Energy and Environment

Renewable Energy

  • Technology and Innovation
    The World Needs Post-Silicon Solar Technologies
    In his 2007 keynote address to the Materials Research Society, Caltech Professor Nate Lewis surveyed global energy consumption and concluded that out of all the renewable options, only solar power could meaningfully displace human consumption of fossil fuels. However, he warned, the cost of solar would need to fall dramatically to make this possible—Lewis targeted less than a penny per kilowatt-hour (kWh) of energy and dismissed any prospect of existing silicon solar technology meeting that goal.[1] Solar, he argued, “would have to cost not much more than painting a house or buying carpet…Do not think ‘silicon chip,’ think ‘potato chip.’ ” Very few seem to remember that distinction. Since Professor Lewis’ talk, the price of silicon solar photovoltaic (PV) panels, which account for over 90 percent of the market, has fallen by over 80 percent, and the final installed cost of solar power continues to decline with regularity. If one believes commentators captivated by solar’s heady ascent, a recent solar deal in Dubai, which pegged the price of solar at 6 ¢/kWh, heralds a coming-of-age for solar power, set to displace fossil fuels around the world. Indeed, the Department of Energy’s (DOE) goal by 2020, through the SunShot program, is to bring U.S. solar costs down to the same 6 ¢/kWh mark achieved in Dubai—DOE’s funding strategy therefore concentrates on bringing down the soft costs (permitting, installation, equipment) of solar, implicitly assuming that the underlying solar panel technology is a largely solved issue. But last week, my colleague Michael Levi posted a piece on this blog warning that clean energy cost-competitiveness targets are not static if clean energy is to “take a massive share of the market rather than just nip at its fringes.” And earlier this month, “The Future of Solar” report from the MIT Energy Institute presented an excellent rejoinder to advocacy of deployment at the expense of innovation in solar PV energy. Their argument, unpacked below, is that solar panels face a moving target for achieving cost-competitiveness with fossil-fuel based power that becomes more difficult as more solar panels are installed. As a result, even after the expected cost reductions that accompany increased experience with silicon technology, solar PV cannot seriously challenge and replace fossil-fuel generation without advancing beyond the economics of silicon. Today, unsubsidized silicon solar panels are not cost-competitive with conventional generation in the United States. To seriously challenge fossil fuels around the world, solar PV must achieve “grid parity,” or a cost that is competitive with other power sources on an unsubsidized basis—the MIT report first seeks to establish that solar in the United States fails this test today. To do so, for each generation option the authors calculate the “levelized cost of electricity” (LCOE), or the cost per kWh of energy produced. By standardizing the costs of different generators, LCOE serves as the traditional method to enable an apples-to-apples comparison of generators with different up-front vs. ongoing cash flows—for example, solar panels cost a lot to install initially but then each kWh of power costs next to nothing to generate, whereas a natural gas plant has some initial costs and also considerable ongoing O&M and fuel costs. The authors find that a large, utility-scale solar installation is not competitive with a combined-cycle thermal plan—a common natural gas generator—regardless of whether the solar is sited in a sunnier location (they use California and Massachusetts as representative cases of sunny and cloudy climates). Just to stress-test this conclusion, they then tack on a CO2 externality cost to the natural gas plant, and they also discount the solar LCOE to account for a potential 50% reduction in solar panel prices as well as the fact that solar power tends to be generated at more valuable hours of the day and therefore offsets expensive power, resulting in a lower effective cost to the utility. But even with this generous set of assumptions that stacks the calculation in solar’s favor, the LCOE of solar remains higher than that of natural gas in California’s sunny climate (Figure 1).   2014 LCOE Estimates for Utility-scale Solar Installations and Natural Gas Plants in California (Source: MIT Energy Institute)   As the penetration of solar power increases, solar will become less valuable. Figure 1 may suggest that, under a generous set of assumptions, the cost of silicon solar panels is at least pretty close to that of conventional generation. But the 8 ¢/kWh target is deceptive—as more solar panels are deployed, the cost of solar must drop considerably in order to stay competitive. The reason for this moving target is that the marginal value of one more solar panel on the grid depends on the existing set of generation options already in play. If there are very few solar panels installed, then each new one is actually more valuable than its LCOE might suggest, because solar generates power during periods of high electricity demand—in other words, the utility avoids the cost of dispatching expensive on-demand generators and should therefore discount the LCOE of solar, as displayed in Figure 1.[2] But if there is already a high penetration of solar power on the grid (e.g., greater than 20% of generated energy), then there is already a surplus of cheap energy supply at times of high demand, because the variable cost of solar power is zero. Now, the situation is reversed—the utility will perceive a higher effective cost of procuring more solar power, and the LCOE will be an underestimate. As a result, in the wholesale market where different generators compete to sell power to the electricity grid, owners of solar panels will face falling prices—revenues to solar owners could fall by over half, because utilities will bid a lower price for solar under double-digit percentage penetration (Figure 2). Simulated Wholesale Market Prices for Texas Regional Grid Under Increasing Solar Penetration (Source: MIT Energy Institute)   This causes a negative feedback loop—as more solar is developed, the price for solar falls, discouraging further deployment. Moreover, the falling market price for solar only partially represents the full decline in value that solar presents to a utility as solar penetration increases. More solar on the grid actually increases the need for cycling thermal power plants, resulting in accelerated degradation of the equipment and more expensive and inefficient operation. In fact, after a certain penetration, additional energy from solar power does not displace thermal generation at all, since more thermal capacity must be added to compensate for the fact that solar is an intermittent, unpredictable power source. This is evident from Figure 3, which illustrates that beyond a 20 percent solar penetration, new solar does not reduce the requirement for new thermal generation. One might argue that solar has successfully achieved very high penetrations in countries like Germany—there, solar can compose 80 percent of peak system demand on a sunny day. However, in Germany, owners of solar panels are guaranteed a fixed rate (a “Feed-in Tariff”), so they do not experience the moving target of falling wholesale prices. As a result, other generators face plummeting wholesale prices since solar’s price is fixed, putting severe strain on utilities. In a global context, for solar to really make a dent in electricity production and displace double digit percentages of fossil fuel power, it cannot rely on one-off government policies that shield it from market forces. Projections of New Generating Capacity in the Texas Regional Grid Under Increasing Solar Penetration (Source: MIT Energy Institute)   In summary, an LCOE comparison may appear to place the cost of solar within striking distance of that of conventional fossil-fuel generation. However, after taking into account market supply and demand dynamics and the inferior generating characteristics of solar, the marginal value of solar will fall with increasing deployment. Even if the cost of silicon solar panels drops by 50% in the future and improved experience drives down the total installation costs, halved wholesale solar prices and increased strain on other generators will incentivize neither solar developers nor utilities to push penetration further. Storage is not a magic bullet that will make the economics of silicon solar panels work. Some commentators point to the rapidly falling costs of batteries as a sign that in the future, cheap energy storage will neutralize the downsides of intermittent solar generation—by enabling solar installations to store and sell power when valuable to the grid, storage could stabilize the moving target for solar cost-competitiveness. Indeed, storage does improve the economics of solar at high penetration—but not enough to stabilize the moving target. Evidence for this conclusion comes from a 2013 paper by Hirth simulating the German electricity system—the MIT report drew inspiration from this paper to conclude that the value of solar drops with increasing penetration. Hirth studies the effect of pumped hydro storage on the economics of solar at high penetration and finds that by using storage to shift the time of day that solar installations sell back their energy to the wholesale market, the market’s discount on the value of solar drops. However, that discount does not drop very much, and even after doubling the amount of storage capacity in Germany, owners of solar panels would still face declining wholesale prices with increasing penetration (Figure 4).[3] Effect of Storage on the Value of Solar Power in German Electricity System (Source: Hirth, 2013)   New technologies are necessary for solar to compete—and promising candidates exist The MIT report concludes that “beyond modest levels of penetration and absent substantial  government support or a carbon policy that favors renewables, contemporary solar technologies remain too expensive for large-scale deployment…[large] cost reductions may be achieved through the development of novel, inherently less costly PV technologies, some of which are now only in the research stage.” There is plenty of material in the report assessing emerging, promising technologies. But for the impatient, here’s a teaser: the picture at the top of this post is of a PV coating with fundamental economics not too different from carpets or wall paint. Watch this space for a closer look at the technology and why a solar revolution, though difficult, may not be impossible.   Footnotes [1] The target of <1 ¢/kWh is my conversion of Prof. Lewis’ cost target of “$10/m2” for solar power. Assuming solar efficiency somewhere between 15–50 percent turns that cost target into 2–7 ¢/Wp (between one and two orders of magnitude below current costs) and an LCOE of well below 1 ¢/kWh. [2] The MIT report leverages the concept of “Value Factors,” (VF) derived from Hirth, to assess the value of a generator from its generation profile. In essence, the value factor weights the power production profile by the wholesale price at the time of production to determine if the generator on average produces more or less valuable power (VF > 1 and < 1, respectively) than the average wholesale price. Then, by dividing the LCOE by the VF, one can determine an adjusted cost that better represents the utility’s valuation of the generation source (although this still does not take into account dispatchability and dependable capacity). The MIT report finds VF values in the vicinity of 1.1–1.2. The VF concept is closely linked to EIA’s “Levelized Avoided Cost of Energy” (LACE). [3] Note that Figure 4 measures solar penetration differently from Figures 1–3. Figure 4 uses the amount of energy generated by solar (units of kWh) compared to the total system consumption to calculate penetration—this enables a sensible comparison with the amount of storage (ten percent of system consumption) considered in the simulation. Figures 1–3 use the power capacity of solar generation (units of kW) compared with the peak system demand to measure penetration. In the German example explored in Figure 4, five percent penetration in kWh corresponds to roughly fifty percent penetration by kW—note that the relationship does not scale linearly.
  • Fossil Fuels
    A Clean Energy Revolution is Tougher than You Think
    Had you asked most analysts a year ago what it would take to decarbonize the transportation system without aggressive new policy you’d have got an answer something like this: You need low-carbon technologies that can beat $100 oil on its own terms. And if you ask the same question today about electric power, you’ll usually hear that zero-carbon technologies need to come in at costs under the ever-rising cost of grid-distributed, fossil fuel generated electricity, a rather fat (and growing) target. Both answers are wrong. The fundamental problem is that substantial initial success in displacing fossil fuels with zero-carbon energy will drive down the price of the remaining fossil fuel energy. (The supply-driven fall in oil prices hasn’t helped either.)  This means that, absent policy, clean energy will face an ever-tougher economic challenge as it increasingly succeeds. Consider transportation fuels. A surge in oil production has driven prices well below where people previously expected them to be. But the same thing would have happened to prices had there been a surge in deployment of ultra-efficient cars or low-carbon biofuels that had the same impact on the supply-demand balance. And – this is the critical thing – effecting such a surge is exactly what people who want a clean energy revolution envision. If the world shaved, say, ten million barrels a day off its oil consumption over the next decade, oil prices would be far lower that if that didn’t happen. That would make the next ten million barrel a day reduction considerably more difficult. Something similar applies to electricity. If you’re only expecting a little distributed solar penetration, then it’s reasonable to assume (as a widely circulated recent Rocky Mountain Institute report does) that it’s competing with grid-generated electricity that needs to charge ever-more over time in order to pay for investment in transmission, distribution, and new generation capacity. But if you’ve got massive penetration of distributed solar in mind – say, the kind of stuff that might trigger “death spirals” and utility bankruptcies – then you’re not going to see those same price increases. (Bankrupt utilities don’t invest in new anything, and they certainly don’t generate revenues that recover all their costs.) You’ve already seen a variation on this with coal to gas switching: cheap gas displaced some coal-fired generation, but once it had done that, the remaining marginal unit of coal-fired power was a lot cheaper; as a result, gas stopped making such radical inroads. Once again, for a new technology to take a massive share of the market rather than just nip at its fringes, that new technology will either need to have steadily (and often sharply) declining costs, or will need a helping hand from policy. Some models, of course, capture these equilibrium dynamics. But too much thinking about what it takes to effect large-scale change implicitly assumes that large-scale change won’t actually happen. That’s a recipe for understating what a big transition would require.
  • Climate Change
    Do India’s Renewable Energy Targets Make Sense?
