• Nigeria
    Secrecy and Conspiracy Theories Surround Nigerian Plane Crashes
    Nolan Quinn contributed to this post. The plane crash May 21 killing Chief of Army Staff General Ibrahim Attahiru and all passengers and crew aboard is the fourth air tragedy in the past five months involving Nigeria Air Force aircraft. Initially, few details on the most recent crash were released, allowing conspiracy theories and falsely claimed videos of the crash to emerge on social media. The opposition Peoples Democratic Party caucus in the National Assembly called for a thorough investigation of the crash that killed Attahiru, while the Christian Association of Nigeria asked President Buhari to declare military plane crashes a national emergency. General Attahiru was buried on May 22, following Muslim customs. While tragic, the cause of this latest crash appears to be straightforward. The general was flying to Kaduna to attend the Passing Out Parade on May 22 at the Nigerian Defense Academy. The plane was to have landed at a Nigerian Air Force facility but was diverted to the civilian Kaduna International Airport, where it crashed because of weather. A huge country with a weak transportation infrastructure and serious banditry issues, Nigeria is particularly dependent on aviation. Plane crashes seem to cluster; serious crashes occurred in October 2005, December 2005, September 2006, and October 2006. The May 21 crash was preceded by a crash in February 2021. In response to the recent accidents, a committee has been established to conduct a safety audit of all Nigerian Air Force operational and engineering units. With the Nigerian government’s penchant for secrecy about bad news, details about plane crashes are slow to come, giving space for conspiracy theories. This time, it is to be hoped that the quick release of the details of the crash will forestall the rumor mill. General Attahiru was made chief of army staff—in effect the most powerful military position—by President Muhammadu Buhari as part of his January 2021 shake-up of the military’s top brass in the face of the rapid deterioration of security around the country. Attahiru's death is a setback for the Buhari government’s flagging efforts to curb insecurity in Nigeria.
  • Media
    Misinformation and Trust in Media
    Play
    Daniel Acosta-Ramos, investigative researcher at First Draft News, shares best practices in fact-checking and monitoring misinformation. Joy Mayer, founder of Trusting News, discusses how local journalists can demonstrate credibility and build trust in their reporting. Carla Anne Robbins, adjunct senior fellow at CFR and former deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times, hosts the webinar. FASKIANOS: Welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Local Journalists webinar. Today we are going to be discussing misinformation and trust in media with Daniel Acosta-Ramos, Joy Mayer, and Carla Anne Robbins. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. This webinar is part of CFR's Local Journalists Initiative, created to help you connect the local issues you cover in your communities to global dynamics. Our programming puts you in touch with CFR resources and expertise on issues of international importance and provides a forum for sharing best practices. So thank you all for being with us. I want to remind you that this webinar is on the record, and we will circulate the video, transcript, and other resources after the fact. We'll also post it on our website, CFR.org/localjournalists. We've shared full bios prior to this webinar, so I'm just going to give you a few highlights of our distinguished panel. Daniel Acosta-Ramos is an investigative researcher at First Draft News. His work includes researching myths and disinformation on Latinx and Spanish-speaking communities in the U.S. Originally from Venezuela, Mr. Acosta-Ramos has previously worked on projects to monitor social unrest in his home country. Prior to First Draft News, he worked as a security analyst for Oxy. Joy Mayer is the director of Trusting News, a research and training project that empowers journalists to demonstrate credibility and earn trust. She's also an adjunct faculty member at the Poynter Institute. Prior to Trusting News, she spent twenty years working in newsrooms and teaching, including at the Missouri School of Journalism. And Carla Anne Robbins is an adjunct senior fellow at CFR. She's faculty director of the master of international affairs program and clinical professor of national security studies at Baruch College's Marxe School of Public and International Affairs. And previously, she was deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times and chief diplomatic correspondent at the Wall Street Journal. So welcome to all of you. Thank you for being with us. I'm going to turn the conversation now over to Carla to have the exchange amongst the three of you, and then we'll turn to all of you for your questions and comments. Carla, over to you. ROBBINS: Thank you so much, Irina. It's great to see you as always. Thank you so much, Daniel and Joy, if I may, and thank you so much for joining us. It's always a delight to talk to our colleagues and such an incredible time in journalism in such an incredibly challenging time in local journalism in particular. So thank you guys for joining us. I know you’ve got a lot of questions for Joy and Daniel, but I'm going to start at the prerogative of the moderator because I've got my questions, too. So, Daniel, I'm going to start with you. In 2016 when I started writing about misinformation, the focus was all on one area, the U.S. elections, and one malign actor, the Russians and their amplifiers. So today's ecosystem, which is a nice way of basically saying swamp, is far more complex and a hell of a lot scarier. And the mistrust in the press is a hell of a lot more profound. So can you describe right now what are some of the main issues—it's a lot more than the election—that are drawing the most misinformation? And who are the actors? It's not just the Russians. So who do we got to worry about out there? It's a scary place. ACOSTA-RAMOS: It is indeed a scary place. And first, just thank you for the invitation. It's an honor to be with you all. And just to answer your question, the ecosystem, which is a word that I use a lot, of misinformation and the misinformation landscape is vastly diverse. And as you said, it's not only the Russians, it's not only the Venezuelan Army, or the turkey marketing company. We have a lot of misinformation growing out and about in U.S. space—Facebook pages, WhatsApp groups, Telegram channels. So the misinformation that we were kind of introduced in 2016 is vastly different. The themes and topics are just basically infinite. There is a strong feeling, there is a strong base of misinformation spreaders that take on politics, the big lie, and other, you know, U.S. policy-related issues. But the big thing that we're seeing now is health misinformation. And health misinformation goes beyond just the vaccine, the Pfizer shot, or the Johnson and Johnson shot. It goes to the safety of things that we take for granted such as the MMR vaccine and other, you know, medical advancements that we had had for a very long time. And this new wave of health misinformation is coming from people, from influencers, from content creators that are not labeled. They're not identified as misinformation spreaders. They might be a wellness instructor, a yoga teacher, or any other popular, seamlessly, inoffensive content creator that is actually spreading misinformation. So this swamp, as you tell it, is completely different than in 2016. And it's something that we researchers and journalists and local journalists have to handle. Yes, misinformation has a little bit of a Russian bot operative and that kind of stuff, but most of the content that we're seeing in our Facebook feed, in our Instagram posts, in our WhatsApp groups actually comes from people just like you and me that got something and shared it accidentally because it generated a strong emotional reaction. ROBBINS: So are these real people? I mean, because of course in 2016 they looked like real people, but then we found out they actually weren't real people. They were bots or they were people sitting in St. Petersburg who were sharing things. A lot of these things you're talking about are also being amplified. If you go on to RT, you know, or on Russian sites or on other sites, you see that sort of vaccine misinformation is also being put out because it goes through a, you know, it creates fundamental mistrust in our institutions. But those are real yoga instructors pushing these things out? Why? Why are they doing it? They seem so healthy. ACOSTA-RAMOS: Without no doubt I want to reiterate this. There is, you know, some bad actors in foreign countries—Russia, Turkey, Venezuela, many others. But what we're seeing day to day is that those yoga instructors that are real people—and this is a confession I have to make. I was actually following one of those misinformation spreaders in my feed. So once, at some point of my life, I actually liked what the yoga teacher had to say and I followed him. And now I have vaccine activists spreading misinformation in my personal feed. This misinformation, you know, basically spreads to everybody. It's not a problem of people who are highly educated or working class. No, it will affect us all because it is, you know, everywhere. And yes, they are real people. Yes, they are yoga instructors, wellness stores, even doctors. And to determine, you know, what is their motive, it's really, really hard. There are a few things that we, you know, suspect. First, there is a financial incentive for misinformation spreaders. If you have a big YouTube audience or if you have a big Facebook audience or you have a big Telegram audience, you can monetize that through merchandising, through monetization, and views. And there's even people that will use features, like Super Chat, that will let you, in YouTube, donate directly to the content creator live while they're broadcasting. So one big part of it is that it is a financial incentive for people that express misinformation, because sadly, it's popular. And there's other people that actually believe in those things that we might consider discredited or, you know, antiscience. So I think those two things, basically, like a cult mentality and a financial incentive, are two powerful reasons for why people create misinformation. But the other side of the coin is that people share misinformation, regular people just like you and me that share misinformation because we received this almost apocalyptical message that triggers an emotional reaction in ourselves. And then we send it to her friends and family, to my dad or my uncle because I'm worried about the situation. And almost unconsciously, we're part of this gigantic misinformation ecosystem. ROBBINS: So I'm going to come back to you and talk about how we deal with this as reporters in a minute, but I want to go Joy. So Joy, in 2017 the national media had something of a reckoning about how we had blown it in covering the campaign. You know, everyone was chasing after Hillary's emails the way six-year-olds all chase after a soccer ball, which was that, once again, too benign a description of how we blew it. But even now there's still a tendency to blame others for the lack of trust in the press. It's the trolls, it's Donald Trump, both of whom actually deserve an enormous amount of blame for the lack of trust. But, you know, the mission of Trusting News is, you say, you identify things news audiences don't understand about how journalism works and use engagement and transparency strategies to rebuild trust. What are the sources of this mistrust? How much of it is due to misinformation and how much of it is due to—how much of it is our responsibility? How much of it is more profound things going on in our society because we got to figure out what the problem is before we can figure out how to fix it. MAYER: Yes, I think that it's really important to understand the complexity of the situation. Even a concept like misinformation can mean so many different things. Like a yoga teacher sharing, in good faith, something that's not accurate about how careful we need to be about what we put in our bodies and maybe the vaccines, like, let's say, for whatever, that's misinformation and especially for local journalists, that is something they're hearing and that is something their audience is hearing and genuinely struggling with how to process. That's why when we're talking about local journalism, specifically, you know, it's a different landscape if your job is to cover Russian influence in the election versus what is my community hearing that is preventing them from making well-informed decisions about our shared democracy, our shared community, their family safety, whatever it is. And so, you know, when it comes to really processing different sources of information, we really preach a transparency, I mean, an empathy around the difficulty of being a news consumer because it is really tough sometimes to tell what is a legit news source, where information is coming from. I don't know about you guys but I get a lot of Facebook messages from people in my own networks because I'm like the journalist people know, right, and they'll say, “Joy, help me figure out if this source is legit.” And sometimes it's actually not that easy to tell if the source is legit. Most people are not news junkies. They don't spend a lot of time trying to figure out where they get their news. They don't think about it that much. They don't give money to any news. They have a casual relationship with information sources. So for them to figure out which ones are ethical, responsible, well-sourced, well-intentioned, staffed by professionals, it's actually complicated. And so that casual relationship also means they don't spend that much time wondering how news works. They genuinely don't know that the reason we spent so much time in the story on this side of the story and had only one sentence from this other side of the story is because that's all we could get. Not that we have an agenda that means that we purposely left most of their side of the story out, right? People don't know that, and there's no reason they should know it because we can wish that they knew it. But they don't know it because we don't explain ourselves. So, there are a lot of reasons that people don't trust the news. Some of its institutional, you know, people don't trust the government and the military and banks and religion as much as higher education. You know, trust is falling in institutions all over the place. But when it comes to what local journalists can do, we really start by figuring out what kind of feedback are you getting about what people do and don't understand about your own work and the information landscape in your community and how can you improve that. ROBBINS: So the polling of those suggests that certainly, or most recent polling, which is a 2019 Gallup/Knight polling, suggests that people trust local news more than they trust bad people like me and national news—they particularly hated the New York Times—but they still trust local news a lot less than they trust even local government. So is it, you know, just a general loss of faith in institutions? Is that what we're grappling with? Or is it because social media and there's just a cacophony there and the press is seen as just one more extension of people who don't even distinguish it? You know, everybody's got their own truth and your—is that what's really going on here? I mean, what is it that we're really up against that makes people so fundamentally mistrust “the press” and particularly the local press, which, you know, people really used to see as, you know, a fundamentally really trustworthy institution. MAYER: It's true that people trust local news more. And it's true that trust in local news is declining and that people used to trust it. They also used to trust just network news. You know, I think that the national conversation and messaging around journalists as enemies of the people and the fake news, like, that is absolutely trickling down. You know, when I sit down with weekly newspaper publishers in Texas who've served their same communities for decades, their relationship with the people they serve has changed because the messages that people are receiving about the role of journalism and society, the perceived agenda of journalists, who journalists even are, it definitely has an impact up and down the food chain of journalism. It just cannot be overstated how complicated it is to try to sift through information and the barrage of information that's constantly coming at us and how many choices people have. There is a 100 percent huge increase in irresponsible messages coming at people. And so, you know, one thing I think is really important to remember is that we don't deserve automatic credit just because we have the title of journalist. There are a lot of things done in the name of journalism that I think are irresponsible or unethical or sensational or not a reputable place I would point people, right? So I'm not here to defend the whole industry of journalism. I'm here to say if you do mission-driven, responsible, ethical, professional journalism, you need to explain to people what sets you apart from the rest. That's not an automatic thing. The fact that I work at this news brand, that maybe they haven't even heard of or haven't actually really consumed, or maybe they always get me confused with my less responsible competitors—it is complicated to be a news consumer. There are people who have beefs or assumptions or really justified perceptions of news organizations that has caused them to have lower trust. But I also think it's important to keep in mind that a lot of people have very casual relationships and have been misled by information enough times that they kind of just go over it and don't trust anyone. ROBBINS: So I want to come back to you about the services you provide and how you can help people deal with it. A lot of this is self-awareness, not just, you know, what you're going to be pushing out. Some of it is just self-awareness about exactly what you said, which is we can't take it for granted anymore. Let's talk to Daniel, and I'm just going to ask if we can share something from your pretty fab website. So thanks so