging thirty-two-year-old have no risk. And then they may be more likely to carry out activities that, indeed, would put them at risk for exposure. We’ve seen that very problem that just described here in New York City. But from a policy point of view, the disaggregation is absolutely essential. So I would say, if there’s a problem there it is a communications problem, which is to say you need disaggregated data. The mayor is probably right that he needs to understand what percentage of the burden of Miami-Dade or Miami city infections are about your senior population, and particularly your cohoused population. And that has—that tells you where to direct resources, and direct personnel, how to bring it under control, where you need to really target your innovations. But the communications burden is on a whole different part of the government, and including the mayor, to make it very clear to the general population: Just because we’re seeing a higher, you know, maybe 40—I’m making the number up—40 percent of the cases in Miami are from the nursing home setting, that doesn’t mean that the remaining 60 percent is no big deal, or that you have no risk at all in your life. So I would say it’s really more of a challenge of effectively communicating how risk parses out than it is a reason to not disaggregate the data. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s got to Mayor Curt Leng. Q: Good afternoon and thank you so much for taking the call. I’m the mayor of a town that is a suburb of the city of New Haven in Connecticut. We have sixty-two thousand people. And your information was so very informative and helpful. I’d like to just throw out a couple of quick questions to get your thoughts. I feel in general, and I’d like to see if you agree, that Connecticut is being very cautious and slow with the reopening process. However, I think that there’s more that our local governments could be doing. And I need some guidance on what you think might be the most effective steps that we might be able to take, either as local governments or with our local health districts. And then my second question, if I could throw it out there and then I’ll just be quiet and listen, is that the city of New Have and the town of Hamden, my town, were the two communities in our state that did further restrictions in childcare centers. And while I understand the socioeconomic implications of having them closed for people who are trying to get back to work, I’d like to hear your thoughts on opening those childcare centers for—(inaudible)—kids while the schools are still closed. GARRETT: OK. Well, thank you for that. And greetings in the tri-state area. First of all, I think one the startling findings—another paper just published in the last two weeks shows that if you look at anti-lockdown sentiment and mobility associated with it—so, for example, protesters that have gone to state capitals to protest lockdowns, or groups of individuals that defy lockdowns to go to events, such as concerts, or church assemblies, or sports events, whatever they may be. It is striking the distances people have traveled to attend such events. In one study just measuring cellphone patterns, the average movement—and this would have been in Texas-Georgia area. The average movement was more than 150 miles. So for example, when Georgia opened up hair salons, people drove from Alabama and from Mississippi to Georgia to get a haircut. What this says to me is that if one city or locality changes their, you know, regulations and their standards in a way that deviates strongly from other local in the region cities and localities, you may see your population—a substantial number of them—go to that looser spot, that differently regulated spot, or cross a state line, and then return possibly carrying COVID back to your hometown. This means that there’s a real burden on individuals, like yourself, that are the leaders of communities to form strong regional alliances with neighboring communities, and in particular to identify those that you know already, even in pre-COVID times, were the directions of mobility and travel. For example, if there’s a big Costco, you know, two towns over, and you know that a lot of folks in your town go to that Costco every Saturday, or Sunday, or what have you. Well, then that should be a target for your attention. If there’s a particular direction people go for sporting events, or entertainment events. I imagine in your case a lot of it is heading into New Haven and back out again. And as far as the childcare question, I’m really going to want to boot that to people with greater expertise about specifics of risk in childcare settings. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Let’s go to Senator Bob Hasegawa. And I apologize, we have so many questions in queue and we just not going to get to them. We’re just going to have to have you back, Laurie. (Laughs.) Q: Thank you so much for taking my question. I have a question about— FASKIANOS: And you’re in Washington state, correct? Q: Washington state senator, yes. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Senator. Q: So a couple quick questions. Does immunities—or, does antibodies, presence of it, suggest that you have an immunity? And secondly, the whole question about droplets versus, like, breath vapor. I’m concerned that by—that—well, the question is obvious, I guess. GARRETT: Yes, I know where you’re going. (Laughter.) Q: OK. GARRETT: OK. So it’s microdroplets and the first one, again, was— Q: Oh, the first one was about antibodies— GARRETT: Antibodies! Sorry. I got distracted by the police helicopter out my window again. FASKIANOS: We haven’t heard it. GARRETT: So the antibody question is still a very hot potato. There is data in all directions about whether or not the presence of antibodies along constitutes, guarantees that you actually are immune, and your body would muster a strong response in the presence of COVID-19. Part of it is because of something I referred to earlier in response to—who was it—I forget. (Laughs.) Somebody else’s question about the quality of the tests to begin with, and antibody tests in particular we’re having trouble with. The other is, what kind of antibody are you looking for? Are you looking for IgG, IgM, et cetera, which immunoglobulin class, but also are you specifically looking for the presence of neutralizing antibodies? So, you know, it’s possible to have, for example, as many