    By way of introduction, I’m brand new to CFR and excited to contribute to this blog. I joined last week as a fellow in CFR’s Center for Geoeconomic Studies, and I plan to write about renewable energy technology, climate policy, and national security—with an eye toward emerging markets. Before CFR, I did stints at McKinsey’s cleantech practice and in municipal government, working on energy policy for Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. I also studied physics at Stanford and Oxford—my group in Oxford researched third generation solar panels that we hope will one day make colorful coatings for skyscraper windows. My goal with blog posts will be to focus on developments in alternative energy—I’d also like to integrate discussion of new technology advances when appropriate. As a long-time fan of this blog, I’m looking forward to contributing often, and I’m always open to suggestions and feedback. Under new Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India hopes to become the “renewable energy capital of the world.” So far, India’s ambitious targets for solar and wind deployment—second only to those of China—have attracted a flurry of foreign renewable energy companies eager for the business-friendly contracting policies promised by the government. Announcing aspirational goals to elicit a windfall in foreign financing could prove a clever strategy to bootstrap a thriving renewables industry—but beyond the fanfare, few details are forthcoming on how the government will actually improve the investment climate and why renewable energy will meet India’s underlying energy needs. Last month, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley released India’s new budget, which presents more questions than answers about how the government plans to fund the push for renewable energy. The major news is a proposal to fund renewable projects by doubling the coal tax for the second consecutive year, this time from ~$1.60 to $3.20 per metric ton (for context, the new tax is about 10% of the price of coal). Although this would bring in about $2 billion per year, a staggering gap remains to meet the $100 billion commitment that Prime Minister Modi made toward reaching his renewable energy targets of 100GW of solar and 175GW of total renewables by 2022. In theory, the coal tax revenues will embolden foreign investors to contribute the required capital, and at present there is plenty of interest from foreign firms to develop large renewable energy projects—whether they will follow through with the projects is unclear. In assessing Modi’s emphasis on clean energy, three questions come to mind: Are the renewable targets achievable? Assuming the targets are not achievable, is it wise to set aspirational but unrealistic goals? Does the focus on renewables make sense for India’s energy policy objectives? Each question is in itself a serious research project, but we can develop some intuition around the answers. Specifically, it looks like the Modi government may be using aspirational goals as a clever but risky tool to fast-forward development of its renewable energy sector. Renewables may also be particularly convenient to rally the nation around a “win-win” on energy security and environmental protection, though their value as the primary policy instrument for those goals is questionable. Question 1: Are the renewable targets achievable? Probably not—the targets are likely too ambitious. Consider solar, the centerpiece of the renewable goals: the government raised the solar target from 20 GW to 100 GW by 2022. For context, today India has installed somewhere between 3 and 4 GW—achieving 100GW will require more than a 50% CAGR for the next 8 years. Germany, the world leader in installed solar, is only targeting 66 GW by 2030; although India is right to assert that its sunnier climate makes it a more natural solar world leader, it isn’t so easy to leapfrog decades of German industry growth and maturity. The problem is that, despite the sun, India is not a great place to finance capital projects. Although foreign companies recently pledged over double the 100GW goal, those commitments do not mean much—foreign equity investors will still have to produce the lion’s share of capital to finance these projects, and most are wary given India’s high rate of stalled capital infrastructure projects. Market, credit, and counterparty risk all increase the cost of capital, making it difficult for solar to compete with coal even as the cost of solar in India has tumbled over the last five years. Even if the government is successful at reducing the cost of capital, providing predictable price signals through harmonized state renewable incentive programs and attracting reliable foreign investors, the grid would likely be overwhelmed by the massive amounts of intermittent generation coming online (consider that total Indian generating capacity is currently 250GW, and the government’s proposal is for 160GW of wind and solar, or 25% of all installed generating capacity, by 2022[1]). All of this is to say that India may well accelerate the pace of its renewable energy deployment—but targets of 100 GW of solar and 175 GW of total renewables in a bid to lead the world are likely unrealistic. Question 2: Assuming the targets are not achievable, is it wise to set aspirational but unrealistic goals? This answer is certainly not as clear as the previous one. What is clear is that the government’s strategy is riskier than a more modest set of goals. Through flashy goals, India has attracted a lot of foreign investor attention, and a virtuous competitive cycle is emerging where established players are competing for a piece of the Indian renewables pie (American solar firms SunEdison and First Solar recently announced 15GW and 5GW commitments, respectively). However, if the financing climate does not improve and/or adequate policy support does not materialize, India will be left with massive unfinished projects and a further tarnished foreign investment reputation. The logic behind aspirational targets is to harness parallel, rather than serial, progress toward an end-state—that is, to achieve the prerequisites for renewable deployment simultaneously, rather than one-at-a-time. The government does not want to first implement economic reforms to drive down the cost of capital before then attracting project finance—it wants to use the financing as a catalyst for state-level reform. Similarly, rather than sequentially install solar after the cost comes down, the government hopes to drive down costs while local industry springs up to support projects funded by foreign dollars. And, most importantly, rather than retrofit the grid to handle increased renewable penetration, the government hopes to attract even more foreign funding for distribution infrastructure upgrades, sparked by domestic renewable deployment. The risks, however, are great—for example, utilities collapsing under the strain of integrating expensive renewables could thwart the energy security that Modi is after. There is a final implication of India’s preference for explosive renewable growth rather than controlled deployment: most solar deployment will likely be at the utility-scale, rather than through distributed installations. The easiest way to meet a big target is to work with a few developers on immense projects—the financing is easier, and permitting and land acquisition are more tractable for a single project rather than for a multitude. However, distributed solar could bring unique benefits in India, including a lower risk of cascading blackouts and the potential for urban microgrids that improve power reliability without requiring profound utility reform. It would be unfortunate if the rush to meet ambitious renewable targets encouraged Indian policymakers to bypass distributed solar in favor of centralized renewable power plants. Question 3: Does the focus on renewables make sense for India’s energy policy objectives? India has clearly chosen renewable energy, and in particular solar, as its flagship energy initiative—does that make sense given its objectives for energy policy? We can separate these objectives into two categories: (a) increasing energy security and (b) mitigating environmental impacts. Renewable energy advances both objectives, but it is not clear whether ambitious renewable targets are the optimal policy instrument for either. McKinsey recently forecasted that India would be dependent on imports for 50% of its energy consumption by 2030 (Disclaimer: I worked for McKinsey’s Cleantech Practice until this month). The figure below graphically illustrates the various options for reducing this import dependence—accelerated deployment of renewables (option #5) actually ranks in the bottom half of potential initiatives. This dovetails with the insight that wind and solar are intermittent resources that do not actually contribute much to a utility’s dependable capacity. Rather, India is projected to double its coal consumption by 2035, so producing domestic coal is far more important for energy security than renewable energy. What about India’s environmental objectives with energy policy—India suffers crippling air pollution and is increasingly an important contributor to climate change—are renewables the right tool here? Unlikely, given that renewables will not displace planned coal power plants—rather, recent moves to introduce higher taxes on petroleum and coal are much more promising. Renewable portfolio obligations, the primary mechanism by which India aims to hit its renewable targets, can be twice as costly in reducing emissions as carbon taxes. There is a lot more that India can do to better price in the environmental externalities of fossil fuels. For example, the annual Economic Survey that accompanied the latest budget suggests that there is further room to increase the coal tax—doubling it would make domestic and imported coal the same price and reduce national CO2 emissions by 11% (this price of coal would still not come close to pricing in the health externalities of pollution). Although the renewables push optimally addresses neither energy security nor environmental objectives, the optimal policies for each objective oppose each other. That is, increasing domestic fossil fuel production improves energy security but also increases pollution. Renewables, by contrast, result in progress on both fronts, though perhaps at higher cost and lower efficacy. This “win-win” could explain why the government has chosen to hype renewables; still, it will be important for policymakers to sort out their domestic priorities and confront the trade-off between energy security and environmental protection. Internationally, it will be interesting to see how India’s flashy commitment to renewables and weaker plans on emission reduction are received by the rest of the world.   [1] Existing capacity and targeted renewable capacity numbers are apples and oranges, because wind and solar have much lower capacity factors than the current Indian fossil fuel generation mix. However, the two quantities can be compared to get a sense of peak penetration, which can seriously impact grid reliability. A rule of thumb is that the 15% renewable penetration level is the ceiling above which grid upgrades are necessary to handle more renewable integration.
  • Climate Change
    What My Book The Power Surge Got Wrong
    It’s been two years since I turned in the manuscript for The Power Surge, my book about the changes sweeping American energy and their consequences for the world that was published last May. The book is out in paperback today, which strikes me as a great opportunity to take stock of what’s changed, both in the world and in my thinking about it. Here are five things I’d tackle differently if I could write the book again. I’d put the tight oil boom more squarely at the book’s center. I devoted a chapter of the book to potential gains in U.S. oil production. It included sections on tight oil, offshore drilling, Alaska, enhanced oil recovery, and much else. A core part of my case for the bright prospects of U.S. oil production centered on that diversity of opportunities: even if several didn’t pan out, I argued, at least some would. Indeed the United States set record for annual increases in oil production in both 2012 and 2013 – both data points that weren’t yet on the record books when I turned in my draft. But this has been driven centrally by tight oil while the rest has lagged. This fact doesn’t change my basic conclusions, but if I had another go at it, I’d spend more time drilling down into this core driver of U.S. oil. I’d say a lot more about distributed electricity generation. I spent a chapter of the book on the boom in renewable energy, but it was focused largely on large-scale wind and solar generation. In the last two years, though, the biggest news in renewables has been around distributed generation, particularly solar. There have been claims that renewable energy will spark a “death spiral” for traditional utilities and quickly slash U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. All this would have been well worth digging into (I do that a bit in a new epilogue for the paperback), even if it wouldn’t have changed my bottom lines. I’d be less confident of my assessment of the impact of U.S. oil production on oil prices and carbon emissions. I argued in the book that U.S. production would likely have a minimal impact on world oil prices because other big producers would cut back their own output to stabilize prices. A corollary of this was that U.S. oil production wouldn’t lead to much more oil use or emissions. I covered the possibility that things would play out differently, leading emissions to rise and prices to be restrained or even fall, but I put that in a decidedly less likely category. I haven’t flipped, but the more I look at how big oil producers make investment and production decisions, the less confident I am in our ability to predict their future actions. One upshot is that, while I still think that U.S. oil production won’t push prices way down over the long run, and I don’t think that it will push emissions way up either, I do think there’s a decent case to be made that more U.S. production might restrain future price rises considerably. This doesn’t change the cost-benefit balance when it comes to climate change, but it does make both costs and benefits potentially larger. I’d be a bit more generous toward electric cars. It’s tough to believe, but in the two years since I turned in my draft, Tesla has gone from a marginal player to an industry darling. Its share price has gone from under thirty dollars (not too much above its 2010 IPO price) to nearly three hundred dollars last month. In the meantime, it’s booked its first quarterly profit, racked up awards, and sold tens of thousands of its cars. It’s even navigated safety problems – with one person I quoted in the book flagged as an Achilles heel for automotive start-ups – with aplomb. I still stand by my view that the biggest changes this decade in U.S. oil consumption will come from better conventional vehicles, not electric cars, but there’s little question that Tesla has surpassed my expectations when I wrote the book. I’d be more open to larger and longer-term impacts from both fossil fuel and alternative energy production on U.S. employment and growth. The book took pains to distinguish between cyclical and long-term impacts of energy developments on the U.S. economy. I made the mainstream argument that, in the long run, the U.S. economy ought to return to full employment regardless of what happened in domestic energy, which would temper the long-run consequences of any energy boom for growth and particularly for job creation. In my penultimate chapter, though, I delved into five “wild cards” that I thought could force a rethinking of some of the book’s conclusions. One of those was sustained economic weakness. Today, even though indicators like unemployment suggest that the economy is returning to full steam, talk of “secular stagnation” – is far more common. To flesh out exactly what secular stagnation would mean for the value of increased activity in U.S. energy – whether driven by markets or regulation – you’d need to play around with working model of the phenomenon. Regardless of the details, though, I’d move this out of the “wild card” section and into the mainstream. I’d still stick, though, to my bottom lines. We’ll fail to understand how U.S. energy fits into the bigger economic, foreign policy, and environmental pictures unless we ditch a 1970s vintage view of the world that still dominates our thinking; people are overstating the substantive (though not the political) conflicts between exploiting booms in “old” and “new” energy at the same time; and the biggest gains won’t be realized by just sitting by and watching – we’ll need to transform policies to take full advantage of new opportunities that changes in U.S. energy have created across the board.
  • Climate Change
    Is Solar Power Making Climate Policy Cheap?
    For the second time this year, Paul Krugman has written a column explaining that serious studies consistently conclude that slashing global carbon dioxide emissions doesn’t need to be expensive. Also for the second time, he gives much of the credit to falling costs for renewable energy, particularly solar power. He’s absolutely correct on the broader point – but dead wrong in explaining why the studies come to that conclusion. Back in April, Krugman rightly pointed out that an IPCC review had concluded that slashing emissions might reduce annual GDP growth by as little as 0.06 percentage points. In today’s column, he cites a new report from the New Climate Economy (NCE) Project to reasonably suggest that, once public health co-benefits are considered, substantial emissions cuts might come close to paying for themselves. No problems so far. In each case, though, he offers a similar observation about why the numbers come out so small. Here he is in April: “What’s behind this economic optimism? To a large extent, it reflects a technological revolution many people don’t know about, the incredible recent decline in the cost of renewable energy, solar power in particular.” And today: “The economics of climate protection look even better now than they did a few years ago. On one side, there has been dramatic progress in renewable energy technology, with the costs of solar power, in particular, plunging, down by half just since 2010.” (The other side is the co-benefits.) If you read the IPCC and NCE reports, though, you’ll know that their optimistic cost estimates have little to do with cheap solar. Take a look first at the IPCC report. The 0.06 percentage point figure is for a set of “default technology assumptions” that include availability of nuclear power, carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), and other tools. The plot below (from the IPCC report) shows what happens to the model projections when you rule out CCS and still try to hit an ambitious two-degree temperature goal: the median model that doesn’t crash projects that costs rise by about 140 percent. (Most of the models the IPCC uses can’t even find a pathway – at any cost – that hits the temperature goal once you rule out CCS.) Something similar happens when you rule out abundant bioenergy. In contrast, if you rule out abundant wind and solar, the median model shows increased costs of only a few percent, and the most pessimistic one projects only a 25 percent cost rise. The take-away is that the low cost projections are being driven far more by abundant CCS and bioenergy than by cheap wind or solar. How about the NCE study? The plot below is the critical one from that report. Only 30 percent of the opportunities identified come from energy shifts of any sort at all. (Opportunities in land use in particular are claimed to be much larger.) Out of that slice, less than half comes from renewable power, dominated by wind rather than solar. (Exact numbers will need to wait until NCE publishes its appendices.) Nuclear and CCS play a substantial role; energy efficiency plays a massive one as well. Why does any of this matter? Krugman does an important service by rebutting those on both the right and the left who claim that serious climate action requires turning our economic system upside down. (It’s a good guess that this Wednesday column from Mark Bittman, which basically called for the end of capitalism in order to deal with climate change, provoked Krugman to write his latest.) But the sorts of policies you pursue if you think that serious climate action is mostly about wind and solar are fundamentally different from those you pursue if you believe otherwise. A central upshot is that if the modeling exercises that Krugman touts are correct, and countries pursue policies based on a belief in wind and solar, the actual costs of cutting emissions will be far higher than what Krugman claims. At the same time, if the modeling exercises Krugman highlights are wrong, he hasn’t given us particularly strong reason to believe that steep emissions cuts would be cheap. It may well be the case that falling costs for renewable energy will make cutting greenhouse gas emissions cheap. There’d be no problem if Krugman cited serious analysis that connected falling renewables costs to low estimates for the costs of serious climate policy. We can get ourselves into trouble, though, when we use estimates of the cost for one type of policy to encourage another.
