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Development Channel

The Development Channel highlights big debates, promising approaches, and new research and thinkers addressing opportunity and exclusion in the global economy.

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Mossack Fonseca law firm sign is pictured in Panama City, April 4, 2016.
Mossack Fonseca law firm sign is pictured in Panama City, April 4, 2016. Carlos Jasso/Reuters

Corruption Brief Series: How Anonymous Shell Companies Finance Insurgents, Criminals, and Dictators

The latest paper in the Corruption Brief series from the Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy program at the Council on Foreign Relations was published this month. In the brief, Dr. Jodi Vittori, senior policy advisor at Global Witness, addresses the myriad problems posed by anonymous shell companies – corporate entities with few or no employees and no substantive business, which offer a convenient way to privately move money through the international financial system.

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Wars and Conflict
Police Corruption: A Threat to Afghan Stability, a Threat to Afghan Women
This week, the New York Times reported that 32 officers of the Afghan National Police (ANP) in the Kunduz province are under suspicion in an ongoing investigation for corruption and ties to the Taliban. The report details harrowing crimes committed by police in Kunduz, including the kidnapping of children and rape of the citizens they are meant to protect. These allegations of police corruption and alliances with Taliban bear out concerns—highlighted in my working paper—about the ability of the Afghan police forces to maintain safety with the U.S. drawdown and the implications of the security transition for Afghan women and girls specifically. The time has come for Afghanistan to develop the capacity to provide security for themselves. An extended U.S. military presence would only hamper Afghanistan’s journey toward self-sufficiency in the security sector. Yet the question remains: without active and direct U.S. involvement in Afghanistan’s security, are the ANP and other Afghan security actors up to the task of maintaining a safe and stable public sphere? Security in the public space is particularly critical for women and girls. During the Taliban’s rule in Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, women and girls were barred and intimidated from participating in many sectors of society. Since the fall of the Taliban, Afghan women and girls have made huge gains in education, employment, and political participation. Yet in order for continued strides in gender equality, stability and security on the ground is vital. Maintaining a safe public space for all Afghan citizens—and ensuring women and girls have the space to grow—requires a competent and professional civilian police force. Weeding out corruption in the ANP is a start, but there is more that the Afghan government can do to improve its police force. By professionalizing the police force, properly testing and vetting police leadership, and providing officers adequate pay and benefits, future officers will be less susceptible to corruption. Furthermore, the government should work to broaden the inclusion of female officers in the police force—of the ANP’s over 150,000 staff, just over 1,500 are women—and police training programs should focus on respect for human rights, including women’s rights. Building a professional police force with the ability to protect the public space is important not only for women and girls, but for Afghanistan as a whole. And the positive effects of stability in Afghanistan do not stop at the border. More broadly, Afghan security, stability, and prosperity are necessary for counterterrorism and security efforts in the region and, ultimately, U.S. national security interests.
Asia
The Root of India’s Domestic Violence and Son Preference
Emerging Voices features contributions from scholars and practitioners highlighting new research, thinking, and approaches to development challenges. This article is by Hannah Chartoff, a research associate at the Council on Foreign Relations. An Uber driver in Delhi, India, currently stands trial for the rape of a female passenger. Unfortunately, such attacks are not uncommon in India; a gang rape of a Delhi student on a bus two years ago garnered media attention in India and across the world. India’s rate of violence against women, particularly intimate partner violence, is one of the world’s highest. In a recent survey conducted by the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), more than 50 percent of women reported experiencing violence during their lifetime, and 60 percent of men reported perpetrating intimate partner violence against their wives. ICRW and UNFPA also noted that prejudice and violence against women in India can start even before birth, as a preference for sons encourages some women to undergo sex selective abortions. Indeed, the current birth rate in India is 1.12 boys for every girl, a clear deviation from the normal biological rate of 1.04 to 1.06. The report by ICRW and UNFPA found that intimate partner violence (IPV) and son preference are connected to the cultural belief—held by some Indian men and women—that men must act as financial providers for their families. This definition of gender roles influences parents’ preference for sons over daughters, reinforcing the cultural view that only sons are able to provide income for their families and encouraging parents to devalue their daughters, in some cases undergoing abortion rather than taking on the burden of a girl child. Furthermore, this rigid understanding of masculinity can place stress on men who may feel they are unable to provide, with dire consequences