of you on this call probably have right now, out of control antibodies freaking out about hay fever. And you’re getting your, you know, spring allergies, and coughing, and sneezing, and all of that. But those are not neutralizing antibodies that result in, say, destroying a hay fever dust pod. They are a whole different part of the immune system. And if your immune response to COVID is in one of those other arms of the immune system it’s not going to be a protective immune response that’s there for you the next time COVID comes around. There are—there definitely are neutralizing antibodies in people against COVID that have been conjured when an individual was sick with COVID. And we are increasingly finding people who never had symptoms but do have neutralizing antibodies. If we hadn’t found any neutralizing antibodies, I don’t think Tony Fauci or any of the other top tier of the NIH would be the least bit optimistic about coming up with a vaccine because, of course, the goal of vaccination is to stimulate the production of neutralizing antibodies. So we do think there are people who muster effective immune responses against this virus. And there is now production of convalescent serum, meaning drawing plasma from individuals who survived COVID on the assumption that they have neutralizing antibodies in their plasma that can help in the treatment of other sick individuals. And there’s quite a robust industrial response in the biotech industry right now in development of immunoglobulin-based treatments that can be used to treat people without having to draw plasma. In other words, they’re artificially generated based on what has been found in plasma samples. So that’s the answer to that part of the question. And the second was, oh my goodness, I just forgot it again. What was the second part? Oh— FASKIANOS: Droplets. It was about droplets. GARRETT: Oh, thank you. Just too much—I’m so distracted. There’s just too much going on. The droplets, yet. So one thing I would urge everybody to do is to go on your favorite video providing YouTube, or what have you, and go Nokia, N-O-K-I-A, that’s the leading television distributor of Japan. Go Nokia and microdroplets. And you will see a few video recapitulations of droplet exposure done very cleverly using laser beams and so on by folks at Nokia, working together with scientific teams in Tokyo. And it’s pretty persuasive. I mean, you really do see that a cough or even random conversation disperses microdroplets that could be COVID positive over vast distances. And that the micro—the smaller the droplets, the more likely they just simply recirculate in the air in a closed space for a long period of time. Of course, there’s a one really standard solution to this threat: Open the darn windows. You know, the main reason that we see more contagion, more infection in the winter has nothing to do with temperature. And, you know, unfortunately our president said that come April when it’s warm, the virus will go away. That was a really big misunderstanding of the connection between seasonality and spread of viruses. This virus, of course, prefers a very higher temperature, 98.6, the temperature of your body. That’s where it likes to be. So hot is the issue. The issue is human behavior. When it’s very, very cold outside we close all the windows, we turn the heat up, and we stay indoors. And it’s in those indoor settings without air circulation that virus is most likely to recirculate from one person to another, to linger in the air, and to be on surfaces so that, you know, sharing something like your cellphone might theoretically also mean sharing virus. But the good news is that we’re now in a season where everybody can open the windows. And if there’s one, you know, great public health recommendation, it would be: open them, and open them wide. Now, what are we—what I am I worried about next? Air conditioning. So we do have two studies that were done in January out of China. Well, one is actually Singapore and the other is southern China, where it was still tropical hot in January. And they found an association between people in a restaurant in one case and a household in the other, and dirty air conditioners. And so one thing I’m a little anxious about is that because of the lockdowns, very few people have had their HVAC systems or their personal air conditioners maintenanced this spring. And this is usually the time of year when everybody’s calling up their air conditioning guy and saying: Come give it a test, check the system, clean it out, what have you. So we could actually go straight into a heat wave sometime in the next two or three weeks in most of the eastern part of the United States, and certainly the South, and people would be cranking—closing the doors and windows again, going back into enclosed spaces, but with unmaintenanced, dirty air conditioning systems. And that’s a concern. FASKIANOS: Well, Laurie, thank you very much for this riveting hour. And I apologize to all of you on the call, we could not get to—or, webinar—we couldn’t get to your questions. And we’re just going to reconvene, and we will keep bringing people like Laurie Garrett back to help you sort through these issues. So we will be sharing the audio, and video, and transcript of this webinar with you all soon. You can follow Laurie Garrett on Twitter at @Laurie_Garrett. And you are going to see her regularly on CNN. And, I think, tonight here on NBC. So, Laurie, we will have you back, but thank you for your analysis and information. And we will circulate her PowerPoint presentation. The next webinar in the series will be on Wednesday May 27 from 3:30 to 4:30 p.m. Eastern time. And we will be talking with Heidi Crebo-Rediker, who’s a senior fellow at the Council, on the future of American infrastructure, given the budget cuts that many states and local governments are facing. So we’ll be sending the invitation out later today. Again, please go to CFR.org, ThinkGlobalHealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for the latest analysis on COVID-19. And, as always, please share your thoughts of how we can be of help by sending an email to [email protected]. So stay well, stay safe, and thank you, again, Laurie Garrett. (END)
  • COVID-19
    Comparing Coronavirus Lockdowns: The Federal-Local Divide
    The United States is one of the few leading economies to delegate responsibility for coronavirus restrictions to state and local governments.