much, Joy, for doing that. So, Daniel, can you talk a little bit about, you know, the challenge here, which is as much as we can automatically, you know, rely on trust, part of our job, actually, is to translate, to debunk. You know, people don't have the time to do this. And one of the reasons people call Joy is because they do sort of expect you to sort out the BS from the non-BS. And so how do we as reporters, and particularly as local reporters that don't have infinite resources, how do we get ahead of the wave? It's a hell of a lot harder to debunk something when it's really fixed in people's minds. How do you get ahead of a story? And one of the things that you guys do there is raise the alert when something is bubbling up. So certainly they can go to your Vaccine Insights Hub and warn people about trending stories about, you know, something on YouTube, which says that vaccines are actually abortion drugs or something like that. But how do you get ahead of the wave just as it's coming rather than letting it get really fixed in people's minds? ACOSTA-RAMOS: I think the secret to that recipe, which actually lies in local journalists, is that when we detect a new narrative, a new thing that is bubbling as you said, a new thing that we catch in, you know, a yoga teacher's Instagram feed, or Telegram, or in the dark places on the internet is that it's better to “prebunk” than debunk and preemptively alert your community of the things you may see or might explode, you know, in a few days or in a few weeks. When we structure information as a “prebunk” before it actually explodes, the communities already know what is BS and what it's not, who is the actor involved, what are the claims, and what is the actual fact. So I think “prebunking” is an extremely effective tool, especially for local journalists because most of the narratives we catch, most of the, you know, perpetual false claims that we detect originate in local groups, originate in local communities, you know, in this new Parks and Recreation Facebook group or in this Navajo Nation meeting place in Facebook or in Instagram. From that local place it gets, you know, to the point in which it is shared about this national voice of misinformation or those really important misinformation spreaders at a national level. It does originate locally, and if we can target misinformation at a local level preemptively early, the fact it will have after it goes mainstream, let's call it that way, it will be way less. So I think, and this is something that we preach at First Draft a lot that “prebunking” is absolutely necessary. Of course, we have to be responsible with something that we call the tipping point. It's not exact science; it's more of an art. If you do it too early you pose the risk of informing, you know, something completely unnecessary to your community. But if you do it too late, it's already in their brains and we will have some of a confirmation bias. So it's definitely a challenge, but I think local communities, local journalists, community newspapers have a great advantage that they know their community, they know what they're talking about. So I will say that that's the place to start. ROBBINS: So tell me a little bit more about what's a “prebunk” story for a local journalist. I mean, I'm looking right now on my screen very closely because I've got many things going on my screen, including my questions for you guys. So, the merging narratives, okay? The guidance around hugging in the UK as far as claims and undermining trust in COVID-19 vaccine or tourism agencies. I mean, tell me something that, I mean, hugging would be a good story, but I thought the abortion one on YouTube was a particularly worrisome one because abortion is such an emotional issue. How do you, A, decide—I mean that's on YouTube. You guys found that on YouTube. How do you, A, decide, and I understand that's art more than science, that it's bubbling up enough that it's worth raising rather than running the danger that you're going to be an amplifier by writing about it, and B, how do you write about it in a way that, you know, that you actually can debunk it, you know, that is it persuasive? ACOSTA-RAMOS: Well, the first one is when we see claims or narratives in different platforms, it's a good time that the tipping point is getting closer ROBBINS: [Inaudible] when it's cross-fertilizing? ACOSTA-RAMOS: Exactly. If we see the same thing on the dark, you know, sites on the internet and then we immediately we see it on Facebook or on Twitter, it's probably time to alert our community-based organizations, journalists, local journalists, you know, from that claim. The other question is how do we make it, you know, shareable? I love a good explainer, and I think people love it too. A quick format, beautifully done, lots of infographics that will explain in an easy way not to say whatever the yoga teacher said—the yoga teachers will hate me after this panel—but whatever the yoga teacher said is false. Instead of saying that, just explain the circumstances and the facts without mentioning the yoga teacher. Don't give the stage to the misinformation spreader. Do not repeat the lie. Just state the facts and alert your community. You might be seeing some claims that said that, you know, vaccine causes abortion or you can share this spike protein. That is not true. Here's the data. Here's a trusted voice. Here's here, here's that. And something, and I think this is particularly important for vaccines and particularly important for local journalists, is that you need to find a local voice that, you know, it's an expert about this. For instance, I'm based in Houston, Texas, and we have Dr. Hotez, who is this fantastic scientist that knows a lot about vaccines and how they work. I rather use Dr. Hotez instead of Dr. Fauci because people actually know this guy here in Houston. And we need to find these local voices that will have some sort of relationship with the communities we're serving and that, I think, will not solve but it will ease some of the untrustworthiness that people have toward media, and that's the coast elitism or the New York-centrism or the Washington-centrism. And I think, you know, it's just a little bit of help to fight, you know, both misinformation and trust in your outlets. ROBBINS: Great. Okay, that is it. So before I take down the shared the screen, I did want to say that one of the services you can provide and that your website can provide is you guys can do the digging and raise the alarm when things are beginning to cross-fertilize, when you think that they're bubbling up to that. That's one of the jobs that you do at First Draft. So people can go to your website and see what's bubbling up. But what you're saying is then they do the reporting in their local community to where the credibility is? That's basically the advice you're giving. ACOSTA-RAMOS: Correct. And we also have tons of resources, especially when it comes with vaccines because we acknowledge that, until this point, probably if you were a reporter in the community level, you didn't cover vaccinations. You didn't cover a rollout of a new technology that took, you know, thousands of millions of dollars to develop. We created a long format of several trainings for the vaccine. It's available in the Vaccine Hub. It's a fantastic resource that is available in different languages. So for local journalists that serve immigrant communities and for local journalists that serve, you know, people that may not speak English, it is available in French, Spanish, Hindi, and other languages. So I highly recommend that and not just the research that we do but the training and media resource that we have as well. ROBBINS: That's great. Thank you so much. So we're going to go to Joy now, who also has a fabulous website. I'm equally blown away by your website and all the advice and services you two provide for journalists. So if we can put up your website, which is great. So, you know, we were talking before that a lot of this is transparency and self-awareness. So can you talk, you know, you've got these series of tips here. People can sign up for your newsletter but, you know, talk to me about your theory of the case about what journalists have to do to, A, develop self-awareness, and B, to reach out to the community to deal with this wave of misinformation and the lack of trust? MAYER: Yes, I mean, journalists like to think that we can overwhelm people with facts and that will take care of the situation. So here's the, you know, twenty-seven-point list of reasons why you can trust the vaccine is not going to have nearly as much effect as, to Daniel's point, a local doctor you trust saying, “Guys, it's really okay. Your family is going to be okay. Go ahead and do this.” And, you know, to get researching for a second, we talked about the distinction between cognitive trust, which is like the brainy trust, and effective trust, which is I feel like you're on my side. I feel connected to you. I think I can trust you. You're one of the good guys. And so, really, for local journalists, we talk a lot about what basic things do people not understand about you and what is your counternarrative. So, for example, if you get a lot of complaints on your Facebook feed of people saying, “Why are you posting the story on Facebook when I can't read it because there's a paywall? You should only post it if it's free.” Well, have you explained why you need revenue from your community? How much of your budget that costs? How many local staff positions that get money from that? You know, how little the money is? How advertising dollars work? Whatever it is, do you have a counternarrative about why you charge for news and why that's important? So often we don't take time to explain it. We just think, gosh, people think we're greedy, like, that's dumb. They don't know what they're talking about. And so if you want to be trusted to provide credible information, they need to understand who you are. You don't get automatic trust. And so for us we'll take something like, oh, people are complaining about paywall. People complain about bias and Associated Press stories. People complain about, you know, their perceptions of like national and world news, and they think your local TV station is so biased but really what they're complaining about is the CNN feed that runs on your website or whatever it is. So we just talk a lot about understanding what do people actually think of you, what did they not know, and what are you actually doing to clear that up or are you just wishing that they understood? So, like Daniel, I think those of us who work in sort of the journalism support space are, like, both really grateful when we get journalists' attention. Thank you to those of you showing up today. And, like, hey, you guys. This is free. We can help you. There are a lot of resources here that can help you if you're trying to figure out how to do this. ROBBINS: So I thought, you know, you got in your COVID, which is a little bit further down on this page. I mean, your number one tip, which I actually wish the U.S. government would follow as well. I remember when I was an editorial writer and people would call me from the Obama administration and I would every once in a while lose it and say, “I'm tired of doing your work. Why do I have to explain? You need to explain.” But your number one tip is telling your audience that COVID-19 information might change, that it's not, like, this is the number one critique of them. You tell us masks are one thing and whatever. MAYER: I mean, people are holding on to that, that mask discrepancy from, you know, twelve months ago, people are holding on to and it's super-breaking news coverage as well. Like, if you told us there were two people who died in this shooting and now you're saying it was just one, were you hiding it from us? Do you not care about the facts? What is it? And you're, like, that's what the police said and then we learned more. Like, that's how these things work, right? That's how science works. You learn more. That's how reporting works. You learn more. But people don't know that. They're not giving us automatic credit for it, and so we can accept that or we can do something to try to educate them. ROBBINS: So, this is an interesting question about are we changing the way the basic structure of a news story? I mean, rather than putting this in a correction or putting it in a box or putting it way down in B matter, does context have to progress a lot higher up into a news story in a context of time in which people are so skeptical of “we told you X and now we have to tell you why?” Are you talking about a fundamental change in the way in which we structure news stories? MAYER: Yes, I am. And we have some great research that shows that people appreciate it. We did some focus groups of TV stations that say, you know, you add a total of twenty seconds maybe to an on-air story that explains why you're doing the story and something about a decision you made while doing the story. People find the story and the station more credible. It's not a heavy lift, but it is a 100 percent update in what we think the job of journalism is. It's understanding our audience well enough to know, you know, they might assume this about us or they might not know all of the time we spend making decisions in the newsroom. It's all invisible unless we talk about it. You know, the thirty minutes we spent on should we name this person, which photos should we use, how big a deal is this story, how do we replay a similar story last year—all of its invisible. And yet we pat ourselves in the back for it and feel good about it and are frustrated that we're not getting credit for it. ROBBINS: So I have a million more questions for you guys, but we already have a question in the Q&A. So I'm going to turn this over to Irina, who's going to who is going to invite people. I'm going to come back because I have more questions. Irina? FASKIANOS: Fantastic. So now we'll go to all of you. If you can raise your hand and accept the “unmute” prompt and tell us who you are when I call on you. So let me just get up. We've got— ROBBINS: Somebody already got in. Rickey Bevington got in first on the Q&A. FASKIANOS: There you go. Rickey from Georgia Public Broadcasting. Thank you, Ricky, for your question. Tips for finding out about local misinformation before it goes viral. We'd have to assign a reporter to sit on Nextdoor and get invited into thousands of private Facebook groups. Who wants to take that one? ACOSTA-RAMOS: I can say Nextdoor is a hugely problematic space. And it's hugely problematic because if you're doing research like me for several different cities or several different states and you know, it's kind of impossible to get invited to eighty or eighty-five different communities. It is hugely problematic. You know, basically you can post whatever you want there and be a misinformation spreader and basically you won't ever get kicked out or, you know, even get an alert that you're sharing misinformation. So it's a place where all misinformation, conspiracy theories, and bad things live. And it's an app that most of American suburbia have installed on their phones. So, I think it's a great thing for you to be there but just be mindful and careful that people may not need to hear another story about 5G causing cancer or something like that. And just be mindful of the beaten pieces that you grab and try to—what we do and what we find the most interesting is when we see patterns. I'll go again with vaccine shedding and abortions for people that are not vaccinated because it was really strong in community-based groups. We saw the pattern in one group in Facebook and Instagram. When we saw it in different places we had to alert our community-based organizations and are part of the journalism [inaudible]. So if you see a pattern on local Facebook groups on Nextdoor, which is hugely problematic, in a Telegram channel, which is, I think, an important space also to be, it might be the best, you know, the best time to alert your partners and your newsroom ROBBINS: The real question that I think Rickey is asking is one of the resources which is, you know, most local news organizations don't have the resources to sit on Nextdoor. You know, when I was at the Times, we had the resources for people to spend on things like that. I don't know about Nextdoor, I'm now showing my age but certainly, I mean, there are people whose job is to spend all their time looking at Twitter. So, why can't a local news organization do that doesn't have somebody assigned to do this full time? Do you guys monitor Nextdoor as well? Are there, you know, Joy, do you know about, you know, other local sources, you know, that are locally organized and pooling resources potentially to do this? You know, Patch doesn't exist anymore but, you know, is there like a disinformation resource there or something like that? MAYER: I don't know in terms of sort of collaboratives to sort of take on the work. What we really recommend is that the investment of time you spend listening to your community, which is basically what we're talking about, right, monitoring community conversations, you obviously can't monitor all of them nor should you try. And that's always been the case that it's not worthwhile to do it all the time. But when it matters a lot, when you're trying to reach out to a specific community, you're going to listen more to what they have to say. When you're really investing in a specific topic, you're going to figure out where people are talking about that topic, right? So I do think that if covering vaccine adoption in your community is part of your beat, you are going to look for places where people in your community are talking about vaccines. That doesn't mean, you know, it could come up in any one of thousands of Facebook groups. But there are some worth probably more likely, right? I definitely could point to the ones in my community where it would be worthwhile for a reporter to be there. And what we're suggesting is an update on what you're listening for. Not just story ideas, which reporters have always known where in their community to look for story ideas like you're eavesdropping at the coffee shop. There's this one Facebook group where parents hang out and the education reporter pays attention, whatever it is. Instead of just listening for story ideas, listen for misassumptions about what you cover. Listen for