for their wives. Indeed, the report notes that instances of IPV were significantly higher when men had experienced economic stress. Forty percent of men surveyed who had faced economic stress reported perpetrating violence in the preceding year, as opposed to 27 percent of men who had not faced economic stress. Furthermore, rates of IPV were inversely related to wealth and age, meaning that poorer, younger men—who are also more likely to feel the burden of establishing themselves financially—are more likely to perpetrate violence against their wives. The concept that men and only men can be economic providers for their families and the manifestations of this belief—intimate partner violence and son preference—may be combatted through education. For example, son preference is statistically related to education: in the report’s sample, 46 percent of men with no education expressed a high preference for sons, compared with 38 percent of men with some secondary education and 27 percent of men who had graduated or received higher education. Education has the power to target the problem at its root: the notion that men are the sole providers for families. India can work to change this understanding of masculinity through gender-equality programming that targets both boys and girls. By developing a curriculum that breaks down traditional gender roles, with potential help from the United States, India can tackle the ideas underlying much of the violence against women. Despite increased attention to violence against women since the December 2012 bus attack, change has been slow in India. Ending violence against women and altering the preference for sons as well as empowering Indian women in the economic and social spheres requires an evolution of cultural notions of masculinity in India. Such a shift in norms can only be accomplished by educating both boys and girls.
Middle East and North Africa
Women’s Rights in Saudi Arabia After King Abdullah
The death of Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz raises important questions about the future of the kingdom, including issues that have ripple effects around the world such as regional relations, counterterrorism strategy, and international oil pricing. With the transition of power to King Salman, another question emerges: what does the future hold for Saudi women’s rights? Though commentators have been quick to criticize the late Saudi king’s human rights record—and rightly so—King Abdullah did succeed in making modest advances toward women’s rights.  In his first television interview after becoming king in 2005, Abdullah told Barbara Walters, “I believe strongly in the rights of women ... my mother is a woman, my sister is a woman, my daughter is a woman, my wife is a woman.” And while he did not succeed in lifting the ban on women driving in Saudi Arabia, he made other significant gender equality reforms, including allowing women to work as supermarket cashiers and appointing a woman as a deputy minister. Even bigger, King Abdullah worked to incorporate women into Saudi politics; in September 2011, he signed a royal decree granting women the right to vote and run in the next municipal election, and in January 2013, he appointed thirty women to the 150-member Shura Council. Although the first municipal election since 2011—and thus, the first in which women will be able to participate—is scheduled for later this year, the new King Salman is unlikely to deviate from the trajectory established by Abdullah. Experts have noted that “the House of Saud values family collegiality and harmony highly,” so policy continuity during this transition can be expected. Saudi women themselves have pushed for greater rights, including the right to drive. In fact, Saudi women established an annual day of protest against the driving ban—October 26—for women across the country to get behind the wheel. Women’s mobility is essential to realizing their autonomy and economic independence. Perhaps broader participation of women in Saudi society can be a harbinger for greater democracy and participation throughout the kingdom.
  • Americas
    Leveraging Tech Innovations in Development
    Over the past decade, technology has begun to revolutionize industries ranging from education and healthcare to financial services and commerce. These transformations are not limited to the developed world – in emerging economies rapid mobile technology proliferation and internet penetration have had profound and unforeseen effects, including expanding financial inclusion through mobile banking services and facilitating employment through online and mobile job platforms. These changes are just the start. Technology can be a powerful tool for neutralizing many of the challenges to emerging countries’ efforts to alleviate poverty, improve quality of life, and expand economic opportunities. Infrastructure failings, including poor road networks, inadequate power grids, and limited internet connectivity, often leave vulnerable communities outside major cities isolated. Low state capacity and finite state resources undermine efforts to administer social programs or deliver basic public services. Even identifying target populations can be difficult, as many never receive a birth certificate, a government ID, or other sort of official recognition. It is here where some organizations and public institutions are leveraging technology. One such example, written about extensively by my former colleague Isobel Coleman, is GiveDirectly, a philanthropic organization that leverages satellite imagery and mobile payment systems to identify poor beneficiaries in Kenya and Uganda and to send them cash transfers digitally. Last week, I hosted a CFR meeting on harnessing technology in the service of development with Michael Faye, GiveDirectly cofounder, and