  • Fossil Fuels
    Is U.S. Fossil Fuel Policy Keeping Millions Poor?
    Is the U.S. government keeping tens of millions of people poor by focusing its development assistance on renewables rather than gas and coal? It’s a critical question – particularly as the United States ramps up its Power Africa effort – that’s addressed thoughtfully by Todd Moss and Benjamin Leo in a new Center for Global Development paper that Bjorn Lomborg highlighted in a USA Today column this weekend. Moss and Leo estimate that OPIC (Overseas Private Investment Corporation) investment restrictions, which tightly cap the amount of money that can go toward coal or gas, are costing 60 million people access to electricity. But while I’m on board with their basic point – the world’s wealthy should avoid cutting greenhouse gas emissions on the backs of poor people when rich ones are still pumping out so much pollution – I’m skeptical of their bottom line. The Moss and Leo argument is straightforward. Every dollar committed by OPIC to a natural gas power project is accompanied by four dollars (on average) in private funds. In contrast, every OPIC dollar committed to a renewable energy project leverages only 50 cents on average. If OPIC has a ten billion dollar portfolio, dedicating that to gas would generate 50 billion dollars in investment, but directing it toward renewables would yield only 15 billion dollars. Moss and Leo combine these figures with an estimate of the per-person costs of energy access to conclude that focusing on gas could generate access for 90 million people but that investing in renewables would serve only 20-27 million. They also estimate the amount of generating capacity that each type of focus could yield: only 4,200 megawatts (MW) for renewables but 42,000 MW for one-third-less-capital-intensive natural gas. It strikes me that there are three issues with this analysis. Correcting two of them makes the trade-off look less stark, but fixing the third makes it look even worse. The first problem is with the leverage ratios. The historical leverage ratios do not tell us that for every additional dollar OPIC spends on gas the private sector will spend four. They actually tell us nothing about how much private investment a dollar of OPIC spending will leverage, because they don’t tell us what happens at the margin, and they don’t tell us anything about causality. To see why, imagine that private investors planned to spend a billion dollars on natural gas. Now imagine that OPIC stepped up and decided to commit ten million dollars to the same end – and that developers pocketed that money without expanding their projects. We would calculate a stunning 100:1 leverage ratio for this project, even though the actual leverage is zero. It’s entirely possible that public spending on natural gas projects appears to leverage more private capital than spending on renewables does simply because more private capital is already there for natural gas than for renewables. We have no idea, at least based on the numbers that Moss and Leo present, whether OPIC investment attracts more private capital when it’s in gas or in renewables. The second issue has to do with how costs are defined. Moss and Leo focus on power plant capital costs. Those are, to a good approximation, the full costs of renewables. But they also are, of course, far from the full costs of natural gas. (Generation costs for natural gas are typically dominated by the cost of fuel.) Now Moss and Leo note that most of the countries targeted by Power Africa have decent natural gas resources. But there is a cost to using these domestically: foregone export revenues. (And there’s a cost to producing them, namely the labor and capital – probably imported in the latter case – that’s required.) It’s not much use to build gas-fired generating capacity unless there’s affordable fuel for it to use (just ask Indian planners). At a minimum, then, you’d need to argue that consumers will be able to pay for the continued operation of OPIC-backed gas-fired power plants. To be more complete you’d need to look at the full cost of gas-fired generation in any comparison – including foregone investment or revenues resulting from more domestic gas use. There is, however, a third thing that weighs strongly toward Moss and Leo’s bottom line: not all megawatts are created equal. A megawatt of wind or solar doesn’t deliver nearly as much electricity over time as a megawatt of gas-fired capacity can. Assuming that fuel is available at an affordable price – a significant assumption that we’ve just looked at – the 42,000 MW of gas-fired capacity that Moss and Leo estimate are actually more than 10 times as valuable as the 4,200 MW of renewables they flag. What’s the bottom line here? Moss and Leo are right to warn us against shortchanging the poor by being dogmatically opposed to supporting fossil fuel development. But it’s far from obvious that directing OPIC money toward natural gas projects consistently yields bigger energy access payoffs than spending it on zero-carbon electricity. Better to pursue a project-by-project assessment of costs and benefits that focuses on the actual impact of each OPIC intervention, not on associating OPIC with the largest volume of private activity, or on insisting dogmatically that it stay out of almost all fossil fuels.
  • Europe and Eurasia
    Is Europe’s Renewables Mandate Bad for the Environment?
    Rob Stavins has a provocative post up at his (excellent) blog arguing that European renewables mandates are bad for the environment. Much of it makes good sense – but I suspect that it goes too far. Stavins’s logic is simple. Since European stationary-source emissions are capped under the EU ETS, any renewables mandate simply shifts emissions around, rather than reducing them. And because carbon prices will be lower in the presence of a renewables mandate, less low-carbon innovation will be induced when a renewables mandate exists. (High carbon prices provoke investment in low-carbon innovation.) The net result is that adding a renewables mandate to a cap and trade system is bad not only for the economy but for the environment too. Most of Stavins’s argument is persuasive – it is, among other things, a useful antidote to the oddly emphatic claim on the New York Times editorial page that Europe’s “ambitious [emissions] goals will not be met without continued incentives for renewable energy”. But his final judgment seems to have three potential holes. The first hole has to do with technological change. Yes, as Stavins writes, lower carbon prices mean less incentive from a carbon price for low-carbon innovation. But the renewables mandate, depending on how it’s structured, means more incentive for renewables innovation! It’s going to be immensely difficult to determine how this one nets out. But it doesn’t make sense to pay attention only to the lower carbon price and not to the stronger renewables incentives when making a net assessment. The second hole has to do with international spillovers. I can think of two relevant mechanisms. First, higher domestic carbon prices raise demand for international carbon offsets. A corollary is that, with higher carbon prices, a larger fraction of a system’s mandated emissions cuts will come from outside. To the extent that international offsets are less credible than domestic emissions cuts, a higher carbon price for a given cap means higher global emissions. Second, and perhaps most important, by altering the incidence of carbon abatement costs, renewables incentives should influence international carbon leakage. To see how this works, it’s useful to set renewables aside for a moment and think about complementary abatement policies in general. Imagine that one imposed a policy that forced all of the costs of the emissions cuts that Europe seeks to come only from sectors that can’t relocate. Then the carbon price would drop to zero – including in sectors that potentially could relocate. In this scenario, there should be no carbon leakage – which is less leakage than one would expect given a carbon price. Now imagine a scenario at the other extreme: the burden of emissions cuts is imposed entirely on sectors that could potentially relocate. These sectors now face much higher costs, and are more likely to relocate than they would have been under a simple carbon price. Emissions leakage is now higher than under a simple carbon price. Now let’s get back to renewables: Which of these extremes is a renewables incentive closer to? It depends on the structure of the incentive. Some renewables incentives (such as broad-based feed-in tariffs) push electricity prices up even more than a carbon price does (for a given emissions reduction); if these increases are normally passed on to trade-exposed industries, they can increase carbon leakage and worsen environmental outcomes. Other renewables incentives (such as renewables subsidies paid for from the general budget) push electricity prices down, and hence should reduce carbon leakage (though a thorough analysis should include the effects of any second-order impacts on tax or interest rates too). Either way, if one wants to know the ultimate environmental impact of renewables incentives when combined with cap-and-trade, one needs to reckon with international leakage. The last potential hole in Stavins’s argument is politics. Higher carbon prices presumably lead to greater political pushback against carbon pricing. In that case, if renewables mandates lower the carbon price for a given cap, they can make that cap more likely to stick, ultimately keeping emissions lower than they otherwise would be. To be fair, though, an astute commenter on Stavins’s blog makes a smart counterargument: the way that Europe has implemented its renewables incentives has raised electricity prices more than a straight carbon price would have, in the process provoking plenty of pushback against climate policy in general. It’s possible to imagine, then, that pairing renewables incentives with carbon pricing could undermine support for both. Ultimately, it’s tough to know what political dynamics ultimately mean for the net impact of a renewables mandate on European emissions. Bottom line? Stavins is right that combining environmental policies can result in odd, and possibly perverse, environmental outcomes. Whether that’s the case for Europe’s renewables policies, though, is more complicated than meets the eye.
  • Renewable Energy
    Is Solar Really “Cost-Competitive” with Fossil Fuels?
    A finding last week by a Minnesota judge that a proposed solar project is a better way to meet the state’s electricity demand than several competing natural gas facilities has been making news. The decision has been reported as a “landmark” declaration that solar is “cost-competitive” with fossil fuels. It seems that few of those who have been reporting on the ruling have actually read it. A deeper dive reveals that solar got the nod because of state policy rather than superior standalone economics. It also points to some tricky decisions ahead for regulators. The 48-page opinion is long and complicated but can be summarized pretty straightforwardly. Several developers submitted proposals for meeting incremental electricity demand. A consultant to the government conducted a series of modeling exercises, which all concluded that various proposed gas plants were the most economic ways to meet Minnesota’s electricity needs. The judge pointed out, though, that Minnesota will need to add a substantial amount of solar in the coming years to meet a statutory mandate for solar power. He also argued that the state will need less incremental electricity than some others have claimed. Once that mandated solar power is added, he claimed, the state will need very little additional electricity generation. Hence the proposed gas plants would likely be superfluous, making them almost entirely a waste of money. The solar proposal, at least, would meet the mandate. On top of that, the judge cited an expert analysis as determining that solar would deliver the lowest levelized cost of electricity (LCOE). But that expert analysis appears to incorporate revenues from sales of renewable energy certificates (RECs) by the solar project in determining its net cost. (I write "appears" because I can’t track down the analysis; I’ve only read filings that refer to it.) Those RECs, of course, only exist because of the mandate. None of this means that the judge made the wrong decision or that the supportive policies are bad. (I don’t know enough about this case or the details of electricity modeling and regulation to have a view on that.) It does mean, however, that it’s wrong to take this as evidence that solar is cost-competitive absent policy support. Policy support (beyond the federal investment tax credit) was central for the judge’s findings. This episode also suggests a quirk that needs to be grappled with. The judge’s logic around the state solar mandate seems to have essentially disqualified all the non-solar competition. Ultimately, then, this “competitive” bidding process seems to not have really been competitive, with only one viable project considered. Perhaps the judge is correct that solar is the only way to go – but, in that case, Minnesota consumers presumably should get to play some competing solar bids against each other. As mandates become increasingly important in shaping the country’s electricity system, predictably and transparently integrating them with the utility sector’s peculiar mix of regulation and competition will be of paramount importance.