people spreading misinformation. Listen for misassumptions about you and your ethics and your integrity as a news organization and then decide I can address all of it, but where does it seem like it's risen to the level where this could be actually problematic or this person talking actually has a wide audience or this person is saying they also saw it over here. So we need to be on the record clearing that one up. ROBBINS: So we have another question. FASKIANOS: Yes, from John Allison. The number of our readers who see the AP is biased is so alarming. Thanks, Joy, to you for knowing that. Could you talk a little bit more? He'd like to hear more about that from others. Are you hearing the same? MAYER: So at Trusting News, actually, we are just wrapping up a project where we worked with twenty-something newsrooms to interview people who lean right in their communities about what they think about local news. And as I've been checking in with each of those newsrooms to see what those interviews were like, I was talking to an editor in Missouri this morning who said she was just blown away by how many perceptions of her community newspaper were based on perceptions of her staff's selection of and placement of and headline writing for Associated Press stories. It is frustrating and alarming and sometimes out of local journalists' control. I'm sure some of you work at news organizations where there's a hub somewhere that picks the AP stories and you don't even have anything to do with it and yet your community is really basing a lot of their perception on that. I think one problem is that journalists don't see that really as part of what they're offering. They don't really take ownership over it a lot of times and yet people do turn to you for all the information you're providing. So it is a choice in your newsroom or your news organization to say people need state, national, and international coverage. We are going to get that from the Associated Press. We pay for the rights to publish that. We trust them because of X, Y and Z. There's research that shows that they've covered this for a long time and that they're a solid choice. We don't explain any of that. It's not part of how our local newsrooms think about what they're offering. And so we're working on strategies and have a lot of ideas about what it would look like to just to have a better conversation about what role that covers. ROBBINS: Can you explain something to me? Why is it that the people mistrust the AP? I mean, the AP, it's like, you know, it's like cream of wheat for God's sake. It's about as basic as you can get. MAYER: I think a lot of it is story selection. And I think it, I mean, there's no way, as with so many things, about perceptions of news. It's impossible to separate it from the Trump years and the perception that national journalists had nothing but criticism for President Trump and that we covered every sensational tweet and the perception among his supporters that he did not get credit for things that went right. I think if the media diet you're consuming is telling you that the mainstream media won't give Trump credit for anything and jumps on everything, then which AP stories you select is seen as part of that bias and not only the word choice in the stories, ROBBINS: But is it because it says it's from the AP or is it just anything that's national or international news in your local paper? MAYER: Well, there aren't a lot of options in most local papers. ROBBINS: That's not what I'm saying. Is it the mistrust of running national and international stories or is it the mistrust of the byline from the Associated Press? MAYER: It is the mistrust of national journalism as represented by the Associated Press because that's the only option there. ROBBINS: So people would rather just have local newspapers that just covered local news? MAYER: No, they wouldn't actually. Again, most people are not thinking about this all that much. They have a sense that national news coverage is unfair and that journalists are all liberal, that there's an agenda behind all of it and that journalists are selecting stories that reinforce their worldview and purposefully hiding stories that contradict their worldview. And people are being so conditioned for what we call confirmation bias, which is if it's not coming from my worldview, if it's attempting to be neutral, it actually is not fair. It's leaning the other direction. I mean, there are a lot of factors, but fundamentally, if you read your local newspaper and spend the day watching Fox News, then what you see in your local newspaper is not going to match the national narrative you're used to. And it's going to seem as if different things are being highlighted. The tone of the story is different. I do think it is worthwhile for journalists to have more self-reflection around what blind spots we might have because of who we are as journalists and how that separates us from the communities we serve. I was on this morning with a community and a newspaper's editorial page, both lean right, and what that looks like. So lots of conversations to have there, but fundamentally, how local news organizations provide national news is something we need to talk more about. ROBBINS: Thank you. FASKIANOS: Great. John Allison is with the Pittsburgh Tribune. So I'm going to go next to Geoff Carr, who works at the Sentinel and is also an associate professor at North Idaho College, which is a community college. He's often “shocked by how much vitriol gets directed toward the media.” His students often make claims that the media is biased. I challenged them to send me an example of this or something they consider fake news. I've had two students take me up on that offer and both of them failed to provide a single news article. The first sent me a speech transcript from Nancy Pelosi. The other sent me a letter to the editor, a book review, and a few pieces clearly identified as an editorial or opinion. How can we combat misinformation if so few of our citizens can even recognize legitimate news sources? ACOSTA-RAMOS: I'm going to say it—media literacy. But media literacy, and I think this is pivotal, this is really important, media literacy has to start in preschool if possible. Not in the university, not in higher education. It has to be—and this is a great project, I think, it's from Washington University that's doing that in high school for high schoolers to identify, you know, the provenance and media sources and media-wise as a [inaudible] project with adolescents, with young people. And I think it's pivotal for the communities to help and to be taught in media literacy standards. Because the root of the problem is that, as Joy said, we have a casual relationship with information. We don't care. You know, most people will just grab whatever they receive in Facebook without thinking about it. And I always will remember this piece of an NPR interview in which a lady basically said, “Oh, I just heard on OAN,” One America News Network, “that this thing happened.” And the reporter asked her, “Have you heard about them before?” And the lady suddenly considered a realization that she has been sharing something from a news network that she doesn't know and she has never heard about. And when she Googles it, she says, “Oh, they share fake news. Well, don't they all?” So this relationship with the media and with the terrible term that is fake news needs to be addressed through media literacy, the younger, the better. I think it's a hard multilateral, you know, conversation that we need to have but mutualistic is really important. MAYER: I just stuck in the chat, we have a Trust 101 class that we teach and we do one specifically for educators. As part of that we have a collection of assignments educators can use, some developed by people in our class. So Geoff, I stuck a link to that in the chat. You know, there are a lot of assignments you can do to say, “Let's strip away the branding and just look at four ways that a story was covered and see if you can guess who might have done it and analyze what the differences are.” I think it is—so we can, I guess my answer is we can wish that people understood how to vet sources of information. Or we can, like, you know, wish upon a star or we can build things into our processes in our teaching that educate people about that. I am actually floored by how easy it is to not know the difference between news and opinion these days. Our industry does a terrible job at this. It starts with cable news. It's impossible to tell sometimes which talking head is an analyst, a commentator, reporter, or an anchor. Anchors share all kinds of opinions. It's complicated. But even in a newspaper story, maybe in print, it seems really obvious because something's on the opinion page that its opinion, but you know how often that word “opinion” doesn't follow when it's posted on Facebook. So somebody will say your news organization sharing something saying, “Our congressman needs to do this.” And the word opinion isn't there. Maybe if you click through it's a little above the headline but not a first impression. We just do a terrible job differentiating. We need to accept that that level of media literacy is part of our job. FASKIANOS: Thank you. We have a written question from Aly DeMarco, who's at the Daily Beacon in Tennessee. Do you have any tips for how to cover misinformation in a manner that will lower the possibility of being accused of giving a platform to that misinformation? ACOSTA-RAMOS That's a great question. And, again, this tipping point that we were talking about, it's hard to determine. But when it comes to local issues, I think the tipping point is lower because for the national conversation when I see a post that is be shared two hundred thousand times I know the tipping point is there, right, for a national audience. But if we are talking about, I don't know, a town in Tennessee that when the online chatter has been, you know, substantiated in several groups, I think it's better to alert your community, right, because that misinformation will grow in your community-based organizations and community-based groups. So if maybe three or four neighbors are already talking about it, it's time to address it especially if you live in a small town or a small city. So I'll say there's a bunch of resources in First Draft’s website and for sure in Joy's website as well. So it's free. I'll say it again, please go ahead. You know, there's several things you can do. There's a fantastic SMS course that you can take. It's two weeks. It's free. It's on our website. You will get a text. I think it's actually the best thing you can do, especially for older folks. You know, I enrolled my mom and my dad because they were just getting a lot of misinformation, you know, just sharing it on Facebook. And I was like, “Why?” Because the media literacy again and because it's easy to share. And it's easy to forward. So get the SMS course. It's fantastic. And you will receive bits of information every day for two weeks. And I think after that you will be better equipped to address misinformation especially at the community level. MAYER: I have one other tip to share about how to make sure your motives are clear when you share information. And that's to tell people why you're sharing it, just speak directly to them. You know, picture radio or TV being able to say, “We know it's complicated to navigate information these days, and we want to make sure that you know something you're hearing just isn't true. And that's why we're going to go ahead and share this with you.” That can work really well in that, sort of, informal language. It works really well in newsletters. It works really well in social. Tech stories or when it can be hardest to sort of sneak in that “here's why we're doing this story,” but it can work with a little box. What if each time you do these stories you had a little box with a story or an editor's note that says, “We don't ever want to contribute to the spreading of misinformation, but we're seeing this shared enough that it seems worthwhile to go ahead and let you know it's not true.” There's not a lot of downsides to that, and it just invites people to consume something in the spirit in which its intended. ROBBINS: Plus it also creates a personal relationship between you and the reader, which I think does take away some of that angst, that sense of elitism and one hopes could begin to create a certain measure of trust. MAYER: Yes, and it communicates about your values, right? My goal is for people to not only learn about what you're covering but learn about your values, integrity, and goals as they're consuming your information. Just have a general sense that is—just a drumbeat that you're making decisions carefully, that you have their best interests at heart, that you have a foundation of ethics you're based on. You know, [inaudible] ethics. We don't point to it. Hopefully they're on your website somewhere, but do you ever link to them and say, “in accordance with our ethics policy, we made this decision.” I don't know why we don't do that but we don't. FASKIANOS: Maybe it's a good time to start it in this day and age. So we have another written question. Nobody's raising their hand. Everybody's putting their questions in the chat, so I will continue reading. Natalie Todaro—she's the editor for the Stute, the student newspaper at Stevens Institute of Technology. “I often find that while we work to serve our community of students, some of these same students don't trust us. What do you recommend in terms of transparency targets, increased editorials to explain newsroom decisions, open forums, notes attached to content?” I think, Joy, that was where you were going so— MAYER: Yes, I think that especially for a student audience, man, I love video for that—Instagram stories, Facebook live videos. We worked with student media, Annenberg Media at USC in California and they did a wonderful series of sort of behind-the-scenes videos that they did as Instagram videos and then posted on YouTube so they could save them. But it's like, here's why we decided to cover this suicide that happened on campus when we normally wouldn't. Here is why we decided to cover this story in this particular way. It's very humanizing to sort of introduce yourself, like, “We're students too. Here's where I'm from. Here's what I'm studying.” You know, one thing I've learned about journalism is that it's important for this and here's some video of the newsroom. You're welcome to stop by. Like, there's this shroud of mystery that happens and journalists can be so worried about, you know, we don't want to make it about us. But the people don't know you. Most people have never talked to a local journalist. Pew had research last year that showed it was 21 percent of people said they had ever spoken to or been interviewed by a local journalist. And that number goes down if you're not rich, white, educated, and something else. There was another factor. But most people don't have a frame of reference. They've never met one of us, right? So whatever you can do to say, “Here's who we are and what we're all about. And we're not scary. Stop by and ask us a question.” I would really recommend you think about video, especially for the student audience. ROBBINS: So can I ask a question of the group, which you can either verbally or written respond to, which is what misinformation are you seeing bubbling in your community? You know, what are you most worried about? You tuned into this for a reason. So we're going to use you as lead sources. You know, what are you hearing the most of? Or did you just tune in because people don't like you and you want to figure out a way of getting past that? So what stories are you worrying about and in hearing most of? And while we wait, and I hope somebody actually responds to that question. I'm going to ask a question about another area of misinformation, which is we talked about vaccines, obviously, which is a very hot topic, but the election isn't over with for a lot of people in the country. And how much is the focus of your work, most of your work, dealing with this ongoing claim, utterly false, that, you know, the election was stolen and that the issue isn't over with? And how can people in local communities deal with that because that seems to be, if you look at polling data or the decision to toss Liz Cheney out of leadership in the GOP tomorrow, this is obviously an ongoing—for a certain percentage of population—really an ongoing trauma and one that goes to profoundly to the strength of our democracy. So Daniel, how much of that is still bubbling and how much of that is the focus of the work of your organization? ACOSTA-RAMOS: Sadly, those claims never ended. I think they were reduced in presence online because many of the groups repeating the big lie repeatedly, repeatedly every single day were either deplatformed or banned or, you know, they had to change their behavior and migrated to darker places on the internet. They're still there; we see it every day. It's constant, but I do believe that, and it's something that we can actually measure the amount of interaction that that is getting, it's absolutely diminished if we compare it to November, December. So I do think there is a lack of interest for the general public towards that, you know, misinformation is not as popular. Let's put it that way. But it's absolutely there and it's worrisome. And one of the things I'm particularly worried about is that the claims that we saw in November, they have basically evolved into something that is completely detached from reality to this point and is often accompanied by other conspiracy theories. It's often accompanied by other anti-Semitic tropes, by anti-LGBTQ propaganda, and some of the stuff. So it stopped being just an election issue and now it's basically like an umbrella of misinformation tendencies that it's really hard to address but it's there. But I do think it's not as popular or it's not as consumable as it was before. MAYER: Most people aren't news junkies and they have short attention spans, so I'm not surprised to hear Daniel say that. I think that people are kind of moving on and just doing whatever's in front of them today. When asked they probably will still say, and polling does suggest that people still would say, that their belief hasn't changed about the election. But, you know, just like we were talking about with vaccine experts, I