Tariq Malik, former chairman of the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) in Pakistan and a leading expert on applying technology to development issues. Faye discussed his new company Segovia Technology, which designs engineering platforms to address last-mile challenges of delivering services and goods to citizens in developing countries. With global spending on social cash transfers to unbanked populations totaling a half trillion every year, a World Economic Forum report estimates leakage rates for these programs range from 5 to 25 percent. This translates into $25 to $150 billion in benefits lost due to misidentification, misdirection, or fraud. The same report estimates that migrating government payments, including cash transfers, onto a digital platform could save as much as $46 billion per year. Malik’s experience with NADRA in Pakistan speaks to the broader promise of integrating technology into government. NADRA’s biometrically enabled identification systems, widely issued smart identification cards, and direct payment systems have helped the Pakistani government improve its social programs. The state successfully used NADRA technology to administer disaster relief to 20 million citizens after a devastating flood in 2010 and to enroll poor women in a national financial assistance scheme. NADRA’s digital system has provided powerful tools for exposing fraud and corruption, and enabling greater accountability, better ensuring that target beneficiaries in Pakistan receive their social aid intact. Still the benefits – in terms of efficiency and transparency – create potential adversaries in those that gain from opacity and leakages. Both speakers alluded to these potential challenges to the transformative use of technologies employed by NADRA and Segovia. Malik and Faye’s work digitizing social programs are examples of creating sophisticated solutions to development challenges, and reflect the broad opportunities for governments, nonprofits, and donor agencies to think outside the usual development toolbox to make progress on poverty alleviation, inclusive growth, and greater economic prosperity.
  • Wars and Conflict
    John Kerry and Pakistani Counterparts Must Look Beyond a Narrow Terror Framework
    As Pakistan continues to reel from December’s horrific school attack, its government has initiated a crackdown on terror across the nation and instituted new security measures at schools. Last week, the Army Public School in Peshawar—site of the massacre that left over 150 dead—was reopened to students. Secretary of State John Kerry’s Pakistan visit happened to coincide with the school’s reopening. Yet Kerry’s visit was mainly geared toward reinforcing U.S. support for counterterrorism operations in Pakistan. While Kerry’s visit to Pakistan and support of the U.S.-Pakistan Strategic Dialogue are laudable, critics have called for stronger rhetoric on Pakistani human rights. Many of the government’s actions—including, for example, the reinstitution of the death penalty and the use of military trials for terrorist suspects—have drawn criticism from international human rights organizations. Yet there is another equally troubling facet of Pakistan’s policy response to the December 16 attack: the fact that schools that do not meet the onerous new school security requirements—which include barbed wire, security guards, and surveillance cameras—were not permitted to reopen. According to the New York Times, only 118 of the 1,380 private schools in Peshawar met the new guidelines, and police in Islamabad prevented some schools from reopening last week. Security of students and teachers is, of course, critical. But the closing of schools should only be a temporary measure in Pakistan. Keeping children out of school can have debilitating effects on the country’s economy, stability, and security in the long term. Children without access to education are more likely to face limited economic opportunities in the future, and lack of economic opportunity is a primary factor in environments that foster extremism. Yet it is natural for parents to fear for their children at school in the wake of December 16, and Pakistan should address those fears more quickly to ensure that children can return to school safely. If such safety standards are not met, parents may see keeping their children—especially girls—out of school as the only way to protect them. Pakistan, the United States, and Pakistan’s other allies might consider the steps Afghanistan has taken to protect students as a model for Pakistan’s future. In the summer of 2010, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a resolution addressing the attacks on Afghan school children and calling on other countries to support Afghanistan in combatting these attacks. Then-Afghan President Hamid Karzai introduced a steering committee, consisting of representatives from across Afghanistan’s ministries, to coordinate the government’s response to attacks on children. John Kerry and his Pakistani counterparts announced the launch of a new working group for the Strategic Dialogue: a working group on education, science, and technology. This creates an opening for the United States to offer more robust support for Pakistan’s efforts to improve security at schools, while not sacrificing access to these schools. It is understandable that parents and governments want to care for their children and prevent any such terrorist attack from ever happening again. Yet keeping schools closed is not the answer. By mobilizing resources from across government ministries, Pakistan should work to bring schools up to the appropriate security standards swiftly, thus returning children to school and ensuring a future of prosperity, stability, and opportunities for children to reach for their dreams and fullest potential.