  • South Korea
    Nuclear Power in South Korea’s Green Growth Strategy
    Introduction Nuclear power has been an important, if understated, aspect of South Korea's National Strategy for Green Growth, a set of policies reflecting the idea that economic growth and environmental protection can be compatible activities rather than conflicting. Former president Lee Myung-bak did not mention nuclear power when he announced his administration's national vision for green growth in a 2008 speech, although nuclear power later made an appearance as one of ten major green growth policy objectives.[1] Arguing that nuclear energy use improves energy independence while mitigating carbon emissions, Lee championed a green growth framework that provided a new justification for South Korea to expand nuclear power at home and promote it abroad.[2] Plans are under way to increase nuclear power's share of the country's electricity generation from 33 percent to 59 percent by 2030.[3] In addition to the twenty-three reactors currently operating, five new reactors are under construction and eight more are planned.[4] However, recent reports of safety and quality-control problems at nuclear power plants in South Korea have undermined public trust in the safety and reliability of the country's cheapest source of electricity.[5] Although South Korea has experienced no major nuclear accidents since its first reactor began commercial operations in 1978, the nuclear power rethink in many countries resulting from the March 2011 nuclear accident in Fukushima, Japan, has created an atmosphere that only heightens these concerns.[6] At the same time, the government must also secure public acceptance of new storage sites for radioactive waste from spent nuclear fuel—an issue that highlights how doubts about nuclear power's green credentials can clash with the desire to meet rising electricity demand with low-carbon sources. Complicating this situation is the new South Korean president Park Geun-hye, who must decide how to put her stamp on green growth. Linking Nuclear Power and Green Growth South Korea's 1970s-era decision to adopt and expand nuclear power long predates the green growth initiative, although the two efforts share a common motivator: the quest for energy security in a country that is poor in energy resources and relies on imports to meet almost all its high energy demand. Currently, South Korea consumes more energy than all but ten other countries.[7] Added to the country's long struggle with energy security are the global economic slowdown of 2008–2009, a growing consensus about the need to tackle climate change, and the concomitant inability of global climate talks to achieve meaningful action on emissions reduction. These dynamics have recently given rise to the concept of green growth, which, under Lee's rubric, aims to curb carbon emissions while improving energy independence, create new engines of economic growth, and enhance South Korea's international standing. Although nuclear power—already firmly entrenched in South Korea's energy mix—seems tailor-made for achieving all three of these overarching goals, its broader impact on South Korea's energy landscape renders its use much more complex. In an era of widespread concern about climate change, the emissions mitigation potential of nuclear power generation, which emits no carbon, provides a new leg on which South Korea's nuclear expansion ambitions can stand. According to a recent report by the International Energy Agency (IEA), South Korea's per capita CO2 emissions increased 115.4 percent between 1990 and 2010.[8] The same report noted that electricity demand from all sectors "has grown significantly since 2000," while "production of nuclear electricity increased by almost 50 percent over the same period.[9] In 2009, the government of South Korea announced a voluntary target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 30 percent below the expected level by 2020.[10] The challenge of following through on this commitment while meeting increasing electricity demand provides double justification for South Korea's plans to expand nuclear power. Expanding nuclear power is not the only way South Korea is attempting to reign in its carbon emissions. There is already a program in place that requires the country's top emitters to meet designated emissions reduction targets or face a financial penalty. An emissions trading scheme (ETS) is expected to take effect in 2015 and the government is aggressively pursuing a smart-grid strategy aimed at reducing demand by providing real-time consumption and pricing information to consumers. But these efforts remain works in progress, whereas nuclear power is longstanding and proven. Determining the relationship between improved energy independence and nuclear power in South Korea requires an assessment of the country's electricity sources. Together, coal and natural gas account for two-thirds of electricity production in South Korea and nuclear energy accounts for most of the remaining third.[11] Coal—the majority of which is imported—is the largest single source of electricity, making up 45 percent of total electricity production.[12] Nuclear power expansion can offset the need for additional imports of coal and natural gas, diversifying the energy mix and improving energy independence. Moreover, indigenous technology is now used in critical systems in new reactors; at a groundbreaking ceremony for two new reactors last year, President Lee noted that South Korea had "achieved the dream of independent nuclear technology."[13] However, South Korea is wholly reliant on imported uranium and uranium conversion services to fuel its reactors.[14] This means nuclear energy is not entirely an autonomous power source for the country. There is evidence that nuclear power expansion can create new engines of economic growth. A 2009 paper published by the Korea Atomic Energy Research Institute found that "the total net contribution of nuclear technologies as a percentage share of GDP amounted to 2.38 percent in 2005."[15] This amount includes economic activity generated from the construction and operation of nuclear power plants as well as industrial output stimulated by the electricity produced from nuclear power. Furthermore, South Korea's aggressive pursuit of new export opportunities for its nuclear expertise has already boosted economic growth. In 2009, a South Korean consortium won a bid to build four nuclear reactors in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), prevailing over competitors from Japan and France. According to projections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), global demand growth for nuclear power is expected to continue, although at rates lower than predicted prior to the Fukushima accident.[16] Strategic marketing of nuclear power as a zero-carbon alternative to fossil fuels may enhance the country's efforts to capture more of this market. In 2010, President Lee wrote in the journal Global Asia, "Nuclear is one of the most efficient power generation methods that will lead us to a low-carbon society, and I intend to make sure that [South] Korea keeps up with its role as one of the major suppliers of these zero-carbon power plants."[17] He went on to say the nuclear reactors South Korea is building in the UAE would equal "40 million tons of carbon mitigation."[18] This UAE deal was a critical initial win in the country's quest to export eighty nuclear reactors by 2030, which could reportedly total $300 billion in sales for South Korea.[19] However, experts question the feasibility of this goal, noting it would require a significant uptick in production of nuclear reactors at a time of diminishing human resource capacity in South Korea's nuclear industry.[20] Therefore, nuclear power's future contribution as a green growth export engine is questionable. Finally, nuclear power can serve the third pillar of the green growth strategy—enhancing international standing—in three ways. First, South Korea's contract to build four nuclear reactors in the UAE is a major opportunity for South Korea to show it can deliver a nuclear power plant export on time and on budget while building safety credentials. One executive who was involved in the UAE contract decision cited "world-class safety performance" of South Korean plants as one reason for the win.[21] Other sources have emphasized the South Korean project's smaller budget relative to those of other proposals.[22] Second, whereas some countries, such as Germany, responded to the Fukushima accident by retreating from nuclear power production, South Korea is taking the opportunity to promote nuclear safety, beginning at home. Following Fukushima, President Lee emphasized, "We must learn from the Fukushima accident and redouble our efforts to enhance nuclear safety in keeping up with new technology and demands of the times, and to restore public confidence."[23] South Korea already houses the world's first International Nuclear Safety School to train safety experts from other countries. This can be a basis for bolstering international collaborative efforts on nuclear safety. Finally, nuclear power could also strengthen South Korea's international standing in an indirect fashion by serving as an important means for the country to deliver on its voluntary emissions reduction target. A report released by South Korea's Ministry of Knowledge Economy projecting electricity supply and demand indicates the country may overshoot the target by 10 percent in 2020.[24] In any case, if South Korea can meet its target, or make significant emissions reductions in later years, nuclear power will surely have played a role. Nuclear power has an important role to play in South Korean green growth, especially as a near-term tactic for meeting rising electricity demand without increasing emissions. Its future as a green growth engine is buttressed by the cost advantage it enjoys over other forms of electricity generation. However, this potential is complicated by the task of regaining public trust in the safety of nuclear power and the debate over nuclear power's green credentials at a time when the government must secure public acquiescence to new storage sites for nuclear waste. Bolstering Public Trust in Nuclear Safety Public confidence in the safety of nuclear power plummeted in South Korea after the March 2011 nuclear accident at Fukushima, Japan.[25] The monumental accident ultimately resulted in the idling of almost all of Japan's nuclear power plants. Promoting the expansion of nuclear power in South Korea might have been difficult enough in such an environment, but domestic safety problems and a quality control scandal that unfolded during the closing months of 2012 have further hampered these efforts. In February 2012, a power loss at a South Korean nuclear plant went unreported until authorities discovered it.[26] The revelation that falsified quality-control documents had been used to certify more than seven-thousand reactor parts led to the temporary closure of two reactors in November of that year, sparking fears of power shortages at a time of unusually cold temperature forecasts and record-high levels of electricity consumption.[27] One month later, hundreds of falsely certified parts were discovered in two other reactors, as well as in their water-cooling systems.[28] These reactors have remained online during replacement work. Discerning the implications of these events on public opinion was made more difficult after Fukushima, when the Korean Nuclear Energy Promotion Agency (KONEPA) declined to publish its regular polls on the public opinion of nuclear safety in South Korea.[29] According to a report by Reuters, South Korean opposition lawmaker Woo Yoon-guen has called on KONEPA to resume publishing the polls and has also revealed some of the agency's data himself.[30] A September 2012 KONEPA poll indicated that public confidence may have begun to regain its footing, showing that 53.3 percent of respondents viewed nuclear power plants as safe compared with 41.5 percent who did not.[31] However, public confidence dipped to 34.8 percent by the end of 2012 as the quality control scandal was unfolding.[32] The Fukushima accident galvanized existing antinuclear movements and gave rise to new ones in South Korea, but these do not appear to have gained widespread traction. The situation in the east-coast town of Samcheok, where there are plans to build a nuclear power plant, may illustrate a measure of ambivalence about nuclear power among some citizens in South Korea. According to a March 2011 survey of residents taken before the Fukushima accident, 75 percent of respondents favored locating the new plant in their town.[33] Seven months later, following the accident, support dropped to 50 percent.[34] A local group tried to recall the pronuclear mayor, though the effort failed.[35] By contrast, some residents seemed to value the need for economic resurgence over safety concerns. According to a report by Reuters, even after the Fukushima accident, local pronuclear activists based their support for building a nuclear plant in their town on the estimation that the construction and operation of the plant would pump 6.2 trillion won ($5.7 billion) into Samcheok's economy.[36] Public opinion of nuclear power expansion seems to result in part from a complicated mix of safety perceptions and self-interest; the citizens were conflicted between concerns about the government response to the recent scandals and the recognition that nuclear power is, for now at least, a low-cost electricity source that can bestow economic benefits on the communities where plants are located. Nuclear power may be the one piece of the green growth strategy most vulnerable to changes in public perception, especially because its expansion requires some level of public acceptance to manage the tangible problem of storing spent nuclear fuel. There was no broad public debate over the ETS, which passed the National Assembly with little fanfare. Investments in smart-grid technology and new forms of renewable energy, including wind and solar power, do not attract as much opposition due to safety concerns as nuclear power does. In January, the government announced new measures responding to the quality control scandal and safety problems. These include new procedures for procuring reactor parts and dealing with mechanical problems.[37] However, any indication that the government is suppressing data that reflects negatively on nuclear power—such as the refusal to publish KONEPA polls—could undermine public trust and ultimately backfire. Cost Advantages of Nuclear Power Nuclear power has one advantage that would make it difficult to dislodge from South Korea's energy mix: it is the cheapest source of electricity in the country.[38] The IEA report notes that "while the Korean consumer price index increased by 254 percent from 1982 to 2011, electricity prices increased by 29.9 percent in the same period."[39] Although the initial investments and operations and maintenance costs are higher for nuclear power plants than coal or gas plants, the cost advantage of generating electricity with nuclear power instead of using imported fossil fuels outweighs the start-up costs of a nuclear power plant in South Korea.[40] When a carbon price is added to the cost of fossil fuel electricity generation, nuclear power's cost advantage becomes even starker.[41] South Korea's ETS may eventually result in a carbon price, making nuclear power even more affordable relative to fossil fuels than it already is. The country also seems to be well positioned to build new nuclear power plants at a lower cost than many other developed countries, due to its recent experience and lower construction costs.[42] Nuclear power's cost advantage is even clearer when compared with renewable forms of energy such as wind, solar, and tidal power. According to one researcher at the Korea Energy Economics Institute, the wholesale cost of power from alternative sources in South Korea is six times higher than that of nuclear power.[43] The green growth strategy sets out a goal of increasing the share of renewables to 11 percent of total primary energy supply by 2030 (though it is unclear how much of that share is intended for the electricity sector versus other sectors, such as transportation).[44] South Korea has a long way to go on this score. Renewable energy sources currently make up a meager 1.5 percent of the country's electricity generation, with the bulk of that supply coming from biofuels and renewable waste.[45] Although solar and wind power are growing in South Korea, they still account for only a tiny share of renewable energy.[46] Moreover, as is widely noted, "their intermittent and variable supply make them poorly suited for large-scale use in the absence of an affordable way to store electricity.[47] In addition, as the IEA has noted, South Korea's climate and geography present a steeper challenge for the development of renewable energy compared with other IEA countries.[48] Nuclear power is the only major energy source that South Korea can rely on for wide-scale, zero-carbon electricity in the near term as more costly renewable energy sources struggle to gain a foothold. Han Seung-soo, former prime minister of South Korea and then chairman of the Seoul-based Global Green Growth Institute, acknowledged this in 2011 when he said, "If we pursue clean energy, we need to accept nuclear power as a reality until we have better options readily available."[49] Is Nuclear Power Really "Green"? Although nuclear power can help meet energy needs without emitting carbon, there is disagreement over whether it truly serves the purpose of green growth. The Lee administration emphasized nuclear power as a "clean" source of energy, focusing on its zero-carbon characteristics, but some environmental groups, such as Green Korea United, reject its no-carbon credentials, arguing that emissions from the mining and refining of the uranium fuel source must be taken into account.[50] In addition, the problem of finding new storage sites for high-level radioactive waste from spent nuclear fuel further tarnishes nuclear power's "green" image and is likely to be a pressing challenge for the government in the coming years as it runs up against storage limits at current sites amid "not in my backyard" opposition to new sites. The three reactor sites where spent nuclear fuel is currently stored in South Korea are projected to reach capacity in 2016.[51] Reprocessing spent fuel is a strategy for managing nuclear waste, but South Korea does not have this option. A longstanding agreement with the United States that was recently extended for two more years prohibits this practice over concerns about nuclear weapons proliferation. Although the South Korean government is pressing for the right to reprocess spent nuclear fuel, in part to help manage the storage problem, the United States remains reluctant to agree to this. Nuclear power expansion will create more nuclear waste that must be handled without reprocessing spent fuel. The real challenge for the near term may be overcoming public opposition to new storage sites for spent nuclear fuel. The government already spent 300 million won ($247 million) in cash and other benefits to tamp down local opposition to a low- and intermediate-level radioactive waste storage site at Gyeongju.