think staying local is really important. And, you know, just making sure that it's local journalists we have all of our local elected officials on the record about where they stand on this. I put in the chat today's newsletter for Trusting News is about the public radio station in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and their efforts to continue to hold local leaders responsible for their votes and their public comments back in January. But that's, you know, there are people who are never going to believe that that changed it and that the election was fair. At some point you just have to set that aside and keep moving. ROBBINS: Irina, we had some people who wanted to respond to my question. FASKIANOS: Yes, the chat is disabled, but you could put it in the Q&A box. Sorry about that. So Rickey Bevington wrote, I live in Georgia where Congresspeople and state leaders spread misinformation relentlessly. Millions of voters believe it. We simply tell people it's false, but they're already convinced. Telling people the truth is not enough. And I know that J.R. Hardman also wanted to. He's AP with PBS Utah in Salt Lake City. So if you want to put in the chat that would be fine. Or you can also email us at [email protected] so we can sort of get a bead on those issues and maybe take them up in future webinars. MAYER: I would recommend having some boilerplate language that explains why you are so convinced that the election was fair. I think reminding people of the basic facts and asking, you know, if they, you know, if you have sources that have convinced you otherwise. You know, to a point I still am open to hear that, I guess, partly so you can debunk it. But your goal is not to persuade people who have entrenched in a view not based on facts that they're wrong. That's not the goal. The question, of course, is then whether they're using that as a litmus test to see if you're credible in the future. And I guess, I would say that it's worthwhile to engage so that you can understand where they're coming from and know what you're up against and have a chance to explain yourself. ROBBINS: But that does raise a really pretty fundamental question, which is, if it is a litmus test, you're never going to, I mean, there will be measuring you against it on everything else. And there's no way, I mean, you can't stand in front of a green wall and say it's orange just so that they'll believe you when everything else. MAYER: No, you definitely can't. There are some people who aren't persuadable, and I think it's an open question. You know, there's some people who think if the Washington Post published it it's probably made up. People who genuinely think they're sitting there inventing information, right? So there are people who are not persuadable. I think the jury's still out how big a group that is, how much this particular issue has influenced that. Again, for me, though, I focus on local, like, what does that mean for how you're covering your community? Are people genuinely afraid that you are going to bring an agenda or a lack of respect for the fact that they believe in to your coverage of the city council, of local schools, of local sports, of local arts? Like, I think the more you can sort of differentiate yourself from that, like for sure hold your state representatives and Congresspeople accountable for that, but that's not what most of us cover, frankly. Most journalists aren't covering the big lie and whether the election was fair and especially not right now. So I would say the more you can distance yourself from that and not make it your job to defend all journalism or defend the credibility of the election. Unless you're tasked with that, I would say it might be more fruitful and a better use of your time to think about what else you could be doing. ROBBINS: Daniel, last word because we're almost done. ACOSTA-RAMOS: I will say, and I couldn't agree more with Joy, the communities that we serve, the conversations that we look and it's as easy as, you know, trying to see what is the most popular post on Facebook is usually not about the election. And it's sadly not about the vaccine either. So, I think as journalists we're experts at telling stories and experts, you know, at writing, but we have to get better at listening what our community is saying and what people are actually talking about so we can better serve them. ROBBINS: Well, I want to say thank you before I turn it over to Irina. This has been an extraordinary conversation, and I want to thank you both also for the work that you're doing. Your websites are fabulous. Your trainings look wonderful. I've signed up for both of your—I'm going to be pen pals with you at least. I'm [inaudible] so thank you so much for what you're doing. And Irina, back to you. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Carla. And thank you, Joy and Daniel. We will circulate to all of you the resources that were mentioned and the links. So please use them and share them with your colleagues who were not part of today's conversation. This is meant to be a forum for best practices, and we hope you will take advantage of that. You can follow everybody on Twitter—Carla @robbinscarla, Daniel @dann_acosta, and Joy @mayerjoy. So go there. Please visit CFR.org, ThinkGlobalHealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for the latest developments and analysis on international trends and events and how they're affecting the U.S. Please share suggestions for future webinars and issues that are of utmost concern to you. You can email us at [email protected]. Thank you all again for today's terrific conversation. We really appreciate it. Stay well, stay safe, and thank you.
  • Mali
    French Journalist Kidnapped in the Sahel
    In April, Olivier Dubois, an experienced French journalist, was kidnapped in Gao, a Malian city on the Niger River. Though his disappearance was soon known by the Malian and French authorities, and by the non-governmental organization Reporters Without Borders, nobody went public with the crime, ostensibly to facilitate the victim's quick release. Those efforts appear to have failed, and in early May a jihadi group with alleged ties al-Qaeda released a video. In it, the victims pleads with his family and the French authorities to secure his release. The French authorities are seeking to authenticate the video. This kidnapping follows a familiar pattern. A professional from a rich European country is a high-value target. (French citizens are particularly prized.) A video plea from the victim builds pressure in his or her home country "to do something." Secretive negotiations then lead almost inevitably to ransom being paid by the European government, a professional organization, or the victim's family—perhaps all three. Sometimes, the negotiations fail, and the victim is killed. This becomes more likely if authorities attempt to rescue the victim. The perpetrators often are unclear. Many claim to be part of a jihadi group, but others appear to be criminal gangs. At times, a criminal gang carries out the kidnapping and then auctions [PDF] the victim or victims. Who will pay them the most? A government entity or a jihadi group? The bottom line is that the kidnapping of Europeans or others that are well connected can be hugely profitable. How profitable is the stuff of rumor, because the amounts paid are almost never revealed. (In many European and African countries the payment of ransom is illegal.) Kidnapping is an important source of funding for terrorist and criminal groups. Compared to other parts of the world, terrorism in the Sahel is inexpensive. Profits from kidnapping could therefore cover most of the costs. As of May 11, the French journalist has not been released.
  • Nigeria
    Nigeria: Anxiety Over Deteriorating Security Morphing Into Panic
    Some Nigerian movers and shakers appear to be panicking over the continued deterioration of security nationwide. Longtime political heavyweight Bukola Saraki—former governor of Kwara State, former president of the senate, and former chairman of the National Assembly—and Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka have urged President Muhammadu Buhari to seek outside assistance. Senior Advocate of Nigeria Robert Clarke at a Sunday, May 2 Channels Television news show questioned whether Nigeria would survive another six months and recommended that Nigeria’s political leadership hand over power to the military because the country is on the brink of collapse; he would have the military (in effect, the army) oversee the often mooted fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian state. (Clarke, Saraki, and Soyinka have long been critical of Nigeria’s governance; Channels Television is a major network and its Sunday morning news/talk shows follow a familiar American format.) At his meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, President Muhammadu Buhari asked that the headquarters of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) be moved from Stuttgart, Germany to Africa, so that it would be closer to the fighting against jihadism in the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. Since AFRICOM’s establishment in 2007, Nigeria has generally opposed any permanent AFRICOM presence in Africa. Critics have alleged that AFRICOM is “neocolonialist.” Buhari’s request was a reversal of longstanding policy. Perhaps in direct response to Clarke’s televised remarks on May 4—as well as Sen. Saraki and other critics—Acting Director of Defense Information Brig. Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu publicly stated that the military has no intention of taking power: “We shall continue to remain apolitical, subordinate to civil authority, firmly loyal to the president…and the 1999 constitution.” In the face of the deterioration of security, doom and gloom about the future of Nigeria is widespread in public discourse. Still, Clarke went further than most—and on national television. Buhari’s AFRICOM request is an indication of a willingness to consider hitherto unacceptable options. Twenty-two years after the military left power and civilian, ostensibly democratic federalism was restored, it is striking that the army felt it necessary to issue a denial of any intention to seize power. The bottom line is that while Clarke is an outlier, something of a consensus among Nigerian elites seems to be forming that the country is in deep trouble and that radical options must be considered. But no consensus exists about what state collapse would look like, what the way forward should be, and what “radical restructuring of the Nigerian state” would actually mean or how it could be achieved. For now, however, the outlook would seem to be continuing, perhaps accelerating instability and uncertainty.
  • Europe
    COVID-19 and the Threat to Press Freedom in Central and Eastern Europe
    Restrictions related to the COVID-19 pandemic have increased threats to press freedom in the region, raising questions over how to respond.   
  • United States
    Think Global, Write Local
    Play
    Mark Seibel, technology policy editor at the Washington Post, discusses his journalism career and best practices for connecting local issues to global dynamics. Carla Anne Robbins, adjunct senior fellow at CFR and former deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times, hosts the webinar. FASKIANOS: Thank you and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Local Journalists Webinar for editors and journalists of student publications. We are delighted to talk today with our speaker Mark Seibel and host Carla Anne Robbins about how to connect local and campus issues to global dynamics as well as the pursuit of a journalistic career. I’m Irina Faskianos, Vice President for the National Program and Outreach at CFR. As you may know, CFR is an independent and nonpartisan organization and think tank focusing on U.S. foreign policy. This webinar is part of CFR’s Local Journalists Initiative created to support the work of print and broadcast journalists at local outlets throughout the United States. Our programming puts participants in touch with CFR resources and expertise on international issues, to help connect the local with the global and provides a forum for sharing best practices. So thank you all for being with us. I want to remind you this webinar is on the record and the video and transcript will be posted on our website at cfr.org/local journalists. You have bios for both Mark and Carla. But I’m just going to give you a few highlights for Carla Anne Robbins, who is an adjunct senior fellow at CFR. She is faculty director of the master of international affairs program and clinical professor of national security studies at Baruch College’s Marxe School of Public and International Affairs. And previously, she was deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times and chief diplomatic correspondent at the Wall Street Journal. So I’m going to turn it over to Carla to introduce Mark and to moderate the conversation before we open it up to all of you for your questions. So Carla, take it away. ROBBINS: Thank you so much, Irina. And Mark, thank you so much for doing this and it’s so great that everybody has joined us from around the country. This is just-I love this. I love these seminars. I love the opportunity to talk to people in the business. I miss the business. I miss being in it every day. So this is for me is I’m a total junkie for news. So this is so much fun for me. So Mark Seibel. So Mark has had, and is having, an extraordinary career. He was he’s now the technology policy editor at the Washington Post. He was national security editor at BuzzFeed. LOL. Before that, he had a staff which stretched from Brussels to San Francisco and they covered topics from cybersecurity to election integrity, Russian election interference, immigration, European terrorism. Before BuzzFeed, Mark with was the chief of correspondents in the McClatchy Washington bureau, managing editor of the bureau’s website, managing editor for international in Washington. He spent nineteen years at the Miami Herald where he served as foreign editor, director of international operations, and managing editor for news. He’s also worked at the Los Angeles Times, the San Jose Mercury, and the Dallas Morning News. There are two ways of looking at that he can’t hold a job, or everybody wants to hire him. I will go with the second because I know his work. Full disclosure Mark and I go back a very long way. And I was trying to remember it was in the mid- to late-1980s when you were in Mexico City. And was that with the Dallas Morning News. Is that right? Do I have that right? SEIBEL: It was the Dallas Times Herald, a defunct publication, and it was the late 70s, early 1980s. I arrived in Miami in 1984. ROBBINS: I’m dating myself and dating you as well. And Mark and my husband worked together at the Herald for years. And my husband, Guy, who then went on to the Post says that Mark is quote “an effing great editor”, although he doesn’t use the term effing I cleaned that up for this. And Mark is an extraordinary editor. So, you know, I really, you have had a career that really has spanned local and global. And the question that we’re talking about today, which is how to make global issues locally relevant, both for campuses and for local newspapers. So, you know, I think it would really instructive for people to talk about how you started out in the business yourself. And when you did, did you know you wanted to cover international affairs? SEIBEL: Well, I think I always knew I wanted to cover international affairs, even as a student journalist. And, you know, the era in which I started out in journalism was an era for mid-sized regional newspapers felt very strongly they needed to cover international events. So you had a lot of foreign bureaus at papers like the Baltimore Sun, the Chicago Tribune, the Dallas Morning News, the Dallas Times Herald. And so even as a young reporter, schools reporter actually, at the Dallas Morning News, I was sent to Mexico to cover what appeared to be some political unrest there and a change of administration in Mexico. Because obviously, if you’re in Texas, Mexico’s a local story, it’s not a foreign place. What goes on in Mexico affects events in Texas. And of course, then I suppose it’s probably still true now, Texas actually had an Office of Economic Development and Promotion in Mexico City. So the state itself recognized what its, what its interests were, aside from the fact that it was been part of Mexico. And so we were fortunate, I think, people of my age who were entering journalism then. That there was a lot of interest at the regional journalism level in aggressively covering foreign developments that that they felt were particularly of interest to their audience. So that’s how I really got involved in that. And then, you know, I found as I went along, whether I was editing local news out of San Diego for the Los Angeles Times, or, of course, at the Miami Herald, where, you know, foreign news is just part of the DNA, I found that it was fairly easy to engage my fellow editors in international coverage. And the real key there, obviously, is to know your community and know its involvements, and its interests and then work to cover those things, because these foreign events are not irrelevant to local audiences. Which is one reason, you know, I think that we’ve always found that foreign news is well covered, particularly, you know, if it’s going to lead to war, or trade disputes or those kinds of things. ROBBINS: So, why do you think, I mean, certainly when I started in the business, I mean, what I aspired to was to work for a great regional newspaper, and I wanted to work for the Baltimore Sun or I wanted to work for the Miami Herald, which had bureaus everywhere in those days. And the Baltimore Sun has, you know, a bureau in Jerusalem. I mean, it was just you’d think to yourself, Baltimore’s useless. Jerusalem is pretty far away from that, but it’s just these were just fabulous papers. Philadelphia Inquirer has its own bureaus and wasn’t just you know, all the nightrider papers shared one bureau, but they actually were competing with each other was an extraordinary thing. Was the cutback all economically driven, or was there some sort of a shift in the country in which people turned inward? And there was some decision that people just didn’t care as much? I mean, we certainly saw a