Defense and Security

Homeland Security

  • Sub-Saharan Africa
    Does “Africa” Exist?
    Simon Kuper has published a thoughtful piece in the Financial Times that argues the word "Africa” has “lost what meaning it ever had and should be binned.” He argues that in 1969 (the year he was born in Uganda) the continent outside white-dominated southern Africa did have some things in common: decolonization, poverty, an agricultural economy, and, in effect, poor governance. However, especially since 2000 the experiences of different countries have diverged so much that talking about “Africa” now has about as much practical meaning as discussing “the Islamic world.” He cites the democratic successes of Botswana and Ghana and the “repressive mini-Chinas like Rwanda and Ethiopia,” overlaying such traditional differences as language or ethnicity. He argues that even the concept of “Africa” owes much to outsiders–beginning with Herodotus. As he says, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, the “most influential pan-Africanist,” was, in turn, deeply influenced by W.E.B. Du Bois (an American) and Marcus Garvey (a Jamaican who lived long in the United States). To me, perhaps his most trenchant observation is that “Africa” sticks because outsiders pay the continent so little attention that its differences, distinctions, and nuances are lost. He also notes the influence of the Economist in framing our commonly accepted narrative. Hence in 2000 that newspaper dubbed Africa “The Hopeless Continent,” while in 2011, it was “Africa Rising,” and again in March 2013, “Africa Rising: A Hopeful Continent.” These broad narratives shaped the way we looked at a billion people. Kuper is right to emphasize that there is not only enormous diversity among African countries, that diversity also exists within specific African countries. He quotes Morten Jervin to the effect that instead of asking “is Africa rising?” we should ask, “is Lusaka rising?” This observation is especially apposite in Nigeria, where Lagos is booming with an economy apparently bigger than that of many entire African states while the northeast is mired in a jihadist insurrection and poverty nationwide is not declining. Kuper acknowledges that for many Africans, “Africa” still expresses an “emotional reality.” As national identity declines in the face of resurgent ethnic, religious, and regional loyalties, a common “African” identity might become more important in the future than it is now. That Africans share a common identity (wherever it might come from) is a basic assumption of the African Union and is a commonplace among academics. For those of us who are often frustrated by glib generalizations and bumper stickers about the world’s second largest continent, Kuper’s article is a breath of fresh air.
  • Syria
    Assessing the Case for Striking Syria
    In his testimony before the House Committee on Homeland Security, Stephen Biddle acknowledges that neither the case for nor against using force in Syria is without serious costs and risks. He evaluates the five main goals an attack might be designed to achieve: deterring further CW use and upholding norms against the employment of such weapons; preserving U.S. credibility; enabling a negotiated settlement to the war; toppling Assad and his government; and ending the humanitarian crisis by saving civilian lives.
  • Homeland Security
    Has the FISA Court Gone Too Far?
    While the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court has granted U.S. agencies broad legal authority to collect sensitive information, it is hardly a "rubber stamp" for government surveillance requests, says CFR’s Matt Waxman.
  • Israel
    Weekend Reading: Israel’s Defense, Saudi’s Trials, and Egypt’s War on Women
    Brent Sasley compares former Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak to the newcomer in the position, Moshe Ya’alon. The Saudi Twittersphere is stirring in reaction to the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association (ACPRA) Trial. The Muslim Brotherhood’s statement regarding the UN’s attempt to ratify an “End Violence Against Women” declaration.
  • United States
    Foreign Policy Begins at Home
    Read an excerpt of Foreign Policy Begins at Home. The biggest threat to the United States comes not from abroad but from within. This is the unexpected message of Council on Foreign Relations President Richard N. Haass in Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America's House in Order. "Many of the foundations of this country's power are eroding," he warns. "The effect, however, is not limited to a deteriorating transportation system or jobs that go unfilled or overseas owing to a lack of qualified American workers. To the contrary, shortcomings here at home directly threaten America's ability to project power and exert influence overseas, to compete in the global marketplace, to generate the resources needed to promote the full range of US interests abroad, and to set a compelling example that will influence the thinking and behavior of others." A rising China, climate change, terrorism, a nuclear Iran, a turbulent Middle East, and a reckless North Korea all present serious challenges. But, Haass argues, U.S. national security depends even more on the United States addressing its crumbling infrastructure, second-class schools, outdated immigration system, and burgeoning debt, something that will require controlling entitlements rather than just raising taxes and cutting discretionary spending. Haass rejects both isolationism and the notion of American decline. But he contends the country is underperforming at home and overreaching abroad. He argues that the United States must sharply limit its role in humanitarian interventions and in wars of choice designed to remake other societies, as was tried unsuccessfully in Iraq and Afghanistan. Instead, it should emphasize maintaining the balance of power in Asia, advancing North American economic integration and energy self-sufficiency, and promoting collective responses to global challenges. The world is no longer dominated by one or more superpowers. Instead, the paramount feature of international relations in the first half of the twenty-first century is nonpolarity; power has been diffused, spread among an enormous list of entities capable in their own right to exert their influence. In addition to traditional nation-states, there are many other entities active in the political sphere, whether global (UN, World Bank), regional (European Union, NATO, Arab League), commercial (JPMorgan Chase, Exxon Mobil), disruptive, or altruistic. This world is relatively forgiving, however, with no great rival directly threatening American interests. How long this strategic respite lasts and how well the nation continues to fare on the global stage, according to Haass, will depend largely on whether the United States puts its own house in order. Educators: Access Teaching Notes for Foreign Policy Begins at Home.
