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Macro and Markets

Kahn analyzes economic policies for an integrated world.

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Headquarters of Sberbank, one of the Russian institutions under U.S. sanctions
Headquarters of Sberbank, one of the Russian institutions under U.S. sanctions REUTERS/Sergei Karpukhin

Have Sanctions Become the Swiss Army Knife of U.S. Foreign Policy?

The Congress takes an important, positive step to reinforce Russian sanctions, but are we at risk of overusing the sanctions tool?

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Budget, Debt, and Deficits
The Fiscal Cliff: What Is Success?
There seems to be more optimism that a deal can be reached before end year on the back of Obama-Boehner direct talks.  But views of what constitutes “success” vary widely, and notably how DC and NY look at the question seems quite a bit different. In sum: Market expectations seem centered around outcomes that kick-the-can through 2013 and produce modest deficit reduction; a full cliff dive or a true grand bargain are seen as unlikely and if either were to occur would lead to a substantial repricing of assets. Proposals that involve short-term fixes and leave major elements of the cliff for debate next year are likely to be perceived less favorably by markets than in DC, and this represents a downside risk perhaps under-appreciated by policymakers. The debt limit matters a lot to markets, and therefore is rightly part of the policy debate. State of play on the options The outline of a potential compromise seems to be taking shape:  about $1 trillion (or a bit more) in new revenue through some combination of tax rate increases (e.g., income, estate, cap. gains and dividend) and limits of deductions, a comparable amount of spending cuts including entitlement reforms (and a generous counting of previously agreed measures), deferral of the sequester in the 2013 fiscal year, an AMT patch, and a fix to Medicare payments to providers (“Doc fix”).  If coupled with a debt limit extension, this seems as good as can be hoped for before end year.  If the payroll tax cut and extended unemployment insurance (UI) benefits are allowed to lapse, this would produce about 1- 1½ percentage points of fiscal drag and a ¾-1 percent direct effect on GDP--meaningful adjustment but far less scary than a full cliff dive. Reaching such a deal by end year may still be a less-than-50/50 proposition, and likely would leave important details to be worked out in 2013.  This isn’t a Grand Bargain on the Simpson-Bowles model.  But if achieved, it looks to be somewhat better than what is currently priced into markets, suggesting that improved confidence and risk appetite should provide a partial offset to the projected drag. Should efforts at this deal fail, there is talk (primarily on the Republican side) of an interim arrangement that extends the AMT and middle class tax cuts, but lets the other provisions expire, to be fought over again in the run-up to the debt limit at end February/early March.  Chris Krueger at Guggenheim Securities, who has done a great job of following the cliff from the start, calls this his “break glass” scenario.   Other proposals offer small “down payments” and general targets to achieve in 2013.  How much fiscal drag these approaches cause depends on the ultimate deal. But failure to do better, lack of credibility that policymakers will deliver at the second stage, and continued uncertainty and concern about another debt limit showdown is likely to weigh materially on markets. Finally, if we go off the cliff and stay there, it would result in additional fiscal drag of around 4 percent of GDP next year, which would almost certainly produce several quarters of negative growth in the US and bring global growth near the 2.5 percent level that we usually think of a signaling a global recession.  Further, as the IMF has highlighted in the European context, austerity in the current environment of slow growth and substantial slack can have out-sized effects, tilting the risks to the downside. Measuring success What constitutes success in these negotiations?  Is it simply that it gets us past December 31st with less disruption than going fully off the cliff?  That it deals with the debt limit and thereby resolves uncertainty for 2013? Or is it whether it makes a material step towards a sounder long-term fiscal position, the most important challenge that we face? My sense is that DC and NY agree on the danger of fully going off the cliff, and share skepticism that a grand bargain can be achieved by end year.  Informal surveys of investors suggest a majority expect a stop-gap/kick-the-can measure, with only small percentages expecting either a comprehensive deal by year end or a complete fall off the fiscal cliff.  This raises two concerns.  First, that markets are underestimating the risk of going off the cliff, either permanently or temporarily with agreement only at the debt limit around the end of February.  Second, that for many market participants, the middle ground option of a stop-gap measure involves addressing most elements of the cliff for a period of time (perhaps one year) and dealing with the debt limit.  Yet, short of the compromise deal discussed above, many scenarios provide less breathing space and substantial uncertainty in the first quarter of 2013.  From this perspective, markets may be pricing more “success” than is reasonable given where we are today.  
International Organizations
Is the IMF Changing Tune on Capital Controls?
The IMF’s statement today on capital controls (here and here) on the surface would seem to be a substantial shift towards a more accommodating position on their use, and is drawing attention. Over the last two years, Fund staff has put out a number of good papers (from 2010, 2011, and 2012) on the issue. My take away from that work is that controls can make sense, but only in those cases where other policies don’t work or need time to become effective. Consider the following scenario. If a country’s currency is overvalued, then the Fund would understand that the capital inflows take the exchange rate in the wrong direction. If it already has adequate reserves, coping with inflows by building reserves further may seem wasteful.  Also, capital inflows may worsen problems of overheating when there isn’t scope for fiscal tightening to relieve the pressure. When these conditions hold, capital controls may be the only answer.  Similarly, for a country facing a capital surge while liberalizing the financial sector, temporary controls buy breathing space for policies to take effect and for the prudential framework to be strengthened.  