decline in coverage of foreign news on television in those years as well. SEIBEL: I think a big factor in that was the expense. That it was a place that well—there are two things, I think. Two dynamics that developed, one was the financial arrangement, which was as publications became less profitable or more challenged economically, it was an easy place to cut. Per capita, a foreign reporter or a foreign staff costs more money than your local staff. Because there was travel and communications expenses and those kinds of things. And I think another part of that dynamic was something that took hold in the journalism world that I always have always thought was simply untrue. And that’s this idea of commodity news, that everything could be gotten from the AP. So why would you try to get it yourself? And of course, that’s simply not true. And if you look at the history of Pulitzer Prizes, say for international coverage, you see that Newsday and Baltimore and Miami and you know, I don’t know who else, but those three certainly, were routinely winning Pulitzer Prizes for international coverage. It wasn’t all just, you know, the AP or the New York Times or the Wall Street Journal, or even the LA Times. There was, the more eyes you have out looking at events, the more you’re going to learn and discover about them. So I think there was this dangerous belief that news is a commodity. News is not a commodity. Each reporter, each editor will bring his own perspective-his or her own perspective to the story, and in those different perspectives, new facts, new truths, new interpretations of events are going to arise. And that’s going to better inform the public, better inform policymakers. And so, you know that, but I do think that was a big problem that there took hold in the, in the hierarchy of news organizations, this idea that it was, well, it’s just commodity coverage, let’s pay the AP and be done with it. You know, but that circles also back to finance, I think it was just a money situation. ROBBINS: So you said something, I thought it was incredibly important, which is how-and it marries up to that—which is you got to know your community to know what they’re interested in, or to bring them to what they didn’t realize they were interested in, but will discover they are interested in because you give them a good story about it. And one of the things that, you know, the challenges, of course, the different communities may be interested in different things. You know, it was easy in Miami, let’s face it, Miami is an international city. And not that it was easy. You did an extraordinary job as foreign editor at the Miami Herald. You know, it’s not maybe as easy in other places further away from borders or the ocean but not really. The United States is a globalized country now but there are very different communities in different places. But you did face when you worked at McClatchyMcClatchy is the old Knight Ridder, you worked at a bureau, which represented many different newspapers, and serviced many different newspapers around the country. So there were different communities that you had to know to be able to give them stories that they would want to run. I mean, they didn’t, editors didn’t have to take the stories that you guys wrote. So I was an editor, you had to be conscious of that. How do you know what your community wants to be able to give them a story that collects, connects, sorry, the global and the local? How do you how do you know that? SEIBEL: Well, you have to, I think, you know, as an editor in Washington, had to interface with, with newspapers all over the United States. You read. You read the papers. You ask questions about it. You see what is happening in their local communities. I always say that one of the best places, and I think now that we’ve had a change in administration it will once again become something of a touch point for editors looking at this, is where are the people in your community coming from? I was always struck as a Knight Ridder and then a McClatchy editor, by how much interest there was in the Central Valley of California in two regions of the world you wouldn’t necessarily have thought. It wasn’t Mexico. It was Laos and it was Armenia. And there was a very strong Armenian presence, and is, in California. So stories that touched on Turkey-Armenian relations, that touched on the Armenian genocide and the debate in Congress, were actually followed fairly closely, in the Central Valley, Fresno and places like that. And in the aftermath of the wars in Southeast Asia, the Vietnam War primarily, but certainly in Laos, and Cambodia, there had been a huge influx of people from Cambodia and Laos, into these cities, and they actually followed events fairly closely. And of course, as those immigrants became more comfortable in English, and had children, who of course, spoke English, like you or me, they wanted to consume news about those regions. Because it was home, or at least it was where grandma was from. And, so that was another point of reference. So really, when you look at it, I always found it fascinating. When you look at, say, the Central Valley of California, which is an agricultural region, you had the immigrant population from Mexico, the immigrant population from Armenia, and the immigrant population from Laos. And all of those were potential areas. And that doesn’t even get into the economics of it. You know, where you realize, for example, that in automobile manufacturing and in a factory that the economic conditions in Mexico were really important to whether cars were going to be built in Arlington, Texas, and where they were being supplied and all those kinds of things. So they’re just, you know, there is probably no community in the United States that does not have some international connection that can be developed into a coverage area. You just have to look for it in and, you know, I find often that churches are very good places to mine for story ideas, because they tend to be very aware of what people might be arriving from outside the United States, what connections might exist, because they’re sort of the first social organizations that the U.S. government and refugee settlement areas, contact. So it’s a, that’s, you know, you just have to look around, I think. ROBBINS: So immigrant communities or first generation communities, that’s you, identifying that is certainly a way of seeing demand for stories in regions around the world. But how do you connect the more general population to global issues? I mean, things like, you know, disinformation, right. Or, you know, Russian interference in the elections, which obviously, maybe that’s too politicized, because, but I mean, how do you get people to trade or something like that? How do you get people to a story that many people would see as an “eat your peas” story? How do you get them to see that that actually has a huge impact on their personal life and it’s worth reading about? SEIBEL: Well, first off, I don’t think people are naturally uninterested in things. I believe that people, particularly consumers, of news, are interested in news. They’re interested in new topics. They’re interested in being informed. So it’s like, with any topic, you can make it boring, or you can work hard and figure out how it’s interesting. So it may well be it’s being aware of the origin of things that people in your community are buying, you know. And then you have to tell an interesting story. I mean, that’s always the problem. Where the challenge is to find an interesting approach. But it could be the people, it could-you could be following the chain of events. But I do not believe that people, by nature aren’t interested in things. Yes, they are interested in things. It just behooves us as journalists, and as local journalists, to figure out what the interesting angle is on a story or the interesting fact or whatever. I mean, if I as a reporter, am interested in something, why would I think, arrogantly, that my audience wouldn’t be interested in the same thing? You know, they’re, most of them, are probably better educated and smarter than I am. You know, I always say that an editor is nowhere near as smart as his readers. ROBBINS: I always felt that as a reporter that my editors weren’t very smart. But you until I became— became an editor. SEIBEL: Exactly. Well, that’s—we’re just accustomed to that. But, you know, I think it’s wrong to think people aren’t interested in these things. And there was, you know, you mentioned the Miami Herald and of course, Miami was kind of low hanging fruit, because everybody was somewhere else. Yeah. But there was a discussion once in our newsroom, twenty years ago I suppose, about why people would be interested in what was going on in the former Yugoslavia. And I always thought it was a strange debate because we were a community made up of Holocaust survivors and political refugees from Cuba. You don’t have to explain to them why a development in Bosnia would be of interest to them. They know. Because those kinds of stories drive a refugee flow, it affects families, you just have to find the human connection there to explain it. I’ve never really understood why people think newspaper readers aren’t interested in topics that touch other people’s lives. I don’t think we live in isolation and don’t want to know about other people. Or if that’s the case, if we’re only interested in what happened, you know, happened ten yards from our front door, then, you know, we’re pretty limited on what we can cover, as journalists. And I just think, looking at what we do cover is an indication that you can interest people in almost any topic. If you go out and get the anecdotes and the details and tell it in a compelling way. ROBBINS: So I want to turn it over for questions. I see we already have one question. But you know, when we started this seminar series, and Irina started this and her wonderful group, we had one of the CFR trade experts on and she made a just a wonderful, wonderful point that the reporters could actually go online and find out whether their local hospital had applied for a waiver during the start of the China trade war to import PPE. And that you could see a direct relationship, at the early days of the pandemic and the lack of PPE, to the U.S.-China trade war. And that there was actually a way of documenting it in your local community. I didn’t know that until I heard that. I mean, that’s an extraordinarily cool story. It’s not just a story, which you can anecdotally ask somebody about it, but there was actually a way of documenting it. I was just utterly enchanted with it. And that opportunity to do a mixture of you know, actually really sort of almost data journalism to track the supply chain from, you know, public policy in Washington or, you know, government policy in Washington, to a trade war to the COVID epidemic was, I mean, that was just a revelatory to me as a wonderful way, because really, that is just a clear link between the global and the local. And it was just and I think there’s just a lot of ways that you can think about a lot of stories like that. SEIBEL: You know, I always say that every good story begins with a question. And maybe the question in that instance was, why didn’t the hospital have PPE? Or what is the hospital doing about PPE? And then you begin following it out. And then, you know, the federal government has no end of interesting statistics. If you mine it, you find out, you know, maybe you can actually quantify how much how much PPE was being imported, how it was being distributed. Certainly asking for an exemption to tariff is an excellent way of beginning to probe those issues. And you realize, or we ought to realize, as journalists, that those issues are important to people if they want to know why they can’t find a mask and they’re at a hospital. You know, where you can enlighten them. ROBBINS: Which is really our job because it is an accountability issue all the way up from local all the way up to national to global. So Irina, I’m going to turn it back to you. I have many more questions for Mark, as you know, but I’m sure the group has questions, and we can continue. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Thank you. So we’re going to go to all of you now, you can either raise your hand by clicking at the bottom of your screen, or if you’re on a tablet, clicking the more button on the upper right hand corner. Or you can type your question in the Q&A box, where I see there already two there. When you do, when I do call on you please unmute yourself and say who you are. And if you are typing questions, it would be great if you could also identify yourself there. And I will do my best to fill it in if you haven’t done so. So the first question comes from Molly Sherman, who is co-editor in chief for the McDaniel Free Press. And she writes how do we invite new writers into journalism to weigh in on big issues? “More eyes and new interpretations,” really stuck out to me, and I wish as an editor of a college paper, we could better tap into the perspectives around us. SEIBEL: Well, you know, I think first off you have to figure out who’s available to you, and solicit their opinions, and at an academic institution, I think there probably many opportunities where you can, if nothing else, ask one of your professors who he knows or she knows, that’s knowledgeable on a topic. You know, it’s hard for me to say in your particular instance or anybody’s particular instance because I don’t know the community that you’re from, but there are lots of people who are willing to offer their opinions and offer their perspective on events who are quite knowledgeable. And it’s just a question of looking for them and asking them and most of them, I think, will be pleased that you ask. ROBBINS: I think, Mark, your point about local churches is a very good one as an example, if you want to have different communities and new interpretations from them. In your own community itself, there are different—there are NGOs, there are local, you know, charitable groups or local political action groups, who can, you know, get you stories. They want to get stories out, and they can, you know, introduce you to people who will give you a different perspective. I mean, that’s why, you know, there is a great synergy between these groups. You just have to do your own reporting once they introduce you to the person. You want to make sure that they’re actually, you know, that the story is what the group is telling you it is. But those are, that’s a really great way to do your reporting. These are great lead sources. FASKIANOS: Great. I’m going to go to Lea Kopke, who has her hand raised. Q: Hi, I’m Lea. I’m from The Spectator at the University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire and its managing editor. And I wanted to ask, do you foresee local or regional newsrooms eventually turning back to a greater focus on international affairs just as the world becomes more interconnected? SEIBEL: Oh, that’s a good question. I don’t really know, to be honest. I think the last decade has been so hobbling financially, that we—and there’s been such an emphasis on local, local, local, as the mantra for coverage, that I’m fearful that at least this current generation of our journalistic leadership just isn’t thinking in those terms. They more and more—and with the internet, I am concerned about this too—more and more you can count on two or four fingers, the financially successful print operations certainly. And that’s the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post. And everybody else is really in trouble. Now, that leaves out broadcast journalism, but here again, you’re talking about two or three network sources. In the internet world, even things like BuzzFeed, which everybody was expecting to continue to go like gangbusters. They faced financial, tough financial decisions to make. So that whole economic issue I think is going to prevent people from thinking very imaginatively about how do we bring the world back to our local communities. I think that’s a challenge. I’m not particularly an optimist about it. FASKIANOS: I’m gonna take the next question from Leila Franklin, who’s the business manager and staff contributor at The Vanguard at Community College of Philadelphia. How would you handle a hostile or uncooperative interviewee? And I’m going to tack on to that. How do you deal with emails and calls from your constituents who say that the information in your story may be not true? SEIBEL: Well, you know, a hostile interview subject. I mean, first off, how hostile are they? You’re talking to them so you might be able to learn something from their hostility. And, you know, I’d say, you know, you just keep asking questions, you have to. If you got them, gotten them to sit down and talk to you then at least they are interested in getting their view across. And as long as they don’t become violent, I think you’re probably in a good place there. On the question of being told that something is wrong in your story. You know, I think, I think two things about that. First off, it’s possibly true. You know, we do make mistakes. And I think you have to always be open to making mistakes. And you can’t dismiss somebody’s suggestion that something is untrue. I think you have to check it out. That doesn’t mean they’re right, either. But you remain open that you don’t know everything about everything. And, you know, I’d also say that, and this is something that’s difficult in the era of Twitter and internet connectivity and whatnot, that you also have to be a little bit courageous to not be swayed by the sheer number of complaints you get about a story. You’re going to get a lot of complaints. And the unfortunate thing, I think, development of the internet world is that it’s possible to flood your boss’s email with complaints. And your boss might well be swayed by—oh my god, there’s a landslide of opinion about this particular thing. You know, back in the, in the olden days, those missives arrived in capital letters on old yellow legal pads, and people just threw them away. And now the sheer number of complaints you might get, or it might be very public on Twitter. I mean, that requires some courage to have some conviction that you’ve checked everything out, of course, means you ought to check everything out. So that if some factor, some perspective, or something is going to be challenged, that you’re able to offer a response. ROBBINS: Can I take on— FASKIANOS: Yes, please do. ROBBINS: When you’re dealing with officials, which is a particular subset of hostile interviews, you have to be, you always have to sort of figure out what the motivation is for anyone who talks to you, whether they’re hostile or they’re friendly. People talk to reporters for reasons, you know, people want to get their stories out for reasons. And there is, you know, there’s a relationship there. And that—and it’s very rarely based on friendship. It’s not because they like you. And so, you know, when you’re dealing with officials, whether it’s your, you know, county clerk all the way up to the president of the United States, they’re gonna tell you things, because they want you to write it the way they’re spinning it. Or they’re gonna say to you, “oh, please don’t publish this,” because it’s going to destroy someone’s life, it’s going to get somebody killed, it’s going to, you know, it’s whatever it is, you need to listen to that. But you also have to separate out—do they not want me to write this because it’s wrong, because it’s actually going to jeopardize something or, you know, genuinely jeopardize somebody’s life? Or is it just going to be embarrassing to them? You really always have to be, you have to have a very, you have to be able to pull yourself back and sort of watch that interview going places. And you got to be sitting outside of the room and watching it happen at the same time and saying, what’s the dynamic here? What are they trying to get out of it? And make sure that you know, you’re not being used, but you’re also being accurate as possible as well. You have to be very careful about the dynamic that’s going on there and not worry about the hostility because you have to sort of have a critical view of it. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So there’s a question from Samuel Rowland, who is the science section co-editor at the Stony Brook Press, who wanted to know where you can find the federal government statistics? And I believe he’s referring to what you mentioned, Carla. The call that we had with Jennifer Hillman— ROBBINS: I will find that and I certainly hope I’m right about the way. Actually it was a year ago. I’m old but I’m pretty sure that’s what you—Irina, you do remember that conversation. We’ll find that we will find that. More generally, how do you find federal statistics? You know, there’s an infinite number of places you can go and do this. There’s, you know, there’s the GAO, there’s the Congressional Research Service, you know, every, you know, there’s all sorts of requirements for transparency and accountability for every executive branch, as well. As there should be. One of the things we saw with COVID, that was so fascinating was that, you know, each state was sort of playing around with its with its numbers on deaths and all that, you know, the CDC was dragging its feet on it. It’s gonna be very interesting to see how the Biden administration deals with much more transparency and accountability on a whole bunch of stuff. But there’s lots of places to find numbers, but we will specifically look at that trade stuff. And I hope, I certainly hope that I remember that correctly, because I’ve been obsessed with it ever since. FASKIANOS: You did, Carla. It’s on the ustr.gov site. And there’s an overall list, it gives you the entire index of everybody who’s applied to get one of these tariff exemptions, and you can look at the argument. But we will send that, we’ll send it out to you. You did recall it correctly. Alright, so I’m going to go next to— SEIBEL: Irina, just let me say— FASKIANOS: Yes. SEIBEL:—like one other point here on this. Do not forget that almost every interest has a group that comes with it. Probably a, well, a Council on Foreign Relations, that are great people who you can ask. They have expertise, and they can point you to those sources. So don’t forget. I mean, there’s a semiconductor association. There’s a automotive manufacturers, there’s the American Petroleum Institute, you know, and you understand each of their political causes and positions. But they also do know where those statistics and if that information lies, and can be useful in helping you. FASKIANOS: Yes, and we have seventy scholars at the Council, and we are nonpartisan, so we don’t take institutional positions. So you will get fact-based information from us. I’m going to go next to a raised hand. To, let’s see, Bill, Bill O’Brien, who’s the editor of the Collegian at LaSalle University. And if you can unmute yourself, that would be great. Q: Hi, can you hear me? FASKIANOS: Yes. Q: Okay, awesome. Yeah, so my name is Bill O’Brien. I’m the editor of the finance section at the Collegian. But I’m also here with our editor-in-chief and she’s here as well, Bianca Abbate. The Collegian is a newspaper at LaSalle University in Philadelphia. And we’re both appreciative being here. But my question was actually, so where do you see like podcasts and video journalism, fitting into the local news landscape? And do you see it as an answer to kind of the struggles that you mentioned, that local news outlets are facing in the world today? SEIBEL: Well, you know, I think podcasts that’s clearly something that’s taking off, or has taken off. Everybody listens to them. There are a million of them out there. I do not know, from a financial standpoint, how local podcasts do. But I would have no doubt that, you know, an interesting podcast is an interesting podcast. And it’s a great way to tell a story, which is why they’re proliferating. So I, you know, that’s, I think, in the search for local news outlets, it’s clear that we have moved beyond the local newspaper age, you know. The thing that worries me is that I don’t think the finances are such that internet necessarily will pay for robust local coverage. There’s got to be a better way to fund it. I don’t know what that is. If I did, I would be doing something else. But, you know, I do think podcasts are going to be important to the local news ecosystem. And, you know, I mean, the way the Washington Post operates, and I guess most newspapers now, you know, in addition to putting out text, which we put out volumes of, we also put out pretty good video coverage of issues. In fact, we have a video forensics team that is very, very good at collecting video and parsing it, you know. When—to pick something from twenty-one years ago, the Elián Gonzales immigration raid, we had to work really hard to get video of that raid so we could parse it in slow motion to understand what actually took place there. Now you would have a wide variety of video that you could parse. And when we did this particular look at the what happened in the immigration raid. And I don’t know how many of you are familiar with it. But basically, the immigration folks showed up at this little house in Miami, and stormed it. And they were met by a crowd of local residents who tried to resist. And we were curious who the residents were, what actually took place, how it had developed. And we had to go to each television station and ask them for their outtakes so that we could then run them through, you know, slow motion looks to, to see what actually happened in those three minutes. And slow it down for our audience to such a point that they could understand that. Well, those kinds of stories still exist. And certainly the Post, for example, did a really interesting dissection of the U.S. Capitol riots. But instead of having to go to two or three television stations for their outtakes, they had thousands of views of that, that had been posted on social media. And so you know, there’s real opportunity, I think, for that kind of investigative journalism and explanatory journalism to be done with the video resources that we have today. And of course, editing video is much simpler than it used to be. ROBBINS: Anyway, it’s interesting. And I wanted to ask you a question that follows on that, which is, when you were asked about the future of local coverage of foreign news. If local news organizations can’t afford the way they could, in the 80s, to have foreign bureaus, but at the same time, there are so many stories that are relevant, can people sit, you know, in the United States using all the communication tools that exist right now and report? Or do you really have to be on the ground to feel like you’re doing a truly honest job? SEIBEL: Well, as we were talking about, earlier, in these COVID years, we’ve learned that you don’t really have to be present, to do good reporting. And I think that’s even more true now internationally. Because, you know, there’s an old joke that as a foreign correspondent, all you really had to do, especially if you were say in London, is wait for the morning newspapers to come out and recapitulate them for your audience back home, because they won’t have seen them. But we can all read everything, everywhere now. And, you know, I routinely, every morning, read the Financial Times, and the Times of London and a whole bunch of local newspapers, the Dallas Morning News and the San Jose Mercury and, you know, just endless, endless things. And if I’m interested in an event that’s happening in Latin America, I don’t go to the New York Times, I call up the local newspapers website and I read that, assuming it’s in a language I’m comfortable with. That’s, I think that’s one of the great pluses of the internet world we live in, that you don’t, you’re not reliant just on whatever person is there, you can read what the local population is consuming about it, as well. How you then fill that out is perhaps a bit of a challenge. But, you know, communications costs have dropped so much. You’ve got Skype and you got WhatsApp. There are just an uncounted number of ways that you can reach out to find people to expand on that. So no, I don’t believe—local organizations that are interested in covering these international events—I don’t believe that it’s cost prohibitive for them to do it. They just need to have a little bit of imagination and some interest. ROBBINS: Thanks. FASKIANOS: The next question comes from Georgia Valdes, managing editor for the Poly Post at Cal Poly Pomona, excuse me, how does one compartmentalize feelings? Not biases, but rather genuine grief or anger when covering global and local tragedies? Are there tricks? Or is there a formula to mitigating or managing personal impact? SEIBEL: Well, this has been in the last several years a big issue, because for a long time, reporters were just thought of as not affected by what they did. And now, people have realized that reporters can suffer from PTSD, just like any other participant in a horrific event. And you look—I look back at things that I did as a reporter and I think what a crazy thing that you got involved in there, you know. Whether it was counting the number of headless bodies at a plane crash in Mexico City or wandering through some bombed out town in El Salvador, and not even thinking about the fact that I was at danger myself. And those are issues that are highlighted more now. The Overseas Press Club, for example, has a whole committee that considers this. So you know, I don’t know. Looking back at my own experience, I guess I probably engaged in some suppression, repression of those experiences. Every once in a while I remember, you know, those stacked bodies at the Mexico City Airport, and I think, wow, I really saw that, you know. Or when Archbishop Romero was killed in El Salvador, I think I’m the only American journalist that actually saw his body afterwards. And, you know, it, I think you repress it. And it maybe comes back at some other time. But there are lots of people now in the journalism world that study this and are concerned about it. Because I’m trying to think of what’s the—Dart, I guess it’s the Dart Institute that has major research on the PTSD that journalists suffer from their jobs. You know, I don’t—I think the way I would answer that question is you have to be aware, it’s a possibility. And if something’s disturbing to you, you seek help. FASKIANOS: So to Brandon Kattou, who is a student at Stony Brook University asks, what are some reliable methods of fact checking in today’s world? I guess that goes back to this, the misinformation and disinformation. SEIBEL: Well believe nothing you find on the internet. That’s what I would say. ROBBINS: (laughs) SEIBEL: Seek out your own sources on it. And just because something’s written in some format, or even a video, doesn’t mean it actually happened that way. So it’s, there’s a lot of, there’s a lot of reporting, you have to do on those things. You know, people have gotten more and more comfortable with Wikipedia. But as you know, Wikipedia is edited by a lot of people, the identities of which we don’t know. So I would just say, you have to be skeptical. Have to always be skeptical. And look for reliable sources. FASKIANOS: And the balance between printing or reporting the story before checking? You know, there’s been a lot of rush to get to be the first one to print it or to announce the news and then have to roll it back because, you know, checked on it and found out some pieces were not true. What’s the balance there? SEIBEL: Well, I think the way I look at it is—and I think of myself as a digital first journalists, so I do like to be first on things. I like to post quickly when we’ve learned something. But the way I balanced that, is that in that first take, I try to make sure we’re only reporting that which we know. And then we’re going to build out. One of the other great things about the internet is you post three paragraphs, well, that can become thirty paragraphs. You have time to report at that point you get credit for having gotten the basic information up first. And then you get to flush it out. I’m always hopeful that we don’t discover in the flushing it out that the lead paragraph was wrong. But here again, that’s trying to always be aware that you don’t want to report something you don’t know. Or that you haven’t confirmed. That’s hard. I think it’s violated a lot on the internet. People move too quickly. I’m trying to remember there was a story the other day, the other week now I think, everybody reported it. And it turned out not to be true. And you wonder how is that possible that all these news outlets went with the same supposed fact, that turned out not to be the case. And part of that is that we just relied on one source. And it turned out not to be accurate. But you know, that’s a good thing to be cautious. I do think in that in the current era, where we’re all competing with one another for people’s eyeballs on the web. And for Google to search for our story or to find our story in the search. That you want to be first. Being first, you know, thirty seconds can be the difference between nobody reading your story and 30,000 people reading your story. So that’s a real thing to be worried about. But, you know, if you make mistakes, too often, people will not click on your stories either. So you just limit yourself in that first go to the stuff you really know. And then you build it out later. FASKIANOS: Great. So we have two questions in the chat that are related. From Molly Sherman, again at McDaniel College and Emmanuel Tamrat the senior online editor of the Middlebury Campus at Middlebury College. So Molly asks, in an era which many considered to be crisis of truth, how do we enhance our credibility as journalists, new source entities, and in individual articles? And Emmanuel piggybacks on that. How can we reduce barriers to entering journalism that writers from more marginalized backgrounds may face? You know, it seems that people with important perspectives or say diverse perspectives are often absent in the newsroom, which often also influences what we choose to report on. SEIBEL: Well, those are both difficult questions. I think, in terms of the question about marginalized voices, I think it’s incumbent on all of us to recognize that there may be perspectives that you’re not aware of, or sources that are getting less attention. And I think that is a conscious effort you have to make to say: who hasn’t been spoken to on this subject, who may have an opinion that’s worth reporting, or an experience or a perspective. That is something you have to do deliberately, with every story, your editor should help you with that. You should help reporters, who are reporting to you, with that. And it should just be part of your conscious thought process, as you look at a story is: who are we not talking to who has a dog in this fight? And that’s it. And also, you know, not playing necessarily to what you perceive the interests of your audience to be. And this goes back to something I was saying earlier. I think readers are smart people, or viewers, for that matter, they’re smart people. And they will be intrigued, interested, open to a perspective that perhaps is different from theirs as long as you present it in an open and thoughtful way. You know, I just I have to believe that. I would despair at the career path I took, you know. FASKIANOS: Next question comes from Jake Procino, news editor of the Collegian from Willamette University in Oregon. How much cultural competency does reporter need to have before reporting on a foreign country? ROBBINS: Good question. SEIBEL: Oh, that’s an excellent question. Carla, you want to start there? You know, I think if you’re not culturally aware, you might commit mistakes. Of course, you know, all of us grow, I think as we are exposed to something. So you become more culturally aware than you were yesterday. And, you know, if you’re going to a foreign place to report something, or you’re going to report something about a foreign place, it is always good to read and inform yourself before you start. And I always encourage people to read everything they can. And that’s something you know—I mean, I’m not kidding, somebody asked me one day, how many online publications I subscribed to and read. And I was amazed at the list of the number of subscriptions I pay for. And you just, you have to read, you have to read all the time. And it doesn’t matter if your medium is digital, or print, or video, or whatever it is. You need to read. And if you’re not interested in reading about these places, well, then you need to find another line of work. You know, you just—that’s how you know about these things. And it makes you aware, and then when you’re talking to people. You have to always be open