[52] Construction of this repository was twice prolonged due to "weak bedrock and groundwater problems," a situation that does not bode well for public acceptance of new storage spaces for high-level radioactive waste.[53] Government-sponsored public discussions to help determine new locations for storing high-level waste from spent nuclear fuel are expected to begin in the coming weeks. If these talks are a true give-and-take between citizens and government, they could help build the "culture of transparency" in the nuclear power industry that President Lee called for.[54] Regardless, the challenge of managing nuclear waste that remains radioactive for centuries is a powerful argument against labeling nuclear power as "green." However, the need for a zero-carbon electricity source to meet rising demand is likely to win out, as long as the government can gain enough public acceptance to new storage sites. Conclusion When it comes to nuclear power in South Korea, green growth is a new banner for an old strategy. South Korea's long experience with nuclear power, its reliance on this form of energy to meet rising demand, and its recognition of nuclear power's carbon mitigation potential together render a natural and convenient relationship between nuclear power and South Korea's green growth strategy. Public trust in nuclear safety has faltered but can recover, as polls have shown. Going forward, President Park is likely to continue the aggressive nuclear agenda she inherited from President Lee. She has indicated that she does not support closing all of the country's aging nuclear plants.[55] However, working with the public to find new storage sites for nuclear waste from spent fuel will be an important task during her tenure—one that complicates the challenge of selling nuclear power as "green." In an early signal that she may decouple nuclear power from green growth, her newly appointed environment minister, Yoon Seong-kyu, publicly questioned nuclear power's relevance to green growth in a recent hearing.[56] In any case, Fukushima did not stop South Korea from breaking ground for two new reactors a little more than one year after the accident, a signal of how important nuclear power is to meeting the country's electricity demand. Nuclear power expansion is likely to continue in South Korea. It is less certain whether President Park is as eager as her predecessor to embrace green growth as a justification for it. Endnotes ^ Yonhap News Agency, Text of South Korean president's liberation anniversary address, August 15, 2008. ^ According to Korea's Future in Green Growth, a 2009 report of the Presidential Committee on Green Growth, nuclear power expansion is mentioned as one of ten major policy directions for the purpose of reducing the use of fossil fuels and improving energy independence, p. 10. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries: The Republic of Korea 2012 Review (Paris: International Energy Agency, 2012), pp. 102–3. ^ Ibid. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries: The Republic of Korea 2012 Review, OECD/IEA, 2012, p. 109. ^ A report by the UAE Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism noted South Korea's nuclear safety record, as cited in Xinhua News, "Will S. Korea's nuclear power ambition make sense?" February 16, 2010. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries: The Republic of Korea 2012 Review (Paris: International Energy Agency, 2012), p. 9. ^ Ibid, p. 35. ^ Ibid, p. 77–78. ^ Kim Young-won, "S. Korea likely to fall short of emissions reduction target," Korea Herald, February 12, 2013. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Policies of IEA Countries, p. 77. Oil, hydro, and other sources together make up a small share of electricity production, about 4.4 percent. ^ Ibid. ^ Yonhap, "South Korea starts work on two nuclear reactors," May 4, 2012. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Policies of IEA Countries, p. 105. ^ Manki Lee, Kee-yung Nam, Kiho Jeong, Byungjoo Min, and Young-eek Jung, "Contribution of Nuclear Power to the National Economic Development in Korea," Nuclear Engineering and Technology, vol. 41, no. 4, May 2009, p. 549. ^ International Atomic Energy Agency, "IAEA Updates Its Projections for Nuclear Power in 2030," September 25, 2012. ^ Lee Myung-bak, "Shifting Paradigms: The Road to Global Green Growth," Global Asia, vol. 4, no. 4, January 2010, p. 11–12. ^ Ibid. ^ Meeyoung Cho, "South Korea urged to restore trust in nuclear power," Reuters, Nov. 22, 2012. ^ Center for Strategic and International Studies and Asan Institute for Policy Studies, Report from a Workshop on South Korea as a Responsible Nuclear Supplier, February 18, 2013. ^ Andrew England, Peggy Hollinger, and Song Jung-a, "S. Koreans win $20bn UAE nuclear power contract," Financial Times, December 28, 2009. ^ Ann McLachlan, "Lauvergeon: French lost UAE bid because of expensive EPR safety features," Nucleonics Week, January 14, 2010. ^ Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, "Address by President Lee Myung-bak at High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Safety and Security," September 22, 2011. ^ Kim Young-won, "S. Korea likely to fall short." ^ Yonhap News Agency, "Seoul to overhaul operator of scandals-hit nuclear power plant," Yonhap, January 8, 2013. ^ Sangim Han and Yuriy Humber, "Nuclear Halt in South Korea Seen Boosting Coal: Energy Markets," Bloomberg Businessweek, April 13, 2012. ^ See "Looming blackout threat," Korea Herald, December 6, 2012, and "Electricity consumption shoots up to record high," Korea Herald, January 3, 2013. ^ Park Si-soo, "More fake certificates for nuclear reactor parts found," Korea Times, December 6, 2012. ^ Jack Kim and David Chance, "Secrecy cloaks South Korea's civil nuclear program," Reuters, Nov. 13, 2012. ^ Ibid. ^ According to an unpublished poll revealed by Woo Yoon-geun, as cited in Kim and Chance, "Secrecy cloaks." ^ According to the Ministry of Knowledge Economy, as reported by Yonhap, "Seoul to overhaul operator." ^ Survey data cited in article by Yoon Ja-young, "Yeongdeok, Samcheok tapped as candidates for nuclear power plants," Korea Times, Dec. 23, 2011. ^ Ibid. ^ Kim and Chance, "Secrecy cloaks." ^ Ibid. ^ Yonhap, "Seoul to overhaul operator." ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries, p. 109. ^ Ibid, p. 99. ^ International Energy Agency and OECD Nuclear Energy Agency, Projected Costs of Generating Electricity: 2010 Edition (Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2010), p. 75. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid, p. 50. ^ States News Service, "Reactor Shutdown in South Korea Raises Blackout Fears," July 31, 2012. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries, p. 98. ^ Ibid, p. 93. ^ Ibid, p. 93. ^ Ernest Moniz, "Why We Still Need Nuclear Power," Foreign Affairs, November/December 2011, p. 84. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Policies of IEA Countries, p. 98. ^ Cho Jin-seo, "Green growth is second industrial revolution," Korea Times, June 26, 2011. ^ Green Korea United, "Green Growth Policy of the Korean Government and its Critics," http://green-korea.tistory.com/101. ^ Seongho Sheen, "Nuclear Sovereignty versus Nuclear Security: Renewing the ROK-U.S. Atomic Energy Agreement," The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, Vol. 23, No. 2, June 2011, p. 276. ^ "Nuclear waste a growing headache for S. Korea," Associated Press, March 26, 2013. ^ International Energy Agency, Energy Polices of IEA Countries, p. 106. ^ Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Address by President." at High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Safety and Security, Sept. 22, 2011. ^ Lee Sun-young, "Major environmental policy change unlikely under Park," Korea Herald, Dec. 27, 2012. ^ Shin Hyon-hee, "Park ditches 'green growth' in environmental policy shift," Korea Herald, March 28, 2013.
  • Climate Change
    The Global Green Growth Institute: On a Mission to Prove Green Growth
    Introduction On October 23, 2012, a new international organization dedicated to changing the way countries grow economically made its official debut on the world stage. The eighteen member countries of the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI) convened for the first time as an international body in Seoul during a ministerial meeting just a month in advance of the United Nations (UN) climate talks in Qatar.[1] Three years ago, the GGGI was only an idea championed by South Korean president Lee Myung-bak, who has made green growth a centerpiece of his administration's policy agenda. Since the institute's launch in June 2010, it has evolved from a small South Korean nonprofit into an organization that has built the necessary foundation for conversion to an international organization.[2] It currently has sixty-two staff members and three regional offices in Abu Dhabi, Copenhagen, and London, in addition to its Seoul headquarters.[3] The GGGI has an estimated 2012 budget of more than $35 million.[4] The GGGI reflects President Lee's "me first" approach to climate change, which he has described as the idea that countries should take initiative and execute policies appropriate to their respective circumstances without waiting for others to act first.[5] The GGGI is already at work on the ground in ten countries. The institute focuses on developing and emerging economies that want technical and policy advice on how to pursue more sustainable economic growth. It is intended to be an economic counterpart to the global bodies that focus on the scientific aspects of climate change.[6] Generally, green growth refers to the idea that economic growth and environmental protection are not at odds, but can be mutually reinforcing. Though green growth is now widely discussed, it remains an aspiration. The GGGI has staked its future on its ability to prove that green growth is possible. It is a grand experiment. While other international organizations have been formed in order to address collective challenges, the GGGI is organized around the pursuit of a solution that is not yet proven. Can developing countries achieve broad-based economic growth while avoiding environmental damage? And can avoiding environmental damage in itself present new opportunities for growth? The GGGI will test these ideas in countries that want to integrate green growth into their core economic development agendas and use those experiences to advance the body of knowledge. If it is successful, the GGGI's work could revolutionize international economic development efforts. However, the institute will face obstacles related to maintaining international political support, recruiting staff, and securing funding. Ultimately, the GGGI's success depends on its ability to effectively address developing countries' institutional and technical shortcomings over the long term. Maintaining continuity of political support for green growth plans inside South Korea will also need attention. In this way, it faces the same challenges that have dogged traditional development efforts for decades. Economics First The Rio+20 UN Conference on Sustainable Development held in June 2012 generated a slew of epithets. A news release from CARE International claimed the conference was "nothing more than a political charade."[7] Greenpeace International executive director Kumi Naidoo said it was "a failure of epic proportions."[8] Rio+20 secretary-general Sha Zukang's verdict: "An outcome that makes nobody happy."[9] Over the past several years, many observers have expressed frustration with the inability of environmental talks that include thousands of participants to produce concrete action or meaningful results. However, Rio+20 did produce numerous side agreements on a variety of sustainable development actions. These were negotiated on the margins of the conference between communities, countries, and corporations.[10] In a sense, this do-it-yourself spirit reflects the ethos of the GGGI, which seeks to combine coherence and technical capacity with local desires for action on green growth initiatives. There are two important premises to the GGGI's approach. The first is that environmental challenges, such as water stress, biodiversity loss, and climate change, are economic policy challenges.[11] Though the GGGI expects that its work will make positive contributions to climate change mitigation and poverty reduction, it operates by looking through a wider lens that assesses how countries can use resources more efficiently. The first step is to take an economic view of the situation. "We view ourselves as an economic institution, not an environmental institution," GGGI executive director Richard Samans said of the institute.[12] By acknowledging that economic growth and rising living standards are crucial for developing countries, and by accounting for the incentives that have led to stress on natural resources, this view is a welcome complement to the global climate bodies that tend not to emphasize these points as first principles. The second premise is that years of intense focus on global, top-down, legalistic solutions to climate change have come at the expense of a "how-to" focus on the ground.[13] The result is severe underinvestment in the economic framework necessary for countries to attract private and public capital to achieve economic development goals that can produce both economic and environmental payoffs, such as projects that can simultaneously produce new jobs and access to clean energy sources. The GGGI seeks to fill this economic gap by developing an "enabling economic architecture," or frameworks for integrating economic and environmental goals that include plans to attract investment to fulfill them.[14] In this way, the GGGI's country-by-country (or in some cases, province-by-province), bottom-up approach is the right supplement to top-down, global negotiations. In short, global discussions advance ideas about what to do. The GGGI focuses on how to do it. A core activity of the GGGI is advising countries on forming what it calls a Green Growth Plan (GGP). This begins with assessing the country's own goals for economic development. The GGGI then helps make a thorough evaluation of where economic performance targets can overlap with potential environmental benefits. It also helps identify policy options, taking into consideration the trade-offs inherent in policy choices. "Green growth is not a free lunch in most cases," Samans argues.[15] The GGGI also assists with the crucial step of investment analysis—building quantifiable investment cases that can help attract public and private sector resources—to help countries fulfill their plans. Reducing information and policy barriers to investment through rigorous analysis is seen as a critical part of the GGGI's work. In effect, the GGGI diagnoses an economy's green growth potential and then helps to craft investment cases to translate policy into reality. This is a distinguishing feature of the GGGI: a whole-of-government approach that seeks to integrate green growth into a country's economic development agenda, rather than produce disparate, one-off environmental projects. This is ambitious but necessary: uncoordinated, small-scale projects are unlikely to be enough to achieve the paradigm shift to a green economy that the GGGI seeks. Building a Green Growth Model The idea that there is no one-size-fits-all solution to economic development has become something of a mantra in the development community. Consideration of political, environmental, and economic conditions on the ground is an imperative often mentioned in discussions about development. This is as true when striving for green growth as it is for traditional growth. How then can the GGGI achieve its mission of building a green growth model that is widely applicable? The GGGI aims to do this by focusing intensively on a small number of countries that vary by region, income level, and type of economy in order to test green growth in diverse locations.[16] The goal is to produce successful examples that show green growth is possible in a variety of settings and that there are best practices that can be adapted to different situations. These on-the-ground experiences will also feed into the GGGI's own research, including through two multilateral initiatives for which it is acting as the secretariat: the Green Growth Knowledge Platform and the Green Growth Best Practice Initiative.[17] According to Samans, the GGGI plans to work with ten to twenty countries over the next several years "that are serious about driving green growth into their economic development plans."[18] How to judge whether a country is serious about green growth? The GGGI pursues projects only in countries from which it has received a high-level request, usually at the ministerial level, and also consults widely with interested parties and ministries.[19] This ensures buy-in at the highest levels, though this may last only as long as the current government is in place. What happens when administrations change, and along with them, the political dynamics that initially favored green growth? The GGGI hopes that successful cases of green growth will eventually inspire other countries to adapt green growth models to their own situations.[20] However, changes in political support or opposition from domestic interest groups will be potential risks to successful implementation of green growth plans. Even where political conditions are supportive of green growth, underlying problems can stymie the best of green growth intentions. A recent World Bank report cautions, "[Green growth] is not a panacea to a country's economic ills: if economic growth is insufficient because of institutional or policy problems, green growth will not boost it in the absence of other structural changes."[21] Buy-in without strong institutions and technical knowledge is not enough. The GGGI tries to address such deficiencies head-on from the beginning by integrating a strategy to strengthen institutional and technical capacity into its plans. Although such foresight is commendable, the task of fortifying institutions so that they can absorb and retain technical know-how for the long term remains a tall order for broader international development efforts. As a young organization, the GGGI is still building a pipeline of projects. Ethiopia is one of the first countries in which the GGGI began its work, and it offers one of the most complete cases so far to illustrate the GGGI's approach. In 2010, the government of Ethiopia announced an ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) that set a goal of achieving middle-income status and a climate-resilient economy through low-emissions growth.[22] The country's contribution to global carbon emissions is minimal and it already generates the bulk of its power from renewable sources, mostly hydropower.[23] Ethiopia's interests are avoiding future increases in emissions, using resources more efficiently, and reducing its vulnerability to changes in the climate.