  • COVID-19
    The States and Reopening Under COVID-19: Why We Need North American Cooperation
    This post is coauthored by Laurie Trautman, the director of the Border Policy Research Institute at Western Washington University, and a global fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center; and Edward Alden, the Bernard L. Schwartz senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Ross distinguished visiting professor of U.S.-Canada economic relations at Western Washington University. Governors across the United States, reacting to the absence of federal leadership and direction, have been forming regional compacts to try to agree on guidelines for reopening their economies as the new infection rates from the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) begin to diminish. Three arrangements were announced this month: a northeast pact among Delaware, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island; a midwest pact among Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin; and a western states pact signed by the governors of California, Oregon, and Washington. These initiatives are encouraging, and could create a model for the rest of the country for how neighbors should cooperate when their joint safety and prosperity is under threat. But there is big hole in these efforts. Since the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement in 1989 and the 1995 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the U.S. economy has become increasingly integrated with its northern and southern neighbors. Since the outbreak of the virus in March, those borders have been closed to travel for all but essential workers, increasing the damage to local economies that depend on cross-border exchange. Out in Washington state where we both live, there is a real danger that the western U.S. states will go one way on the speed and rules for reopening while western Canada goes another. This would drive a wedge into a vital component of economic growth in our region, which rests on building a more prosperous, cross-border Cascadia corridor extending from British Columbia to Oregon. In a story that has been replicated across the border states north and south, the virtual shutdown of the U.S.-Canada border at Peace Arch since March 20, 2020, has been one of the most disruptive actions taken by governments in the crisis. The thousands of crossings each day have become a trickle; cross-border passenger travel between Washington and British Columbia has fallen by roughly 98 percent, with steep costs for business on both sides of the border. Those costs may continue even after the U.S. starts to reopen its economy. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has said the border will remain restricted for “many weeks”, and the only way the border will fully reopen is if officials on both sides are confident that cross-border travelers will not become a new vector for disseminating the virus. The growing calls from U.S. President Donald Trump urging the states to restart economic activity even as the virus continues to spread in many parts of the country will not help reassure our northern neighbors. On the west coast, the province of British Columbia will need a lot of persuasion to start welcoming Americans again. To date, the province has seen just over 1,700 cases and fewer than 100 deaths, compared to more than 12,000 cases and nearly 700 deaths in Washington alone. The gaps between New York state and the province of Quebec, and Michigan and Ontario, are similarly striking. Both Canada and the United States have a strong stake in reviving cross-border ties as soon as safely possible, and the platform for doing so already exists. The western region, in particular, has a long history of collaboration across various scales of government and industry. Recent initiatives like the Cascadia Innovation Corridor, spearheaded by former Washington state governor Christine Gregoire, are aimed at developing the Pacific Northwest as a global hub of innovation in health care, technology, and other sectors, leveraging the strengths of both the western states and British Columbia. This region is also widely viewed as an innovative border policy incubator for both Canada and the United States, serving as a testing ground for programs like NEXUS and Enhanced Driver’s Licenses, which are later implemented across the northern border. Such accomplishments are unparalleled in other cross-border regions between the United States and Canada. There is a reason that so much energy is invested in the cross-border relationship, and why so many in the region see the value of strengthening those ties. Families, businesses, tribes, and First Nations straddle our shared border, and the social and economic costs of prolonged restrictions are incalculable. If border restrictions persist, or become asymmetrical in nature, there will be long lasting damage, particularly to norther border businesses that depend on Canadian consumers. Such businesses may not recover, despite targeted economic assistance. There is another reason to include discussions with Canada as soon as possible. The pandemic has encouraged nations around the world to pull up their drawbridges, enacting not just sensible measures to restrict travel but harmful ones to restrict the flow of life-saving drugs, protective equipment, and other medical supplies. Even the close U.S.-Canada relationship has not been spared from such actions. As a region, we have proven that we can do better, and we have reaped the benefits of a collaborative approach, not just within our nation’s borders, but beyond them. A new west coast initiative on responsible reopening that includes Canada could become not just a model for the country but for the world in how countries can work together to restore their economies and enhance the safety of their citizens.