to the idea that, oh, I’ve just learned something I didn’t know about this country, or this culture, or that sort of thing. I mean, I remember going back to Armenia and central California, I was working for the San Jose Mercury, you know, before any of you were born. And we had a governor named George Deukmejian. And all of a sudden—Deukmejian is a that’s an Armenian name, I didn’t know that, but it was an Armenian name—and then I started looking at who he was appointing, and their names all ended in -ian. And I thought, what is this all about? And then you realize. I became culturally aware that there’s a big community of Armenians in California, who are very cohesive. And they’ve been there for decades, since the 30s. And they follow their community very, very closely. Well, you know, that’s the kind of information you have to be aware of, you know. And it’s a realization. And it was a realization that allowed me to become more sensitive to what some of the issues are, that my readers were interested. ROBBINS: I think listening is essential. I mean, I think listening is essential. And I will tell you the moment—of my great epiphany moment, was I talking to market women in Managua, Nicaragua. And, you know, I used to sort of have my routine you ask people, you interview them: How many children do you have? You know, all these other things. And, I asked—thinking back on it, it was an interesting question to ask women—how old are you? This one woman looked at me. And she told me her age and she was probably fifteen years younger than I was. And she looked ten years older than I did. And she turned around, she looked at me, she said, how old are you? After she told me her age. And I had this moment in which I thought to myself, I really, really want to lie about how old I am. Because of the contrast, because you know, I had so much of an easier life than she did. And you could tell it by looking at my face versus her face. And I learned so much at that moment about her life and so much about being this sense of—didn’t mean that I shouldn’t ask the question. But I spent a lot more time listening after that to these women, a lot more time realizing that I wasn’t just going for the story, the story that I was looking for. I was learning a lot more about them. And it was—I still think about that incredible moment when she turned and looked at me with this incredible clarity in her eyes. And she said to me, and how old are you? So listening is just absolutely essential. The only thing—we were running out of time—the only other thing is that I would really say is that is it readings absolutely essential, And studying is absolutely essential, is that learning about journalism is really important. But you really want you want to have languages. You want to understand economics. You want to understand world history. You want to understand politics. Every time I’ve hired people, I don’t know about you Mark, but I want to know that you can meet deadline, and that you can write a coherent sentence. But I also want to know that you know about stuff. I don’t really care that it’s necessarily that particular thing. You know, it’d be great if you knew about that particular thing I want to hire for this week. But if you really know about stuff, it shows you that you can learn about other stuff. And that to me is really, really important. SEIBEL: Yeah, one of the questions I always ask a job candidate is, what do you read? And I’m interested primarily in what they read on a daily basis. But it’s something that I think’s incredibly important. It—I want people who are curious and interested in a wide range of topics. Because especially, you know, as a reporter, you’re going to find yourself covering all kinds of things that you didn’t think you were going to be covering. And having at least a passing knowledge of what’s going on there is important. FASKIANOS: So I’m going to basically—if one of the students who is on this webinar applies for a job with you, I’m going to give them a lead. So when you are listening to the responses, what publications, outlets are you interested in knowing that they read? Or would you recommend that they put on their list on a daily basis? Or the histories? Or? SEIBEL: Yeah, I think that in my particular experience, if you’re really a serious reporter, looking at foreign policy issues, for example, I hope you’re reading the New York Times. I would like to think that you occasionally pick up Foreign Affairs. I’m always impressed if I discover that somebody reads a foreign publication, whether it’s the Times of London or the BBC website, or, you know that somebody has built that into their daily life. And, you know, it’s—I don’t—I’m not restrictive of which publications I want people to read. But if I get somebody who says, I don’t really read anything or sometimes I pick up, you know, the Wall Street Journal or something. You know, if they’re not habitual readers, that’s a red flag to me. And there’s so much you can read these days, so much you can read for free for that matter. You know, BuzzFeed News has some very interesting coverage. And I think, frankly, as a person who worked there, it’s a very credible organization that’s gotten way past it’s listicle time. ROBBINS: Extraordinary work on disinformation. SEIBEL: Yeah. And, you know, so I am not prescriptive of what publications you have to read. But you do have to read. FASKIANOS: Well we’ve gone a little bit over. I’m sorry, we couldn’t get to the remaining questions in the chat and raised hands. But we’ll just have to have you back. So Mark Seibel, Carla Anne Robbins, thank you very much. And thank you Mark for referencing Foreign Affairs magazine, which we publish. We did not line that up that was completely independent. But for all of you, we do have a student discount rate for—to Foreign Affairs. So you can follow Carla on Twitter @RobinsCarla, and Mark @MarkSeibel. And just please come to cfr.org and Foreignaffairs.com for context, background, and analysis of international trends and events and how they’re they are affecting the United States. Please email us with your feedback and suggestions to [email protected]. And thank you both again. (END)
  • Digital Policy
    The Putin Regime Will Never Tire of Imposing Internet Control: Developments in Digital Legislation in Russia
    Moscow's recently introduced bills are the latest in a long history of efforts to bring the internet more tightly under its control.
  • Nigeria
    Nigerian Human Rights Activist Omoyele Sowore Released on Bail
    In Nigeria, causation of arrests and release are murky, and the rumor mill operates overtime. Some Nigerians are suggesting that Omoyele Sowore was released because the authorities are aware of the stronger human rights emphasis of the Biden administration and wanted to start off on the right foot with the new administration. Sowore is a well-known Nigerian human rights activist and strong critic of the Buhari administration and of Nigeria's political economy in general. He is the founder of Sahara Reporters, a well-regarded news agency based in New York. He is a U.S. permanent resident and his wife and children are U.S. citizens. In 2017, he ran for the Nigeria presidency as fierce critic of the status quo, though he received few votes. The Buhari administration and Nigeria's "movers and shakers" generally regard Sowore as a thorn in their side. He has been arrested for "treason" for calling for nonviolent "revolution." He was finally released on bail after human rights activists made his case a cause célèbre with the support of Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ), among others. On December 31, 2020, Sowore was re-arrested in Abuja along with four other activists following a small demonstration denouncing police and other violations of human rights. This time, he was charged with unlawful assembly, criminal conspiracy, and inciting a public disturbance. But, on January 12, the Chief Magistrates Court in Abuja ordered his release on bail, and the police complied. The court set Sowore's bail at N20 million ($52,459). The police and other Nigerian security services frequently ignore court orders, especially in high-profile political cases. Why, this time, did they allow Sowore to be released? Parts of the Buhari administration are well aware that the incoming Biden administration will be more concerned about human rights than its predecessor. Further, Sen. Menendez, a strong supporter of the Biden presidential candidacy, is the incoming chair of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It is likely that at least a part of the Buhari administration advocated for Sowore’s release to cultivate good relations with the Biden administration.
  • Nigeria
    Western Media and Distortion of Nigeria's Chibok Kidnapping
    Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani, writing for the BBC, argues that Western media distorted the 2014 Boko Haram kidnapping of more than two hundred girls sitting for high school examinations. Based on conversations with some of the freed schoolgirls, she argues that the episode was not so much an attack on female education, as portrayed in Western media, but rather banditry gone wrong. A consequence of Western media attention was that it inflated Boko Haram's prestige and set the stage for its later use of female suicide bombers. Nwaubani's perspective on the nature of Boko Haram differs from that of many observers. She downplays the religious or ideological dimension of the movement, its ability to recruit, and its strength. However, her criticism of Western media's treatment of the Chibok episode is well placed. The Chibok kidnapping took place in 2014, a period in which opinion leaders in the United States were focused on assaults on female education in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and in those parts of Syria and Iraq dominated by the self-proclaimed Islamic State. The activist movement’s face was Malala Yousafzai, a Pakistani girl who became a Western folk hero after she was shot by the Taliban for seeking an education. (She survived and received a Nobel Peace Prize.) Against this background, U.S. media and opinion leaders, including First Lady Michelle Obama, placed the Chibok kidnapping in the context of yet another Islamist attack on female education. There was a general lack of granular knowledge of northern Nigeria that could have resulted in more sophisticated analysis. Rather than reflecting particular Nigerian-Sahelian history and circumstance, they saw Boko Haram as somehow part of a peril posed by al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. Boko Haram has indeed long been opposed to Western education—the group’s name translates to “Western education is forbidden”—such as that which the Chibok girls were receiving. The movement’s views of the position of women in society is anathema to almost all Americans. But the beliefs and ideology of Boko Haram are complex and diffuse. The movement should be seen in a Nigerian and Sahelian context rather than that of international terrorism, such as al-Qaeda and the Islamic state—especially in 2014, when the Islamic State ruled large parts of Syria and Iraq. By 2014, Boko Haram posed a serious threat to the Nigerian government in the north. It occupied territory larger than Belgium or Maryland, and there was realistic concern that it would establish an Islamist state. At that point, it is unlikely that Western media attention, with all of its shortcomings, played any significant role in inflating the movement's importance or prestige in Nigeria.
  • Censorship and Freedom of Expression
    Authoritarianism, Social Media, the United States, and Africa
    Nolan Quinn contributed to this post. Twitter and other social media platforms have suspended or restricted President Donald J. Trump's access, mostly because of his and his followers’ use of them to incite violence, though their stated, precise reasons vary from one to another. They are all private companies, and thus are subject to few restrictions [PDF] on what content they choose to moderate or remove. Mainstream American opinion is outraged over the assault on the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. on January 6 and many Americans are incensed by related efforts to suborn the Constitution in blocking the certification of President-Elect Joseph Biden’s electoral victory. Barring the president from social media platforms has not been seen as an infringement on his constitutional right to free speech. The legal argument runs that companies are free to enforce their own standards and policies regarding the content they host. Further, President Trump remains free to make his views known by the myriad other means of mass communication that exist in the United States such as the press, television, radio, and other social media sites. Polling data shows [PDF] that a majority of Americans do indeed favor increased regulation of social media. But reactions to the moves by Twitter, Facebook, Snapchat, and others to limit Trump’s social media access have followed a familiar partisan split. An ongoing debate about how much governments should regulate social media and what the boundaries are (or should be) between free speech and incitement to hatred and violence has been made more pressing by the events of January 6. This same debate is underway in sub-Saharan Africa, where social media is of growing importance and other types of media are weak or even absent. In some states trending toward authoritarianism or worse—Uganda, Tanzania, and Ethiopia, for example—regimes seek to limit social media to enhance their power by muzzling the opposition. But in others, especially those riven by ethnic and religious conflict, there is legitimate concern that media, now including social media, are a means to incite violence.  Nigeria is a case in point. The country is besieged by an Islamist revolt in the northeast, conflict over land and water in the middle of the country that often acquires an ethnic and religious coloration, and a low-level insurrection in the oil patch. The government is weak and commands little popular support. Under these circumstances, Nigeria is ripe for social media incitement to violence. Weak African governments are often heavy-handed and resort to draconian punishments which are difficult to carry out in practice; their responses to incendiary social media posts have been no different. In Nigeria, the government has introduced legislation to regulate social media that includes the death penalty for certain types of violations. Human rights organizations, many of which are suspicious the administration of Muhammadu Buhari is moving towards authoritarianism, see the legislation as infringing on free speech and stifling the ability to criticize the government. In Nigeria, as elsewhere in Africa, while social media is strong, more conventional media is less so. Hence restrictions on access to social media would, indeed, impede the flow of news and information to a greater extent than in the United States. Though it remains to be seen, major social media platforms’ barring of Donald Trump is likely to be cited in the Nigerian debate by those that favor the proposed legislation. In commentary by outside friends of Nigeria, it will be important not to impose on Nigeria the circumstances of the United States, which are not necessarily parallel.
  • COVID-19
    COVID-19, Statistics, and Africa
    When COVID-19 struck, public health experts predicted that it would be particularly devastating in sub-Saharan Africa. A UN agency estimated that, in the worst case scenario, 3.3 million Africans would die from the disease. In a region that is poor, often with weak governments, and at best rudimentary health systems, the disease seemed to portend a disaster. In response, South Africa and Nigeria shut down their economies—as did most other African countries, to a greater or lesser extent. In general, African governments instituted the international public health recommendations of social distancing, handwashing, and mask wearing. The economic impact on the poor has been severe, but the lockdown measures seemed to work. Sub-Saharan Africa appeared to have a significantly smaller COVID-19 burden than other parts of the world. With much head scratching, observers cited the continent's relatively young population and the effectiveness of public health measures taken by governments. However, in many, perhaps most, parts of Africa those public health measures were of limited duration—when they were followed at all. A large part of the population does not have ready access to hand-washing facilities, social distancing is impossible in the packed slums that most urban Africans live, and face-to-face interchange is central to traditional African economies. Face-covering seemed no more popular than elsewhere.  Perhaps South Africa provides insight as to the extent of the disease across the continent. South Africa has by far the most modern economy in Africa and has a strong government that implemented all of the recommended public health measures. The rate of compliance with them appears to have been high—in part due to heavy-handed enforcement of stringent protocols. Yet South Africa has nonetheless become ground zero for the disease: over 40 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's COVID-19 deaths are in the Rainbow Nation.  South Africa also has the best national statistics of any large African country. Deaths and their cause are compiled, registered, and published. Not so elsewhere on the continent. Ruth Maclean, writing in the New York Times, has looked at COVID-19 and African statistics. She finds that in most sub-Saharan countries, most deaths are never registered. Making reliable data on causes of death depends on anecdotal reports by grave diggers, funeral directors, and family members. In 2017, only 10 percent of deaths in Nigeria were registered. Khartoum has a rudimentary death registration system. But there, she cites a highly sophisticated study that credibly argues that COVID killed more than 16,000, rather than the 477 cited in official statistics. A hypothesis is that COVID-19 deaths in sub-Saharan Africa are significantly underreported—even in South Africa. If so, the list of unknowns ranges from how many Africans contracted the disease, how many died, and how effective (or not) were the internally public health recommendations that governments tried to institute.