[24] Working within the context of the GTP, the GGGI assisted the Ethiopian government with developing a green growth plan called the Climate Resilient Green Economy (CRGE) strategy. To build domestic support, the GGGI helped create a cross-ministerial committee to coordinate actions for shepherding the process along. The institute invested in local technical capacity from the start by forming technical committees to develop sectoral strategies and to serve as a repository for transferring technical knowledge to teams from relevant ministries.[25] The CRGE includes over sixty projects in multiple sectors for low-emissions growth. The GGGI is currently working with the Ethiopian government on an implementation and investment plan, called the "iPlan," to achieve these and other green growth objectives.[26] A country's decision to commit to sustainable development through green growth can offer an attractive benefit: access to financing. Economic development plans that can be sold as "green" can attract new sources of financing dedicated explicitly to green initiatives. Last month, the Ethiopian government launched the Climate Resilient Green Economy Facility, a tool for mobilizing public and private sources of funding to support projects in line with the CRGE. So far, the fund has received pledges of $60 million from the Norwegian government and $24.3 million from the government of the United Kingdom.[27] This is far short of the estimated $150 billion that the Ethiopian government is seeking to support the iPlan.[28] Current economic conditions may make it difficult for governments to follow through on funding pledges for new financing vehicles. The GGGI acknowledges that bringing Ethiopia's plan into action will require strong commitment from the government and others.[29] A look at some of its proposed projects for low-emissions growth is instructive.[30] For example, some could require significant investment, such as building a light rail transit system. Some may require serious expertise and introduce competing demands for a resource, such as bringing non-forest land into agricultural production through new irrigation projects. Still others may require political action and enforcement mechanisms, such as enacting fuel efficiency standards. Culture matters, too. For example, Ethiopia's CRGE cites "cultural reasons" as a barrier to the adoption of efficient cooking stove technologies, a strategy for reducing forest degradation.[31] The "enabling economic architecture" that the GGGI seeks to build requires complementary institutional strength and political support in order to translate these priorities into reality. This will be the real test for the GGGI. Building institutional capacity is a long-term project and political dynamics can be unpredictable and difficult to maneuver. The best green growth plan will not help a country achieve a true paradigm shift to green economic development if it stays on the shelf because the capacity to implement it is lacking or political support is weak. Recognizing this, the GGGI addresses these challenges from the time it begins working in a country. Whether it can manage them over the long term and leave in place something that will endure when its time in a country is over is an open question. Becoming an International Organization There are other organizations that pursue green economy projects around the globe, such as the UN Development Program and the Climate Knowledge and Development Network. Consulting powerhouses such as McKinsey & Company have generated numerous ideas related to advancing green growth strategies in recent years.[32] Until now, however, there has never been an international organization dedicated solely to developing green growth strategies for integration into a country's core economic development agenda. The GGGI will remain small for now, but it sees itself as a new kind of organization.[33] The GGGI aims to be a hybrid organization, linking developed and developing countries as well as governments and nonstate actors. Its advisory committee will consist entirely of nonstate actors, such as leading experts in fields related to green growth.[34] In addition, its executive body, called the council, which will oversee the GGGI's strategy and budget, will include a range of contributing member countries and participating member countries, along with experts or other nonstate actors, the host country, and the director general.[35] The GGGI's financing has come primarily from voluntary contributions from members, with additional project funding from member and nonmember countries and international financial institutions.[36] The GGGI has also received funds from Korean steel giant POSCO and Denmark-based manufacturer the Danfoss Group.[37] The institute will seek Official Development Assistance (ODA) eligibility status from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) as a means to enhance its attractiveness to some donor countries.[38] On October 20, South Korea won a bid to host the secretariat of the Green Climate Fund (GCF), a victory that could enhance the GGGI's prospects for securing future financing from a fund that aims to raise $100 billion per year by 2020.[39] The GCF was established during global climate talks last year to help developing countries access financing for climate change mitigation and adaptation projects. Locating the GCF secretariat in Songdo, near Seoul, could reinforce the GGGI's efforts and pave the way for relationship building between the two organizations. The decision to choose South Korea will become final upon endorsement by countries participating in the annual UN climate negotiations later this year in Qatar.[40] Prospects for Success There are at least two important criteria for the GGGI's success in the long run. First, can it amass enough evidence to prove that green growth is possible? Second, can it show that successful cases can be emulated in diverse settings? These are two separate challenges. Even if green growth is shown to be possible somewhere, is this a guarantee that it can succeed anywhere? It will take only one successful case of implementing a wide-ranging green growth plan in a country to show that green growth has potential. The second question is more difficult because answering it with an unequivocal "yes" means overcoming the same challenges that traditional development efforts have long faced: finding a way to address developing countries' institutional and technical limitations in a way that endures over the long term and successfully navigating in-country political dynamics. As a brand-new international organization, the GGGI has the benefit of decades of lessons learned in the broader development community, and the institute's embrace of these insights are evident in its approach, especially in the priority it places on gaining wide-ranging domestic support from the start and creating platforms for helping countries learn from each other's green growth experiences. Still, in order to achieve a paradigm shift, it will have to clear the same hurdles that continue to confront traditional development efforts. The GGGI will need many years of sustained support before it can show that green growth is truly possible in any setting. Maintaining international political support will be an ongoing task. The GGGI has begun to operate as an international organization without the ratification of its host country. The South Korean National Assembly has yet to ratify the agreement that established the GGGI; fourteen other member countries have also not ratified the agreement.[41] Distractions related to South Korea's upcoming presidential election may be one reason why the National Assembly has not acted. The National Assembly's lack of action raises the question of who will be the GGGI's national champion in the international sphere after President Lee's term is over. It is unclear whether South Korea will continue to be the driver of the GGGI that it has been under President Lee. Does South Korea see the GGGI specifically, and green growth more generally, as an agenda of the Lee administration, or will internationalizing the institute firmly establish it as an organization with its own identity? Denmark's early and strong support of the GGGI has endured, and the GGGI has amassed eighteen institutional partnerships so far, including with the Asian Development Bank and the World Economic Forum. These relationships may help it gain long-term traction. Winning over countries and other partners through the power of its ideas may also be a driver for its eventual success: the participants will be the ones who want to be there. This could add to unity of purpose, even if differences emerge among member countries on where to focus the institute's efforts. The GGGI will have to recruit more expert staff to carry out its goals of diagnosing the economies of up to twenty countries for their green growth potential and devising follow-up actions. This will be a big task in the months ahead; the GGGI plans to more than double its staff of sixty-two by 2014.[42] Its elevated status as an international organization is expected to confer a certain gravitas upon it that will be useful in attracting talent and boosting its credibility.[43] Operating as an international organization might also help it attract more funding, but where will the money come from? The Green Climate Fund is in its infancy; details about how it will operate and raise funds are not yet settled.[44] It will be important for the GGGI to show successful cases of green growth to attract more financial support in the future. To that end, one of the GGGI's strengths seems to be a willingness to show restraint—it will be a cheerleader for green growth only to the extent that its own theory and practices show evidence for its success. This approach can help build confidence in its work. "We will build a body of evidence and call it like we see it," said Samans. "We are not an advocacy organization."[45] The GGGI is unique for forging ahead and pursuing a bottom-up approach to green growth without waiting for a global, consensus-based organization to agree on what should be done. The self-starter gene that seems fundamental to this international organization's DNA is commendable. The GGGI will be successful in the short term because action trumps inaction. The only way to know for sure if green growth is possible is to try it. Green growth as a concept has already caught on in the global discourse about the environment, development, and climate change. The real question is whether the GGGI will be able to succeed fast enough to maintain interest in and funding for its work. Achieving a wholesale paradigm shift, if that is possible, is likely to take many years. The GGGI itself acknowledges that this is an ambitious vision.[46] However, one thing is certain: the GGGI is sure to advance the body of knowledge about green growth in a way that would likely not occur if this organization had never come into existence. By kick-starting green growth efforts on the ground and learning by doing, the GGGI is already contributing to green growth theory. In a few years' time, the world will know more about the possibilities of green growth than it does today because of the GGGI's work. Endnotes ^ Australia, Cambodia, Costa Rica, Denmark, Ethiopia, Guyana, Indonesia, Kiribati, Korea, Norway, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, the Philippines, Qatar, the UAE, the United Kingdom, and Vietnam are the seventeen member countries that signed an agreement in June to convert the GGGI into an international organization. Mexico became the eighteenth member country on October 15, 2012. ^ The Republic of Kiribati's approval of the Agreement on the Establishment of the Global Green Growth Institute on September 18 officially paved the way for the GGGI's conversion into an international organization in October. The governments of Denmark and Guyana had previously ratified the agreement. According to the GGGI, under international law, three countries were required to ratify the treaty in order to convert the GGGI into an international organization. ^ Global Green Growth Institute website, www.gggi.org. ^ Speech by Richard Samans, September 21, 2012, Seoul. ^ For example, see Lee Myung-bak, "Shifting Paradigms: The Road to Global Green Growth," Global Asia volume 4, no. 4, 2010, pp. 8–12. ^ As noted by President Lee Myung-bak, see "S. Korea Establishes 'Strategic Point' for Global Green Growth," Yonhap, June 17, 2010. ^ See CARE International media release, http://www.care-international.org/Media-Releases/rio20-nothing-more-than-a-political-charade.html. ^ Mark McDonald, "U.N. Report from Rio on Environment a 'Suicide Note,'" International Herald Tribune, June 24, 2012, http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/06/24/u-n-report-from-rio-on-environment-a-suicide-note/. ^ Ibid. ^ Simon Romero and John M. Broder, "Progress on the Sidelines as Rio Conference Ends," New York Times, June 23, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/24/world/americas/rio20-conference-ends-with-some-progress-on-the-sidelines.html?_r=1. ^ As noted by Richard Samans in an interview with the author, October 3, 2012. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid. ^ As noted by GGGI staff in an email interview, August 25, 2012. The GGGI is currently working on national green growth plans in Brazil, Ethiopia, Mongolia, United Arab Emirates, Cambodia, Kazakhstan, and Thailand. The institute is working on provincial-level green growth plans in Indonesia, the Philippines, and China. See http://www.gggi.org/project/public. ^ Email interview with GGGI staff, August 25, 2012. ^ Interview with author, October 3, 2012. ^ Email interview with GGGI staff, August 25, 2012. ^ Ibid. ^ "Inclusive Green Growth: A Pathway to Sustainable Development," World Bank, 2012, p. 153. ^ "Growth and Transformation Plan," draft, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Ministry of Finance and Economic Development. ^ "Ethiopia's Climate Resilient Green Economy Strategy," Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, http://www.undp-aap.org/sites/undp-aap.org/files/Ethiopia%20CRGE%20Strategy%20Final.pdf. ^ "Growth and Transformation Plan," draft, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Ministry of Finance and Economic Development. ^ "Green Growth Planning: GGGI Country Programs," Global Green Growth Institute, http://www.gggi.org/sites/www.gggi.org/files/attachment/20120514_GGGI_Country_Programs.pdf. ^ Email interview with GGGI staff, August 25, 2012. ^ "Ethiopia: Govt Launches Green Economic Funding Facility," Afrik-News, September 18, 2012, http://www.afrik-news.com/article19299.html. ^ Green Growth Planning: GGGI Country Programs," Global Green Growth Institute, http://www.gggi.org/sites/www.gggi.org/files/attachment/20120514_GGGI_Country_Programs.pdf. ^ Ibid. ^ "Ethiopia's Climate Resilient Green Economy Strategy," Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, http://www.undp-aap.org/sites/undp-aap.org/files/Ethiopia%20CRGE%20Strategy%20Final.pdf. ^ Ibid, p. 112. ^ For example, see "India: Taking on the Green Growth Challenge," McKinsey on Sustainability & Resource Productivity, by Rajat Gupta, Sushant Mantry, and Ganesh Srinivasan, Number 1, Summer 2012. ^ See comments by GGGI chairman Lars Rasmussen in "Green institute seeks quality-driven expansion," by Shin Hyon-hee, Korea Herald, August 23, 2012. ^ See "GGGI's Conversion into an International Organization," GGGI News Release, July 2, 2012, http://www.gggi.org/news/release/2011/00/00/gggi-s-conversion-international-organization. ^ Ibid. ^ According to a speech by Richard Samans on September 21, 2012, in Seoul, core funding for 2012 comes from "Australia, Denmark, Japan, and UAE and project funding from Germany, Norway, UK, and international financial institutions." ^ Interview with Richard Samans, October 3, 2012. ^ Speech by Richard Samans, September 21, 2012, Seoul and email interview with GGGI staff, August 25, 2012. ^ "S. Korea selected as host of GCF secretariat," Yonhap, October 20, 2012. South Korea prevailed over five other countries vying to host the GCF: Germany, Mexico, Namibia, Poland, and Switzerland. ^ Green Climate Fund press advisory, "Republic of Korea selected to host the Green Climate Fund," October 20, 2012. ^ Lee Jae-min, "A bumpy road for the GGGI," Korea Herald, October 2, 2012. ^ Shin Hyon-hee, "Green institute seeks quality-driven expansion," Korea Herald, August 23, 2012. ^ Interview via email with GGGI staff, August 25, 2012. ^ For an assessment of the Green Climate Fund, see http://blogs.cfr.org/patrick/2012/08/09/guest-post-ready-for-primetime-the-100-billion-climate-fund/. ^ Interview with author, October 3, 2012. ^ As noted on the Global Green Growth Institute website, www.gggi.org.
  • Renewable Energy
    Why We Fail to Correctly Project Renewable Energy Growth
    There’s an interesting discussion going on in the blogosphere over why energy experts "failed to predict" massive growth in renewable energy over the past decade. David Roberts speculates that it’s because renewable energy is technologically dynamic and often distributed – two things that, he says, we’re bad at modeling. Paul Krugman sees something much uglier at work: capture (“both crude and subtle”) of energy experts by fossil fuel interests. But there’s a much more mundane explanation: The sources that Roberts and Krugman point to as evidence of chronically underestimated renewable energy growth weren’t trying to predict the future. The sources – mostly the Energy Information Administration (EIA) and the International Energy Agency (IEA) – were explicitly tasked with modeling future developments assuming no changes in policy. Renewable energy has taken off precisely because of changes in policy. The EIA and IEA weren’t wrong – they just weren’t modeling what Roberts and Krugman suggest they were. Don’t believe me that the difference is mostly about policy? Consider this: Wind installations dropped close to zero in each year that the production tax credit (PTC) expired. That’s because building wind farms doesn’t make sense without supportive policy. But the EIA and IEA modelers were specifically projecting the future assuming that the PTC would not exist. To be certain, Roberts cites expert projections that weren’t from the EIA or IEA. “In 2002,” he writes, “a top industry analyst predicted an additional 1 gigawatt annual market [for solar] by 2010. The annual market in 2010 was 17 times that at 17 gigawatts.” But one analyst does not constitute a collective failure; moreover, the large growth in solar was driven by large-scale installations, not by distributed generation. He also reports that “In 2000, the European Wind Energy Association predicted Europe would have 50 gigawatts of wind by 2010 and boosted that estimate to 75 two years later. Actually, 84 gigawatts of wind power were feeding into the European electric grid by 2012.” Perhaps Krugman can explain how the European Wind Energy Association succumbed to capture by fossil fuel interests. There’s an important lesson here. Some people seem convinced that falling prices are the reason that renewable energy has done so well in recent years. They’re certainly part of the story, but without supportive policy that wasn’t in place a decade ago, renewables wouldn’t have done nearly as well. If we want more renewable energy in the coming years than the EIA and IEA currently project, we’re going to need new and more robust policies too.