  • India
    Scale Without Power: Global Cities in the World's Largest Democracy
    This piece was originally published in the Diplomatic Courier as part of a collaboration with the Great Powers and Urbanization Project. It was adapted from the Workshop on Cities, Geopolitics, and the International Legal Order held at the University of Pennsylvania’s Perry World House in September, 2019. It was made possible, in part, by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. Over the past 25 years, two defining trends in foreign policy have gained momentum. The first, and most obvious, has been the gradual shift from the post-Cold War moment to an increasingly multipolar system, with a great shift to Asia driven by rising powers China and—to a lesser extent—India. The second trend has been the diffusion of international power and initiative from national governments to other groups—whether corporations, international organizations, nonprofits, or subnational governments. Few actors have been as busy as cities. Urban entities have stepped up their international pursuits, including in networks that resemble multilateral organizations but with cities as their constituent members. The earliest networks driven by cities themselves—as distinct from country-to-country consultations on urban agendas—emerged first in the already-urbanized, developed West, but they have expanded to include the global South. These global city networks represent a horizontal and vertical decentralization that brings both prevailing foreign policy trends together. Scholars attentive to the emergence of subnational diplomacy have noted the legal and other questions that arise with “global city” interactions unmediated by the nation-state. Unlike national-level diplomatic interactions focused on negotiating treaties or other broad agreements, city multilateral networks more often resemble peer-to-peer knowledge exchanges. They offer a forum for technology transfer and collaboration in the form of best practices on solutions to 21st century challenges like the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and tackling climate change. But what happens when the power to take decisions and devise urban best practices does not reside fully with municipal authorities? As we consider the impact of city multilateral networks—often seen as a framework for action where national-level progress has been more difficult—we should bear in mind the asymmetries among constituent cities. Some, as in the case of India, enjoy substantially less power and autonomy than their global peers, and thus cannot act in similar ways. So as the movement of city networks grows, we should give thought to whether and how the asymmetries affect the functions of these networks—as well as how they shape the nature of national power in a world where countries increasingly lead with their cities on the world stage. GLOBAL CITIES IN THE WORLD’S LARGEST DEMOCRACY India is part of the larger story of a power shift toward Asia. While comparatively poor in per capita terms, in the bottom third globally, the Indian economy briefly grew larger in 2019 than those of France and the United Kingdom using market exchange rates (per IMF data). India possesses the world’s third largest military by personnel strength, and fifth largest defense budget. It is a strategic partner of the United States, and one of the four partners in the “Quad” consultation (Australia, India, Japan, and the United States) among major Indo-Pacific democracies. India is also extremely active in the United Nations, in virtually all its agencies, and in the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and World Trade Organization. India participates actively in the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum, and has also invested heavily in the creation and development of new multilateral organizations like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa grouping (BRICS), the New Development Bank (the development bank formed by the BRICS), and others, even while it pushes for a larger role in the older institutions of global governance set up in the 20th century. This rise to prominence—both economically and diplomatically—occurred while India remained, for the most part, predominantly rural. During this same period—the second half of the 20th century—large developing economies like Brazil, China, and Indonesia urbanized rapidly; by 2011 all were more than 50% urban. India’s intensive urban transition, meanwhile, is happening now. Between now and 2050, just three countries, India, China, and Nigeria, will account for around a third of the world’s growth in urban residents: India will add more than 400 million urban residents, China more than 250 million, and Nigeria nearly 190 million. In spite of India’s tremendous urban population growth, municipal governance remains the last horizon in devolution of power within the federal structure. India’s constitutional division of power allocates authority to the federal government over some issues (like defense and foreign policy), and others to the state level (such as health, law and order, and local government). The federal and state levels share authority on other matters (contracts and forest management, for example). In 1992, the 74th amendment to India’s constitution sought to devolve some authority to “urban local bodies”—but nearly three decades on, implementation of this amendment remains uneven and incomplete across the country. Indian cities, as