  • Transition 2021
    Nigerian Reaction to the Assault on the U.S. Capitol
    Americans should be under no illusion about the serious damage to their country’s remaining moral authority and capacity for international leadership caused by yesterday's assault on the U.S. Capitol in Washington. In addition to its function as the seat of the House of Representatives and the Senate, the Capitol has been a symbol around the world of representative government and of the strength of American democratic institutions. The assault on it by a mob—egged on by a sitting American president—the apparent incompetence of the security services charged with protecting it, and the pictures of mob looting have been spread all over Africa. With its extensive internet coverage, it is safe to say that many Nigerians know as much about what happened as Americans do. A sample of tweets from my roughly 18,000 Twitter followers highlights the themes of American hypocrisy in presuming to criticize Nigeria's poor governance, a strongly negative reaction to police use of live ammunition and the killing of a demonstrator, and the collapse of the American pretense (from their perspective) of American moral leadership. Here are some representative tweets (omitted are the personal attacks on me, mostly for "hypocrisy"): “Leave Nigeria internal affairs alone and face your country, your democracy is under siege, capitol Hill is being ransacked by protesters, people being shot!” “The arrest and killings of American peaceful protesters are poor representation of America to the ongoing Buhari administration. who gave the order to shoot a peaceful protesters at the #CapitolHillmassacre? Her last words were peace and unity!” “Quench this fire first. Frankly speaking, you guys have lost moral authority.” “Face your undemocratic terror country.” “Before you start to fix the problems overseas please fix the problems in your home first.” “How is your country fairing today democratically?” “You guys should all hide your heads in shame!” “At this point I think Americans should keep quiet about all happenings in the world.” “Go and settle the coup at Capitol building today. I thought USA was a nice country until I met Trump. Mr John, charity begins at home” “Sir it'll be advisable you concentrate on what tyrant @realDonaldTrump is doing to American democracy and institutions of governance. Thank you” “The use of live bullet on Peaceful Protesters in the state is a poor representation of America This is condemnable.” Rebuilding American moral authority will be a difficult, lengthy process. It is to be hoped that starting this process will be a foreign policy prerogative of President-Elect Joe Biden and Secretary of State-designate Antony Blinken. For now, American prestige in Nigeria, at least, is in the gutter and American soft power in the world's second largest continent is evaporating.
  • COVID-19
    Resurgence of COVID-19 in Africa
    It was long expected that Africa, with its weak public health infrastructure and the impoverishment of its population, would face particular disaster with the outbreak of COVID-19. It arrived later than in other parts of the world, apparently mostly from Europe. The disease's earliest, high-profile victims were among those able to travel abroad, and South Africa—the country with probably the most extensive links to the rest of the world—early became the epicenter of the disease. Of the big African countries, it has the best public health infrastructure and the best statistics. Hence, there can be greater confidence in official statements about how pervasive the disease has become. South Africa is once again the epicenter of the current wave of infections, driven, apparently, by a mutant strain of the virus. According to health experts cited by Western media, South Africa now accounts for an estimated 40 percent of COVID-19 cases in all of Africa. South African hospitals are overwhelmed. President Cyril Ramaphosa has responded by re-imposing strict restrictions on public behavior in an effort to "flatten the curve" of new infections. Supported by a population terrified by what had happened elsewhere, when the first wave of the disease arrived, African governments moved quickly to apply the conventional methods to control the disease: closed borders, lockdowns, exhortations for mask wearing and hand washing, and social distancing. Economic ruin, however, led African governments to abandon most of the more draconian steps. Nevertheless, the disease appeared less deadly than elsewhere. That led to some research and more speculation about why Africa was doing better. Hypotheses included the swift action taken by African governments to the young population (COVID-19 is particularly fatal among the elderly) to speculation about the impact of earlier vaccination campaigns for other diseases might have had.  But now the disease appears to be roaring back, with South Africa particularly hard-hit. But media treatment continues to be largely anecdotal, heart-rending stories of deaths caused by equipment shortages in overburdened public hospitals. There is new speculation that COVID-19 may be just as bad in Africa as it has been in the rest of the world. Lack of hard information makes it hard to generalize about COVID-19 in Africa, nevertheless, here goes. There is significant variation from one country to another on a huge continent with more than fifty countries. For example, South Africa has the highest level of social and economic development in Africa. It also has a larger percentage of elderly people vulnerable to the disease. It also has a good statistics service. Both factors contribute to the country seeming to have a much higher level of infection than the rest of the continent. On the other hand, it is difficult to estimate the pervasiveness of the disease in countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo that lack a strong statistics office and where the public health infrastructure is less developed. Even in good times and before COVID-19 arrived, the disease burden in Africa is heavier than in other parts of the world. Weak statistics make it hard to determine actual mortality rates and, not least, in some African cultures, people return home to die and their deaths are not counted officially. As elsewhere in the world, the poor are most of the victims. It remains to be seen when the coronavirus vaccine will become available. South Africa’s Ramaphosa says the government is negotiating with pharmaceutical companies. That said, it also still appears likely that mortality rates from the disease are lower than in other parts of the world: for example, new, mass grave sites visible from the air are rare. Hence, the question remains: even if the disease in Africa is terrible, it appears less terrible than elsewhere. Why? The answer to that question is important, but it will require hard research and analysis rather than anecdotes.
  • Nigeria
    Amnesty International and Nigerian Civilian Deaths in Military Custody
    On December 8, Amnesty stated that at least ten thousand civilians have died in Nigerian military custody since 2011. The report cites Giwa Barracks, a particularly sordid prison in Maiduguri. Previous reports of civilian deaths by non-governmental organizations have received extensive coverage from Western media. Anecdotal evidence [PDF] suggests that abuses by Nigerian security services—including the army—against civilians have been an important Boko Haram recruitment tool. However, bad prison conditions probably contribute far more deaths than deliberate security service abuse. Prisons are underfunded, understaffed, and often grotesquely overcrowded—in part because of the sclerotic justice system. As elsewhere in the world, a high percentage of prisoners have not been charged—let alone convicted—of any crime because a judicial process can drag on for years. Many prisoners survive because family members provide food, water, and medicine. If family members are absent, however, that safety net disappears. Prisoners die from disease and a lack of water and food. Western nongovernment organizations that highlight security service abuses and bad prison conditions, such as Amnesty, are widely disliked by Nigeria's elites, who routinely accuse Western NGOs of "double standards." Then, too, the popular Nigerian perception of the purpose of imprisonment is often that it serves to punish, not rehabilitate. Capital punishment, anathema to many Western NGOs, is widely popular. So, too, is vigilante justice.
  • Pharmaceuticals and Vaccines
    Russian Disinformation Popularizes Sputnik V Vaccine in Africa
    Beach Gray, PhD, is a Senior Open Source Analyst at Novetta, specializing in Russian disinformation and media influence. Neil Edwards is an Open Source African Media Analyst at Novetta. On December 3, a vaccine produced by Pfizer, BNT162, became the first COVID-19 vaccine to receive authorization in the United Kingdom for distribution. The United States is conducting its own internal review before granting emergency authorization. However, even if the vaccine receives authorization in the United States and elsewhere, questions remain over the public's willingness to be inoculated. Surprisingly, in Africa, perceptions of Russia’s flagship vaccine, Sputnik V, are largely positive, despite it having not undergone the rigorous clinical trials that other vaccines have. In Africa, public opinion is often difficult to measure, whether due to conflict, undemocratic regimes, or a lack of administrative capacity. To work around these challenges, Novetta collects and curates traditional and social media data from fifty-four African countries. Novetta’s Rumor Tracking Program (RTP) was developed specifically to track misinformation and disinformation associated with COVID-19 and vaccines in development. The RTP reveals that the Pfizer vaccine, compared to other vaccines in phase III clinical trials, has maintained the highest rate of positive press and social media coverage across Africa since April: 52 percent of extracted quotes from traditional and social media were favorable to the Pfizer vaccine. The positive public perception of the Pfizer vaccine was largely driven by the uptick in discussion on November 9—the day Pfizer announced its early findings—suggesting that the vaccine could be more than 90 percent effective. Recent news of the Moderna vaccine’s effectiveness resulted in a similar surge of positive sentiment in African media. Curiously, in early November—before Pfizer’s announcement—Russia’s Sputnik V was the vaccine with the second-highest proportion of positive quotes about vaccine development. From the day Russia first announced its vaccine on August 11 to Pfizer’s announcement of its own vaccine’s efficacy on November 9, African media coverage of Sputnik V was largely positive (56 percent). After Pfizer, Moderna, and Oxford-AstraZeneca released their clinical trials' findings, these vaccines surpassed Sputnik V in positive media perception. However, the Sputnik V vaccine remains the most discussed vaccine in African media and boasts the second-lowest negative perception (11 percent). A subset of the RTP concerns just media coverage of clinical trials. Despite Sputnik V’s questionable efficacy—early trials included only seventy-six participants in two hospitals—the vaccine had the second-highest rate of positive quotes (66 percent) in African media coverage specifically about clinical trials as of December 4, trailing only the Moderna vaccine (87 percent) in positive media coverage. Rates of positive clinical trial coverage of potential vaccines from Johnson & Johnson (62 percent), Pfizer (52 percent), and Oxford University (35 percent) were all lower than Sputnik V—despite undergoing far more rigorous clinical trials. Non-Russian media’s support for the Sputnik V vaccine and its clinical trials originates in large part from a targeted Russian disinformation campaign in countries with former and current ties to Russia and the Soviet Union. Sputnik V seems to be as much about public relations and Russian soft power as about stopping the spread of COVID-19. Kirill Dmitriev, chief executive officer of Russia’s Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), the state-run sovereign wealth fund, explained the vaccine’s name choice, stating “we understood that there would be lots of skepticism and resistance to the Russian vaccine for competitive reasons; therefore, there was a decision to call it a Russian recognizable international name.” (The name Sputnik is a reference to the first satellite launched into space.) The disinformation campaign started on August 11, when the Russian Ministry of Health approved Sputnik V as the world’s first vaccine against COVID-19. The approval itself was, by scientific standards, misleading, since the vaccine had not begun phase III clinical trials. However, Russia’s Ministry of Health doubled down on September 4, claiming it had manufactured the “best vaccine in the world” against COVID-19. President Vladimir Putin made a similar claim during West Africa’s Ebola outbreak, stating that Russia had invented a more effective treatment than any other available globally. To shape the global discussion of Sputnik V, Russia used a familiar tactic: publish breaking stories that will be widely covered in international media. Russia’s Ministry of Health, unconstrained by international scientific standards, claimed the vaccine’s overwhelming effectiveness. The Russian government then used such flimsy data to back up proclamations that governments worldwide had expressed interest in the Sputnik V vaccine. With its messaging, Russia specifically targeted countries—such as Mozambique, Nigeria, and South Africa—where it competes with Western and Chinese influence. To underline the vaccine’s apparent efficacy, the Russian News Agency stated that as of December 2, one hundred thousand high-risk individuals had already received Sputnik V vaccinations in Russia. One of the RTP’s most interesting findings was that before Pfizer’s announcement on November 11, the main driver of Russian disinformation throughout Africa was Russian President Vladimir Putin, who accounted for about 5 percent of quotes in traditional media—more than any other person. The next most quoted speaker is the Russian Minister of Health, Mikhail Murashko, at 1.4 percent. In coverage of other vaccines, meanwhile, the most quoted speakers have been heads of national health ministries or chief executives of companies producing vaccines, rather than heads of state. Putin is front-and-center in the disinformation campaign because his cult of personality helps quell dissent from the scientific community. Putin himself announced the vaccine approval and, as a result, is quoted heavily in Sputnik V’s media coverage. Notably, in 69 percent of monitored traditional and social media outlets and 18 percent of quotes from Putin, the president mentions the administration of the “safe and effective” vaccine to one of his adult daughters—publicly endorsing the vaccine by putting his own family at risk. Sputnik V’s popularity in African media is troubling, considering the vaccine has not undergone the same rigorous clinical trials as other contenders. The success of Russia’s disinformation and public relations strategy stems from the Kremlin’s ability—and willingness—to disseminate and emphasize its message about Sputnik V’s effectiveness. To counter Russian disinformation in the vaccine space, pharmaceutical professionals and politicians should devote more attention to highlighting the importance of rigorous clinical trials and explaining how vaccines in phase III trials meet acceptable standards. By emphasizing science rather than personally endorsing a “winning” vaccine, the vaccine debate can be re-framed in a way that more effectively combats Russian disinformation.