  • United States
    The Post-9/11 Civil Liberties Debate
    Post-9/11 U.S. counterterrorism and surrounding civil liberties issues are unlikely to stray far from currently policy no matter who is in the White House in 2013, says CFR’s Matthew Waxman.
  • Intelligence
    NYPD’s Powers of Threat Perception
    The NYPD’s new "Domain Awareness System" raises familiar questions about privacy and transparency that are likely to spark a debate at multiple levels of government, writes CFR’s Matthew Waxman.
  • Homeland Security
    Faster, Safer, and Smarter: A Modern Visa System for the United States
    Introduction The U.S. visa system is still not effectively focusing resources on those who pose a threat to our country. More than a decade after 9/11, foreign tourists, business travelers, students, and temporary workers presenting low security risks face the same cumbersome and unpredictable procedural hurdles as high-risk applicants. Despite commendable efforts by the State Department to speed up visa issuance, only modest progress has been made in translating the tremendous technological advances in homeland security to the visa system to ensure that accurate determinations are made in a timely manner. Poorly designed visa security procedures coupled with a record high volume of visa applicants have resulted in chronic procedural delays in the largest sending countries, including China, India, and Brazil, though increased staffing and other initiatives have helped reduce interview wait times in recent months. These delays cost the United States tens of billions of dollars annually in lost tourism and foreign investment, and hurt U.S. diplomacy by discouraging people from seeing U.S. society and culture firsthand. The United States is competing with other countries for these same visitors, and the price of an inefficient U.S. visa system is high. The State Department and the Department of Homeland Security should utilize existing technologies to implement better visa procedures at lower cost. Computerized screening has been developed for identifying potentially risky goods imported into the United States; the same capabilities can be used for sorting people wishing to travel here. These technologies will decrease the government's dependence on human vetting of visa applicants through face-to-face interviews and manual background checks. Low-risk travelers—the vast majority of visa applicants—would be processed quickly, freeing up consular officers for vetting higher-risk travelers. The result would be a system that better protects security while welcoming millions of people. The Issue Visa delays result primarily from a system that depends on consular officers vetting visa applicants through face-to-face interviews and manual background checks. These officers must act as human lie detectors—leafing through documents and asking probing questions with the goal of uncovering mendacity. Since 9/11, the United States has layered additional consular-related security measures on top of the traditional interview screening. These measures include biometrics, expanded checks against terrorist watch lists, enhanced screening for prior immigration violations, and more background investigations under the Security Advisory Opinion (SAO) process. For visa applicants, the result is a process that is unpredictable, nontransparent, and occasionally capricious. An Improved Visa Screening System The visa challenge is identical to that of any screening system—to separate high risks from low risks. Such separation improves both security and efficiency, because scarce resources can be dedicated to scrutinizing higher-risk goods or people, while allowing rapid passage for lower-risk goods and people. Some U.S. agencies have made significant advances in screening. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Automated Targeting System identifies high-risk cargo shipments and passengers on overseas incoming flights. Using data on shippers, goods, and individual passengers, as well as intelligence assessments of changing threats, DHS generates a risk score for inbound traffic as a tool for targeting its inspection capabilities. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has a similar system, known as PREDICT, which ranks imported shipments of food and drugs according to public health risk. Risk targeting in the visa process is unsophisticated in comparison. Applicants are checked against a consular lookout database that is name-based and subject to a high degree of false positives. Those who "hit" against this system, or are identified based on crude profiles (nationality, technical expertise, or other characteristics), then have their applications reviewed through the SAO process. Many applicants—about three hundred thousand of the roughly eight million who apply for a U.S. visa each year—face time-consuming manual background checks. Only a small fraction is denied visas, but many face delays of months or even years. Computerized systems could do the initial screening for all visa applicants far more efficiently. U.S. government pilot projects of new screening systems have resulted in fewer false positives, while still identifying all the threats captured under the existing procedures, along with some that were missed. The systems can be constantly updated with the latest threat information. The small number of genuine potential threats can either be denied immediately or referred for the in-depth SAO review procedure; consular officials would retain discretion to require more detailed checks for any applicant. Random checks could be used to check on the integrity of automated screening. Yet the Obama administration has not fully implemented the new system, perhaps because of concerns over congressional reaction. The key committees in Congress have pressed for more DHS personnel at overseas consulates to increase human vetting rather than encouraged the use of technology to streamline the system. Such redundancy made sense a decade ago, but has been made unnecessary by improvements in technology. Both the administration and Congress need to recognize that, with current capabilities, visa delays now produce significant economic costs for no security benefits. New Overstay Tracking Capabilities A new security screening system would not, however, address the immigration-related issue of visa overstays. A primary function of the consular interview is to assess the likelihood that the applicant will violate the terms of his or her visa. A new automated capability developed by the government to identify overstays could