  • Fossil Fuels
    Energy and U.S. Manufacturing: Five Things to Think About
    The boom in U.S. oil and gas production has sparked talk of a manufacturing renaissance. I mentioned that somewhat skeptically last week in the context of a much broader piece on the excitement surrounding surging U.S. oil and gas output. I want to drill down on five important issues here. Some of this thinking is preliminary, so as always, feedback is most welcome. Energy is of marginal importance to most manufacturing. Most U.S. manufacturing is not energy intensive. Joe Aldy and Billy Pizer reported in a 2009 paper that only one tenth of U.S. manufacturing involved energy costs exceeding five percent of the total value of shipments. These industries – the most prominent of which are iron and steel, primary aluminum, bulk cement, chemicals, paper, and glass – are what we are talking about when we discuss the potential for an energy-driven manufacturing boom. The size of these sectors would need to grow enormously to have revolutionary consequences for the fate of the U.S. manufacturing sector. Avoiding substantial decline, though, could be more feasible. Manufacturing growth tied to cheap natural gas is mostly a chemicals story. Take a look at the sweep of major energy-intensive industries, and you’ll find that most are still quite insensitive to energy prices. IHS-CERA, which is not shy about extolling the benefits of the “shale gale” (a term it coined), surveyed these areas in an ANGA-funded study on shale jobs late last year and came to some striking conclusions. Aluminum: “Lower U.S. natural gas prices could potentially slow or even halt the slow decay in the aluminum industry. However, it is unlikely that they would change the economics of primary aluminum production enough, even in the long-term, to redirect investment here.” Steel: “Cheaper electricity [due to low gas prices] will have only a small positive effect on this industry in terms of profitability and competitiveness.” Cement: “The electricity fraction of costs for cement production is too small to generate a significant impact on competitiveness, and the cost savings are not expected to cause production expansion and capacity investment.” There were, however, two industries that stood out. The (much) smaller one was “iron ore processed from taconite in the Great Lakes region”. Indeed several new projects, each of which would ultimately employ a couple hundred people, appear to be underway. The greatest potential, however, appears to lie in petrochemicals. The basic story is simple: natural gas is partly ethane and propane, feedstocks that makes up the bulk of ethylene and propylene producers’ costs. Greater natural gas production boosts ethane and propane supplies. So do lower natural gas prices, which can make it more profitable to strip out these liquids (not a cheap endeavor) rather than keep it in the gas to boost sales. (Ethane and propane increase the Btu content of natural gas, and thus the amount one can make by selling it.) On the flip side, the main competition for ethane and propane as  feedstocks is naphtha, a product of petroleum refining. High oil prices make ethane in particular a much better bet than naptha so long as oil and gas prices continue to diverge. (High oil prices tend to pull propane prices up, making propane unattractive as an ethylene feedstock.) This explains why we are hearing so much talk of resurgent investment in petrochemicals. A sense of scale, though, is essential. U.S. ethylene production capacity was about 29 million tons annually as of 2009. At a price of $1,300 a ton, that was worth about 40 billion dollars. Even if the United States were to double its ethylene production – an outcome, I hasten to mention, that no one is even remotely talking about – the revenues (not profits) would be another 40 billion.* That’s far from trivial, but it isn’t earth-shattering either. If you want to find manufacturing jobs related to energy, look at the supply chain. All the talk of oil and gas fueled manufacturing has muddled something essential: it’s production, not consumption, that’s mostly driving gains so far. This, not cheaper energy, is the main reason that you’re seeing steel plants stay open or expand – they are supplying drillers. Indeed proximity is particularly important in an emerging industry where interaction between customers (in this case drillers) and manufacturers is important to innovation. Some further numbers from IHS-CERA drive this home. The consultancy claims, quite plausibly, that as of 2010, shale gas production was supporting 39,000 direct manufacturing jobs and another 32,000 along the supply chain. It has projected (again not unreasonably) that these numbers could rise to 67,000 and 57,000, respectively, by 2020. This is far greater than the number of people that all the chemicals plants currently being discussed will employ. Oil and gas isn’t the only manufacturing-intensive energy business. If you think there’s a lot of steel in a gas well, wait until you take a look at a wind turbine. According to the American Wind Energy Association (to be certain, hardly a disinterested source), the U.S. wind industry employs 30,000 people in the manufacturing sector. The Solar Foundation (again, not disinterested) claims another 24,000 in the solar sector (including the supply chain). This is all on the back of an industry that remains much smaller than oil and gas. Let me make sure I don’t confuse people: no one should decide between fossil fuels and renewable energy based on the number of manufacturing jobs they each entail. That said, for policymakers thinking about how different developments might affect manufacturing, the numbers are instructive. There’s an important link between today’s discussions and climate policy. Remember when policymakers and advocates hotly debated the possible impact of carbon pricing on U.S. manufacturing? In those distant days (two years ago to be precise), claims that cap-and-trade would destroy U.S. manufacturing by raising energy prices were all the rage. Study after study challenged those claims, and legislation was crafted with provisions to safeguard trade exposed, energy intensive firms. Yet concerns remained. The present discussion about cheap gas and U.S. competitiveness is the precise mirror of that debate. The same sentiment that foresees a massive manufacturing surge on the back of low fuel prices is one that leads to alarm about the risks of carbon pricing. The same arguments that oppose creating new sources of gas demand (whether by promoting CNG cars or allowing LNG exports) based on worries about manufacturing competitiveness will come back to be used against carbon policy down the road. That’s worth keeping in mind as we think this issue through.     * The American Chemistry Council has claimed that a big increase in ethylene production should spark a similar rise in industries that use ethylene as a feedstock. There should be some movement along those lines, but I’m skeptical of the bigger claim: not long ago, lots of U.S. companies expected to import ethylene, which suggests that many ethylene users would have existed anyhow.
  • Climate Change
    The Clean Energy Ministerial: What I Learned about Solar PV and Global Governance
    On April 25 and 26, I had the good fortune to participate in parts of the third annual Clean Energy Ministerial (known informally as the CEM), a forum launched by U.S. Energy Secretary Steve Chu in 2010. The initiative brings together energy ministers from most G20 countries, along with a handful of others, to learn lessons from each others’ clean energy efforts, and, critically, to identify places where intergovernmental initiatives could boost the odds of success. One thing that distinguishes the forum from other international initiatives is the integral role that the private sector has played from day one. The first afternoon of the CEM was spent in a series of small public-private dialogues that brought together ministers, regulators, operators, investors, and experts in science and technology to discuss areas ranging from smart financing tools to support energy efficiency investment to integration of variable renewable sources in the grid. I had the privilege of chairing the public-private session on solar photovoltaic (PV) energy yesterday afternoon, and summarized highlights of our deliberations for the collected ministers this morning. The session itself was held under the Chatham House Rule, but the readout to ministers wasn’t. Here’s what I told them: The PV industry is maturing. People are slowly shifting from a mentality where their goal is to sell solar cells to one where they are thinking about providing solutions to specific consumer needs. This recognition that there is no such thing as “the solar market” should help promote innovation in multiple directions. It should also inform policymaking: there is no one-size-fits-all scheme that government should use to give solar the chance to thrive. People understand that government support for solar will not be “stable” – falling solar costs and tight government budgets both point toward a shift in the government role. What people do want – and need – is that support be “predictable”.  This is different from stability and should be easier to achieve. Everyone is in agreement that the solar PV market is currently oversupplied. But most people don’t seem to see a need for supply-side policy to rectify the situation. Instead, they’re focused on getting the demand side right. When we talk about innovation, we’re too focused on widgets. Solar panels themselves are improving. It’s the balance of the system – including installation and innovative financing – where we may need the biggest gains. These are also areas where innovations tend to spread slowly across borders, simply because the firms pioneering them often operate in limited markets. There’s an opportunity here for policy to help speed up diffusion. Quality assurance is critical. We’re at a point where solar PV is becoming widespread enough that significant quality problems will have broad and lasting consequences for consumer confidence. Quality control and related standards are a perfect area for international coordination – without it, markets get fragmented, pushing up costs for everyone. Integration of large-scale variable renewables with the grid is no longer just a theoretical question to debate – it’s becoming a real challenge in several countries. (Did you know that Germany recently experienced peak electricity prices below off-peak ones? Think about that.) We should all be learning lessons, technical and regulatory, from how different countries are handling the challenge, so that others can deal with it as effectively as possible. I also want to add a broader reflection. I was struck by the quality of the discussions, and, in particular, by the connections (intellectual and personal) that I saw made. Indeed in many ways this sort of event is, or at least should be, a big part of the future of global governance. It doesn’t make headlines when ministers agree, for example, on efforts to boost super-efficient appliances (I know, you’re already asleep). But these sorts of steps help multiply the power of individual markets, innovators, and governments to help drive down costs and improve performance, helping consumers and the environment in the process. Ultimately, of course, they’re no substitute for solid economy-wide policy. But to focus on that misses the point. And, of course, I’ll be most impressed if, come the next CEM, some of the lessons that have emerged from this one are reflected in new or intensified initiatives. Regardless, though, what I saw over the last couple days struck me as considerably more productive than what goes on at most global gatherings that claim to be solving our climate and energy problems.
  • Renewable Energy
    What If We’re Wrong About Natural Gas?
    Most analysts are incredibly bullish about the prospects of shale gas production in the United States. An early preview of the annual U.S. government energy projections, released last month, sees U.S. gas production rising steadily for decades. Petrochemicals producers are building new plants, and other industrialists are conjuring schemes for exporting the fuel. Security hawks dream of compressing the gas and putting it into cars and trucks so that the United States can use less oil. Some environmentalists are relieved that gas will back out coal and thus cut carbon emissions. But what if we’re wrong? I’m not saying that I buy the various arguments out there that claim to show that shale gas reserves are grossly overstated or that shale gas economics is a crock. But energy is an uncertain space that regularly hands out surprises (like, um, shale gas). Relatively immature areas like unconventional gas deserve special care. Moreover, even if the economics of shale gas hold up, public opposition to drilling could curtail supplies. There’s one natural response to this possibility: So what? Private investors are risking their money on shale gas production. Private landowners are leasing their properties. Private chemicals firms are building facilities that depend on abundant supplies of cheap gas. Yes, if the natural gas glut turns out to be less than advertised, they’ll lose money. But investors lose money all the time. There doesn’t seem to be much reason that policymakers should care. That’s true up to a point. But there are several areas where wrong projections could, in principle, have troubling public consequences: Power Plant Regulation. Policymakers are currently considering a range of regulations aimed at reducing pollution from coal fired power plants. These rules, aimed in particular at curbing greenhouse gas emissions, are typically crafted with the aim of ensuring that their benefits exceed their costs. But their estimated costs depend on the alternatives available. In particular, abundant gas makes stringent regulations look less expensive, and hence makes them more likely to be adopted. What happens, though, if that gas turns out to be a mirage? Aggressive regulations based on an expectation of cheap gas could drive coal fired power plants to shut down early; gas plants would take their place; if gas supplies then fell, people would be stuck with expensive gas, since they’d have gotten rid of the immediate alternatives. Some may think that this is still a good outcome – after all, aren’t coal plants dirty? – but, at a minimum, it’s one that should be reached deliberately, not by mistake. Moreover, depending on the details, there’s probably a case for arguing that it’s an outcome we want to avoid. Natural Gas Exports. Several firms have recently applied for permits to export natural gas. Some people worry that the combination of exports and domestic production shortfalls could be economically devastating. My instinct says that this danger is overstated. If U.S. gas production doesn’t meet expectations, domestic prices will rise, and exports will become less economically attractive. To be certain, preexisting export facilities involve sunk costs and thus will have their own momentum, but scary economics are still hard to line up. The capital costs of a liquefaction facility work out to be a bit less than a dollar as much as $1.50 per thousand cubic feet of natural gas. So long as export contracts are closely linked to U.S. gas prices – the U.S. government should probably insist on this – economics should prevail.  As a result, except in a narrow set of circumstances (i.e. that one sunk dollar or so tips the balance between keeping gas at home and exporting it), the fact that export facilities already exist won’t have much impact on whether gas is used at home or sent abroad. After all, the fact that import facilities already exist hasn’t made anyone ship gas to the United States against their economic interests. Large Capital Investments. One might worry, in a similar vein, that people will overbuild gas-using equipment (such as chemicals plants) only to later find gas supplies scarce. If that equipment is expensive, and gas remains a relatively small part of its owners’ costs, then those owners will presumably continue demanding gas despite rising prices. This will leave less fuel for others – and hence those others will face higher prices. This all makes sense, but with a big caveat. We’re talking about enterprises in which gas would remain a relatively small part of costs even given rising prices. (That’s why they won’t shut down.) These are generally not the sorts of enterprises that will get created in response to low gas prices in the first place. As with export terminals, there might be a sweet spot in which sunk costs create their own momentum, but that sweet spot is probably small. Renewable Energy Development. Low natural gas prices are apparently deterring deployment of renewable and nuclear energy, and hence learning and innovation in those sectors. This is a problem regardless of whether gas is scarce or abundant, since reasonably ambitious climate policies will require sequestration of carbon dioxide (including from gas use) or a strong shift to renewable and nuclear power within a couple decades or so. But it is an even bigger problem if natural gas supplies turn out to underwhelm, since in that case, the need to shift to zero-carbon sources would become even more pressing and sudden. This simply reinforces the case for ensuring that prudent deployment of and innovation in zero carbon energy receives solid public support even if the market currently prefers natural gas. Crosscutting Lessons. There are two big bottom lines to this whole analysis. First, the biggest public risks associated with overestimating natural gas potential appear to arise when governments get involved. If private players bet their money on the prospect of cheap gas, they’re the ones who will lose if they turn out to be wrong, but if government creates regulations based on similar assumptions, the public is more likely to end up on the losing end. In the climate space, that’s yet another reason why carbon pricing is so much smarter than rigid regulation – it doesn’t require nearly as much in the way of assumptions. Second, cheap natural gas probably introduces bigger risks when it leads people and firms to foreclose options than when it leads them to expand choices. Policies that shutter existing power plants, or economic incentives that retard energy innovation, introduce bigger public risks than policies that allow new export facilities, or economic incentives that lead people to build petrochemicals plants. Policymakers certainly shouldn’t make policy based on an expectation that the shale boom will turn into a bust. But that doesn’t mean that they should ignore real risks. It would be wise to keep the consequences of being wrong in mind as they move forward.