local governments, generally receive their budgets from state-level allocations, and to add to that, municipal commissioners rather than elected mayors generally hold executive authority. These municipal commissioners are typically career civil servants employed by the national Indian Administrative Service, serving a time-limited state-level rotation in a city-level post. While some cities do have elected mayors, as well as “corporators” or other local elected leaders, the typical structure of urban governance leaves elected city leaders without the executive power their counterparts elsewhere in the world enjoy. Due to India’s global standing, and the size and importance of many Indian megacities, some of the newer city multilateral networks include Indian cities as members. Take C40 Cities, a network of nearly 100 cities focused on climate change. The participation of five Indian cities in the C40 illustrates their relevance to getting climate change right. The Indian C40 cities’ decisions in theory affect lives on the scale of a major European country: together, Delhi (National Capital Territory), Bengaluru, Chennai, Kolkata, and Jaipur are home to more than 72 million residents. For comparison, Germany’s entire population is around 83 million (all data from the UN World Urbanization Prospects estimates.) As a voluntary network the C40 creates a forum for exchange of data, best practices, and solutions on issues like urban flooding, building efficiency, mass transit, and others. City-level exchange like this, unmediated by national governments, represents a “frontier” of international policy engagement. But the C40 announcement of a new air quality network, co-led by Bengaluru and London, illustrates precisely the fault line in India’s system. Announced during London Mayor Sadiq Khan’s 2017 visit to India, the air quality network’s first workshop took place in July 2018 in Bengaluru. That gathering featured the mayor of Bengaluru, but also the chief and deputy chief ministers of Karnataka (Bengaluru’s home state), and the municipal commissioner of Bengaluru (a career Indian Administrative Service official in a state-level rotation with the city-level post). City leaders cannot act on their own even in contexts involving their global counterparts. Equally perplexing, in October 2019 the Indian government denied permission (required in the Indian system) for Delhi’s chief minister to attend a C40 gathering in Denmark. The explanation offered to reporters? That the meeting consisted of mayors, so Delhi’s chief minister was “overqualified.” These episodes underscore the governance constraints on the international activities of Indian cities, even in a context nominally showcasing a leadership role for the city of Bengaluru, and the important example of Delhi as it battles a worsening air pollution emergency. URBAN TRANSITION IN A GLOBAL ERA As India continues to become more prominent on the world stage, as India continues to urbanize, and as India’s cities continue to grow and interact with counterparts around the world, the federal, state, and municipal levels will continue to face challenges of coordination. Indian cities have become centers of innovation, leading the country’s services economy, and therefore exert an outsize economic effect. But the costs of their inability to direct their own growth and development are readily apparent in traffic, water and sanitation, insufficient housing, and myriad other familiar problems of rapid growth. As Isher Ahluwalia succinctly puts it, “the cost of unplanned urbanization is borne by not only the cities but the whole economy.” Experts working on urbanization in India have long recognized the mismatch between the importance of cities to India’s economy, not to mention national civic and cultural life, and their level of autonomy. Some of the most creative research, policy thinking, and training on urbanization issues is coming from India, like the work of the Indian Institute for Human Settlements. Calls for greater devolution of power to cities are gaining steam, such as those offered by the IDFC Institute’s Reforming Urban India report released in July, or the Indian National Congress earlier this year in their national campaign platform. Both these sets of recommendations press for devolution of political as well as fiscal power to the municipal level. But as long as such devolution remains incomplete, Indian megacities involved in international city networks will be constrained by their governance context. They will need state- and national-level colleagues to enact programs even in their own municipalities, and will likely miss out on innovative strategies implemented elsewhere. We may find that the participation in city multilateral networks provides a norm-setting push for governance reform within India, just as involvement with global trade agreements (the GATT and the World Trade Organization) has prompted economic reforms. But this will not likely happen quickly, nor evenly. And for some years ahead, city diplomacy with the world’s largest democracy will most likely continue to require national and state involvement. In this sense, the present structure of authority in Indian cities does not allow the diplomatic decentralization inherent to the promise of city multilaterals. For the time being, this means that including the cities from world’s largest democracy in urban multilateral networks will require adjustments in procedure, in scope, and most likely in ambition.