reduce the current dependence on consular interviews for performance of this function, and ensure that qualified travelers receive their visas more expeditiously. In 2011, the Obama administration used this new automated process, based on airline passenger arrival and departure records, to run a computerized search on what it thought could be as many as 1.6 million overstays who had arrived since 2004. In fact, half of those had already left the country; of the remainder, only a small number (about three dozen) were deemed to represent security threats that justified further investigation. Soon the government will have the capacity to identify most overstays as soon as they occur, and to calculate overstay rates on a country-by-country basis. This will be a powerful tool. Individuals who overstay will be identified, may be tracked down and deported, and would likely be denied visas if they attempted to return to the United States in the future. It will also be possible to create identifiable patterns among overstays, and to develop risk scores for overstaying, much as can be done for security. Instead of relying purely on the intuition of consular officers, there will be real data available to assess the likelihood that a visa applicant will overstay. The Obama administration should supplement these new overstay tracking capabilities with a simple notification procedure. All visa holders should be required to maintain a working email address, and would receive notification of a pending visa expiration that warns of the serious consequences of overstaying. Such proactive contact with visa holders would further reduce violations. Once automated security screening and an effective system for tracking overstays are in place, Congress should lift the current mandatory interview requirement. Consular interviews should be reserved for those who fit known patterns for overstaying or raise security concerns. Expanding the Visa Waiver Program As patterns of security and immigration risk are better identified, the Obama administration should expand the Visa Waiver Program (VWP), which permits visa-free travel to the United States. The government has already created a screening system—known as the Electronic System of Travel Authorization (ESTA)—to vet travelers from VWP countries, mostly in Europe. While the visa requirement is helpful in countries where visa travelers are more likely to overstay, for security screening the visa system offers no advantages over the much faster ESTA. Individuals are checked against the same intelligence information, and potential threats are similarly identified. Indeed, when new countries are added to the VWP, security is enhanced because these governments must then share security and criminal intelligence information with the United States. And the U.S. government retains absolute discretion to deny ESTA permission to any traveler and require a visa instead. Expanding visa-free travel to countries where the risks of visa overstays are low would further reduce the load on the overburdened visa system, improving both security and efficiency. The major hold-up on VWP expansion has been legislation requiring the government to first implement a biometric exit system, analogous to the U.S. Visitor and Immigrant Status Indicator Technology (US-VISIT) entry system. While the new biographic exit capability developed by the Obama administration does not fully meet the biometric standard, it does provide accurate information on the vast majority of overstays, and it should be accepted by Congress as adequate to resume expansion of the VWP. Conclusion These three elements—a fully automated security screening system, accurate tracking of overstays, and expansion of the VWP—would largely solve the visa delay problems that have been so costly for the United States over the past decade, and would do so in a way that enhances security. The Obama administration and Congress should move quickly to implement a system that responds to the genuine economic and security challenges of twenty-first–century travel.
  • Homeland Security
    Civilian Power for Security in the 21st Century
    Play
    Please join Maria Otero to discuss progress made on implementing recommendations outlined in the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review toward advancing American "civilian power." **For information on the relative urgency and importance of competing conflict prevention demands, please see the 2012 Preventive Priorities Survey from CFR's Center for Preventive Action.**
  • Homeland Security
    Civilian Power for Security in the 21st Century
    Play
    Maria Otero discusses progress made on implementing recommendations outlined in the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review toward advancing American "civilian power."
  • Homeland Security
    The Al-Qaeda Factor: Assessing Al-Qaeda's Role in Attacks on the U.S. Homeland
    Podcast
    This session was a meeting of the Civil Society, Democracy, and Countering Radicalism Roundtable.
  • United States
    International Security Partnerships and Our Shared Responsibility: A Conversation with Janet Napolitano
    Play
    Upon her return from the G6+1 meeting of interior ministers in Paris, as well as visits with counterparts in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, please join U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano for a discussion about the Department of Homeland Security's work with international partners to strengthen global travel and trade networks, secure cyberspace, and address shared threats.
  • United States
    International Security Partnerships and Our Shared Responsibility: A Conversation with Janet Napolitano
    Play
    U.S. secretary of homeland security Janet Napolitano discusses the Department of Homeland Security's work with international partners to strengthen global travel and trade networks, while addressing shared threats.
  • Terrorism and Counterterrorism
    Threat of Homegrown Islamist Terrorism
    An increase in terror incidents involving Islamic radicals who are U.S. citizens is vexing law enforcement officials and posing new questions about the roots of their radicalization.
  • United States
    A Conversation with Philip Zelikow
    Play
    Philip Zelikow, former executive director of the 9/11 Commission Report, presses the need to hold trials for the 9/11 conspirators and explores the findings of the report. This session was part of a CFR symposium, 9/11: Ten Years Later, which was made possible by the generous support of Shelby Cullom and Kathryn W. Davis.