  • South Korea
    ROK Green Growth Quarterly Update
    ROK Green Growth: Looking Back on Three Years In a major speech in August 2011, President Lee Myung-bak said, "Our vision of green growth is the first time in our history where a global issue is recognized as our own. It is also pivotal to our mission of becoming a greater Republic of Korea." The growing recognition of Korea as a global leader in green growth policies may in fact be one of the greatest achievements of President Lee's green growth strategy since he first announced it three years ago. Since then, Korea has acted quickly to establish new domestic and international institutions that lay the foundation for future work, but concrete success resulting from these efforts remains modest so far. Two recent reports by the Presidential Committee on Green Growth (PCGG) that reflect on Korea's progress over the past three years tend to emphasize efforts more than results. For example, one report identified progress in promoting green lifestyles as a significant achievement, pointing to the ramp-up of two incentive programs designed to make it easier for consumers to make choices that result in fewer greenhouse gas emissions. The first is Korea's carbon-point system, through which participants earn points redeemable for awards by reducing energy use. Two million households were registered in the program as of July, about 11.4 percent of all Korean households. The second is the Green Card program, which rewards consumers with up to 200,000 won ($168) annually when they choose eco-friendly products or use public transportation. The report touted the existence of these programs as a success, but they have not yet produced the desired results. A second report acknowledges this fact. In that report, titled The Past Three Years of Achievements in Green Growth, the PCGG expressed disappointment with the public's track record in incorporating the tenets of green growth into their daily lifestyles, noting that household energy consumption increased 7.2 percent during the three-year period. (Energy consumption by industry was up 7.9 percent and overall consumption increased 6.7 percent, outpacing GDP growth, which registered at 6.1 percent in 2010.) The report also hinted at a need for more comprehensive polices, stating that "the Korean government evaluates that initiatives such as electricity price and taxation have not reached the point of encouraging people and businesses to voluntarily reduce greenhouse gas emissions and conserve energy." The second report had praise for the private sector, noting that private investment in green growth businesses over the past three years translated into a higher level of sales and exports. From 2008 to 2010, green investment by Korea's thirty largest business groups soared 74.5 percent annually, amounting to 15.1 trillion won ($12.7 billion) during this period, according to the report. (The criteria by which investment was considered "green" is not spelled out in the report.) The Ministry of Knowledge Economy (MKE) released some figures that indicate these investments paid off: according to MKE, sales of "green industrial goods" amounted to 8.08 trillion won ($6.7 billion) in 2010, up 6.5-fold from 1.25 trillion won ($1 billion) in 2007. During the same period, exports in the green and renewable energy sector grew sevenfold from $625 million to $4.54 billion. Green Diplomacy: Bearing Fruit South Korea has proven its ability to keep itself at the forefront of the global green growth conversation, and this quarter was no exception. The Korean government's robust efforts to promote green growth around the globe resulted in new partnerships, new opportunities for Korea to host international conferences, and increased activity at the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI). South Korea's vaunted new alliance with Denmark has given rise to yet another multilateral forum, complete with its own shorthand: the Global Green Growth Forum, or 3GF, convened two hundred business and government leaders in October in Copenhagen to discuss how the public and private sectors can cooperate on green growth. The forum focused on energy and transportation, with plans to present recommendations at the World Climate Summit in December, held in conjunction with UN climate talks in South Africa. In September, South Korean finance minister Bahk Jae-wan signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with World Bank president Robert B. Zoellick, launching a new partnership to support developing countries' research and investment in green growth. Under the MOU, South Korea will commit $40 million over four years to a new Korea Green Growth Partnership Trust Fund. Efforts to attract high-level environmental talks to South Korea paid off; the country beat out Mexico in a bid to host the fifth World Conservation Congress next year on Jeju Island. President Lee also continues to lobby his foreign counterparts for their support of his bid to hold next year's UN climate talks (COP-18) in Seoul. This topic was on his agenda on a state visit to Uzbekistan in August. The GGGI made several forward strides this quarter. Under the terms of an MOU signed earlier between GGGI and the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the GGGI launched its office in Abu Dhabi's Masdar City. Intended as a "regional hub" to address climate change and promote green growth, the GGGI will also develop a system to monitor greenhouse gas emissions on a national level in the UAE. GGGI deputy executive director Jung Tae-yong will serve as the interim director of the Abu Dhabi office. In August, the GGGI released a detailed account of Korea's green growth ambitions in English, "Green Growth in Motion: Sharing Korea's Experience." In addition, the GGGI signed an MOU with Mexico's Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources to build a cooperative partnership on global green growth. Specific activities are yet to be determined. Moving Forward on President Lee's "Me First" Policy The Lee administration has already demonstrated that it will not wait for a successful outcome to UN-sponsored climate talks before taking action to reduce the country's greenhouse gas emissions, an approach that President Lee has coined as a "me first" policy. GGGI chairman Dr. Han Seung-soo said he sees little possibility that a successor treaty to the Kyoto Protocol will be reached at the next round of climate negotiations in December in South Africa. Dr. Han, the former UN envoy on climate change, said in a report by the National, a United Arab Emirates newspaper, that "developed countries want to have internationally legally binding pledges, whereas developing countries want domestically legally binding pledges. These are totally different approaches to the problem. At this juncture there is no agreement." Dr. Han and others are embracing an alternative approach called Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMA). NAMA, an idea long championed by Korea, calls for developing countries to fashion their own emissions reduction targets and strategies. Korea has already set its voluntary target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions at 30 percent below the expected level in 2020. Legislation to create an emissions trading scheme (ETS)—an important strategy for cutting emissions—is pending in the National Assembly. The legislation's path to becoming law has been slowed by opposition from business groups, but Dr. Han expressed optimism that Korean industry will eventually get on board. "When we announced that [the emissions reduction target], the industry reaction was not very positive," Dr. Han told the National. "The government began to persuade them that this is in the long run to the benefit of the industry, not to the government. In the long run the business community realizes that this is the way forward—not backward, forward." While there is still industry opposition to an ETS in Korea, some firms are seeing opportunities. Samsung SDI is one of them, calculating that an ETS will fuel demand for solar power as companies seek to reduce carbon emissions by using renewable energy. The company is upping its investment in solar, planning to make 2.2 trillion won ($1.8 billion) worth of investment in its solar business by 2015, the same year the ETS is expected to take effect in Korea. Samsung SDI is looking outside Korea as well; one executive in the company's solar energy division told Reuters that his company expects the global solar cell market to be worth $70 billion by 2020, more than double the size of the market last year. Other Developments in ROK Green Growth Other developments in ROK green growth during the third quarter involved tidal power, incentives for electric vehicles, the designation of green university campuses, and the smart grid. There were also announcements from the private sector about plans for new investments in green growth. In addition, the ROK government continued its pursuit of overseas oil resources and access to mineral elements important in renewable energy technologies, illustrating a short-term focus on increasing energy self-sufficiency in a world that relies heavily on oil and a long-term focus on green growth. In August, President Lee presided over the opening of the Shihwa Station, a tidal power plant that is set to become the world's largest when fully completed in December. It will supplant the Rance Tidal Power Station in France for the number one spot. The Shihwa Station, on the west coast near Seoul, can reportedly provide enough electricity to power a city of 500,000 residents. While the plant has been under construction for seven years, predating Lee's term in office and his green growth strategy, he claimed it as a victory for green growth. According to Yonhap, he said, "This is not only a symbol of 'low-carbon, green growth,' but also represents a landmark on the path the world should take." Lee said that the plant will save South Korea more than 860,000 barrels of oil and reduce CO2 emissions by 320,000 tons. The plant is something of a test case. According to UPI Energy, Keyyong Hong, director of marine structure and plant research at the Korea Ocean Research and Development Institute, said, "depending on the results of Shihwa, we can justify further development of tidal power." In a bid to boost the electric vehicle industry, the government announced that South Koreans who purchase electric cars will receive up to 6 million won ($5,000) in tax incentives starting early next year. In addition, the Korea Environment Corporation (KECO) announced plans to confirm agreements with thirty-eight local governments and state institutions to install 204 chargers for electric vehicles by the end of the year. The Ministry of Environment and KECO selected ten Korean universities as "low carbon green campuses." The universities will incorporate green growth into their curricula and look for ways to reduce the emissions generated by their campuses. Progress on the Jeju smart grid test bed offers a glimpse at how all Koreans might be able to save energy in the future. As of July, more than two thousand homes on Jeju Island were connected to the test grid. In a profile of the one of the first residents on Jeju to have his home fully wired to the test grid, the International Herald Tribune explained how Korea's test grid is intended to improve energy efficiency and save money. In addition, Doosan Heavy Industries and Construction, Korea Electric Power Company, and POSCO ICT have agreed to build a 60-megawatt wind farm off the coast of Jeju Island. LG announced in September that it will invest 8 trillion won ($6.7 billion) in "green new business" sectors such as electric vehicle batteries and solar cell wafers. Korea's Hanwha Group announced plans to build a solar energy facility to power a tree nursery in northwestern China as part of a reforestation effort cosponsored by the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. Under the terms of the MOU between Hanwha's two renewable energy arms and China's Ningxia Province, Hanwha will construct the facility free of charge, although the company is clear about its plans to strengthen its foothold in China. Hanwha Group China CEO Keum Choon-soo told Yonhap that his company "will become one of the top environment-friendly companies in China by strengthening our low-carbon green-growth business." In other developments, the South Korea-EU Free Trade Agreement went into effect on July 1. Green growth businesses, such as energy efficient home appliances and LED lights, are expected to attract interest from European firms; according to SERI Quarterly, Korea's "markets for solar energy, wind power, and bio-energy are expected to grow three-fold in ten years." On the U.S.-ROK cooperation front, the U.S.-based Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers Standards Association (IEEE-SA) closed a deal with the Korean Agency for Technology and Standards (KATS) to collaborate on global standards for smart grid, light-emitting diodes, and other technologies. Bill Ash, IEEE-SA's strategic program manager, said in an interview with the Korea Herald, "In order to be globally relevant, we need Korea's participation and the interaction between IEEE-SA and the Korean market." During this quarter, President Lee sought mineral elements and new oil resources from Africa. While traveling in Africa, Lee agreed in principle to joint development of mineral resources like copper in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In Ethiopia, one of the first countries to receive assistance from the GGGI, he said he hopes that South Korean companies will be able to participate in energy infrastructure projects and mineral resources development. During the first meeting of the Korea-Gabon Joint Committee on Energy and Mineral Resources Cooperation in July, the focus was on Korea's plans to advise Gabon as it forms a state-owned oil company. The Ministry of Knowledge Economy announced that it is seeking a formal agreement to participate in developing rare earth elements at a mine in South Africa. According to Yonhap, under the agreement, Seoul would be entitled to about six thousand tons of rare earth elements, almost twice the amount South Korea needed last year. United States: A Bad Day for Solar Power and New Priorities From the Department of Energy A handful of high-profile bankruptcy filings cast a cloud over the U.S. solar industry this quarter as companies buckled under the pressure of rising costs and overseas competition that has driven down the price of solar panels. Solar panel maker Solyndra Inc., the first company to receive funds under a Department of Energy (DOE) loan-guarantee program, halted manufacturing operations, laid off 1,100 employees, and filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in September. According to an analysis by the Pittsburgh Tribune Review, Solyndra's bankruptcy filing listed several foreign firms as creditors; Korea's Advanced Nano Products is listed as being owed $1.35 million. The DOE loan guarantee program drew heavy criticism for what was seen as a hasty and potentially politically motivated approval of a $535 million loan guarantee to Solyndra, sparking new debate over whether the government should be in the business of picking renewable energy winners. Solyndra's implosion came on the heels of other solar industry bankruptcy filings. Evergreen Solar filed for bankruptcy in August after closing a plant in Massachusetts, and Intel spinoff SpectraWatt sought bankruptcy protection after closing a New York factory. After several months of seeking input across the country, the Department of Energy released its first Quadrennial Technology Review (QTR) in late September. The QTR is intended to develop a framework for making choices about investing in energy technologies. The report states that "mere technical promise—that something could work—is an unjustifiably low bar for the commitment of DOE R&D funds. As every dollar matters, DOE's research portfolio will give priority to those technologies most likely to have significant impact on timescales commensurate with the urgency of national energy challenges." In recommending priority areas for DOE research, the report offers a basis for discussion of new ideas about potential U.S.-ROK cooperation on green growth. For example, among the report's findings was a lack of DOE investment in the transportation sector relative to the stationary sector (such as energy efficiency or the power grid). This, combined with the view that reliance on oil is the greatest threat to U.S. economic and national security and that vehicle efficiency has the largest near-term impact on oil consumption, led the report authors to conclude that "DOE should gradually increase its effort on vehicle efficiency and electrification relative to alternative fuels."