What it shouldn’t be is an excuse to preserve an undervalued exchange rate, or to defer adjustment of a weak external position. Thinking back to my time on the Fund staff more than a decade ago, I don’t think the advice was really much different then.  Yes, the Fund’s public statements were strongly anti-capital controls and highlighted the damage that controls could cause.  However, in discussions with countries there was always recognition that, while a liberalized capital account was a medium-term goal, timing and sequencing were important.  And certainly many countries in good standing with the Fund have had controls. So what is new today? For the first time, the IMF Board has endorsed this framework and made it an official position.  Compared to past statements, the presumption that full liberalization is always the right long-term goal has been abandoned, and there is now a greater recognition of the risks to financial stability from boom and busts in capital flows.  It is also a more positive assessment of the experience with controls, which makes sense given the success of some countries using controls in the recent crisis.  Perhaps the Fund will now feel more comfortable suggesting controls and living with them where they exist, but whether that will matter depends on how the principles are applied, so we will have to wait and see. My concern with the Fund announcement today is that it seems designed to signal a broad comfort with controls beyond what the analysis supports.  Having opened the door, the Fund shouldn’t be surprised if the countries that walk through it are not the ones with the strongest case.  For countries inclined to protect against flows, their exchange rate will always feel overvalued, reserves always inadequate, their fiscal and regulatory polices top notch, if just given enough time. Certainly I understand the desire of the Fund to take a “comprehensive, flexible, and balanced” approach.  If a more nuanced view allows the Fund to be more engaged with countries, that can be a good thing as well.   That said, given the importance of the Fund in signaling and endorsing policies and establishing the rules of the road, there is a risk with this new approach.
Economics
The U.S. Economic Recovery in Historical Context
My colleague Dinah Walker has just published charts comparing the US recovery to its predecessors, which have been updated to include today’s revised third quarter data. Two points: 1. The current recovery is the weakest of the post-war period.  That’s true even if you treat the 1980-84 double-dip recession and recovery as a single episode, as we do here.  That recovery had been the weakest previously. 2. A convincing case can be made that the slowdown in business investment in the third quarter reflects growing concerns about the fiscal cliff.  At the same time, it is striking that we have seen so little of a fiscal cliff effect on consumer confidence and spending.  The catch-up by consumers, if we go off the cliff, could be swift.
  • Europe
    Greece Gets Its Deal
    We finally have a financing deal for Greece.
  • Europe
    A Paris Club for Europe: Time to Deal With the Debt Overhang
    The current debate over how to finance Greece has again put the spotlight on the unsustainable buildup of sovereign debt in the periphery and led to calls for a comprehensive strategy for official sector involvement (OSI).   Until now, creditor countries have resisted OSI, establishing “red lines” that lead them to ad hoc and temporary efforts to reduce debt levels and fill financing gaps. These efforts buy time, but don’t address fundamental concerns about debt sustainability, build market confidence, or maintain public support for painful austerity.  Resolving the European crisis will require concrete measures to deal with the large and growing European sovereign debt overhang, sooner rather than later. Fortunately, we have a model for dealing with a debt overhang that has worked well--the “Paris Club”, the informal group of official creditors that since 1956 has met to deal with payment problems of emerging market debtor countries.  For countries in crisis, the Paris Club provides rescheduling of sovereign debt owed to official creditors for either a defined period (a flow rescheduling) or a set date (a stock approach). While the Club’s operations, geared as they are to low and middle-income countries under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs, will on the surface seem ill-designed for large, complex industrial economies of Europe, I would argue that the Paris Club has three principles that should be central to the European approach. First, it has a set of rules for the terms of restructuring based on the countries’ income and debt level that is known in advance.  These rules are named for the city where they were agreed–-Houston, Naples, Cologne--though in practice the scale of debt relief will depend on a case-by-case assessment of the financing need of their program. Second, Paris Club restructurings are conditional on a proven record of performance under an IMF program.   In the European context, there is an unfortunate but real stigma associated with IMF programs and conditionality, but nonetheless making relief conditional on performance (in this case under an EU program) is essential to address legitimate moral hazard concerns. The third key principle is seniority for new lending and for trade finance.  The Paris Club sets a “cutoff date” and the restructuring, as well as any future restructuring, will apply only to debt originally contracted before that date.  This means that new lending is, in practice, senior to old debt, which is critical to creating an environment for capital to return to the country. If such a framework were in place in Greece, the IMF would not be in the unenviable position of approving a review that so clearly fails its financing assurance and debt sustainability tests, and the troika would not be deadlocked over OSI. European leaders understandably are concerned about the costs of setting precedents when dealing with the crisis of the moment, as well as associating with a crisis management approach known for low-income emerging markets.  But the costs of inaction are growing too large.  Europe needs a Paris Club for European debt.  Call it a consultative group if needed; hold it in Berlin, Amsterdam or Brussels (though it would be a shame not to take advantage of the French existing expertise and infrastructure).  But the sooner these rules are established, the sooner we can see a return to voluntary capital flows.